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THE 



GLORY OF AMERICA; 



comprising 



MEMOIRS 



OF THE 









LIVES AND GLORIOUS EXPLOITS 



OF SOME OF THE 



DISTINGUISHED OFFICERS 



ENGAGED IN THE 



LATE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 



AMONG WHICH ARE 

Andrew Jackson, Richard Mentor Johnson, Stephen Decatur, David Porter, Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 
Leonard Covington, John Chryslie, William Henry Allen, John Cushing Aylwin, William Burrows, Jamei 
Lawrence, William Bainbridge, Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, Thomas Macdonougli, Wm. Carroll, Jacob Brown, 
John Rogers, James Biddle, Winfield Scott, Lewis Warrington, George Croghan, Henry H. Dearborn, 
Alexander Macomb, Oliver Hazard Perry, Jacob Jones, Isaac Hull, Joseph Warren, Richard Montgomery, 
Daniel Morgan, John Barry, John Manly, Baron De Kalb, William Heath. Ar.Uiony Wayne, Chvle* Lee, 
Nathaniel Green, Nicholas Biddle, Thomas Truxton, Hugh Mercer. 



EMBELLISHED WITH PLATES FROM ORIGINAL DESIGNS. 



BY R. THOMAS, A. M. 

NEW YORK : 
PUBLISHED BY EZRA STRONG. 

1834. 



353 



Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1833, by Eira Strong, 
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New 
York. 



PREFACE. 



If, among readers, as some very shrewdly imagine, the 
greater part would willingly dispense with a preface, the 
fact is certain, that whatever may be their wishes, or, 
mayhap, their caprices, few authors or editors are willing 
to dispense with this preliminary to a book. My own plea 
— if plea be required — is necessity, a necessity growing 
out of the circumstances under which the work was per- 
formed ; the writing of which is more for the edification 
of the reader, than to please the fancy of the editor. 

Few, if any, who are not experimentally taught the 
lesson, have any adequate conception of the difficulties 
under which an editor labours, in compiling a work con- 
sisting of biographical sketches of various individuals, 
residing, or acting, in different sections of an extensive 
country, with few of whom he can be personally acquaint- 
ed. If every Johnson has not a Boswell, neither has 
every Washington a Marshall and a Weems, nor every 
revolution a Thacher. But still biographers must toil, 
and the public will read ; and till writers shall be endued 
with the power of ubiquity, and the gift of annihilating 
both time and space, errors will unavoidably occur in 
their works ; the captious will cavil ; and the ill natured, 
who perhaps can hardly pen a sentence of good English, 
will be furnished with abundant matter on which to vent 
their harmless venom. 

In preparing the following pages for publication, three 
point* have been constantly in view : 1st. To obtain all 



4 PREFACE. 

the information relative to the different subjects, which 
was within reach ; to compare and digest which has cost 
much labour and care. 2dly, To search for truth; — 
and, 3dly, To choose the best language in which to con- 
vey the information thus obtained. 

The materials are principally gathered from the cur- 
rent publications of the day, which are sometimes too 
loosely written — at others, penned with evident partiality 
or prejudice, and occasionally so embellished with" altilo- 
quence, or garnished with superlatives, as to appear rather 
as the work of an exuberant imagination, than like a re- 
lation of substantial and indisputable facts. Amidst these 
\ r arious difficulties, more than human ken is requisite to 
guide the inquiring mind to the fount of truth. If, on 
this, or any other point, mistakes shall be discovered, the 
editor claims the meed furnished by the poet — 

" Who does the best his circumstance allows, 
Does well, acts nobly ; angels could no more." 

In the present enlightened age, perhaps an error in the 
use of language will be the least likely to escape censure 
— albeit, the most classical scholars often use the very 
rudiments of literature with the carelessness of sciolists. 
To these censures, should they pass on this work, the 
editor will certainly not plead ignorance. Confident of 
possessing the power to write correctly, and to thread the 
sense of the worst penned paragraphs — if sense they con- 
tain — in case of failure on this point, he will plead guilty. 
But, if the re-construction of whole paragraphs, which 
were too ill-constructed for emendation, and numerous 
marginal corrections, are any proof of good intention, and 
industry, the reasons for fault-finding on this score, will 
be " few and far between," 



tfi i 



PREFAt K, 5 

One error relative to the facts as stated in the account 
of the capture of the President, has escaped in the pro- 
gress of the work, which is here corrected. The Peacock 
and Hornet did not accompany the President, though 
their appointed rendezvous was at the same place. Other 
similar mistakes may probably have occurred, the impor- 
tance of which, even if they should be detected, is of little 
consequence to the reader. A knowledge of the principal 
facts is all which the nature of the case requires. On a 
trial before a court martial, the case would assume a dif- 
ferent aspect. 

Perhaps a better opportunity will not offer to remark 
on the general tendency of the martial spirit engendered 
by a state of warfare. We have seen its effects so far as 
"affairs of honour" are concerned. That duels which 
occur in the service are mostly the offspring of an over- 
weening pride — jealousy of compeers in the race of glory 
— is equally obvious, as that the desire of distinction, per- 
haps, makes as many heroes as the love of country. So 
far as this principle animates to mortal combat, in so far 
does it detract from the merit supposed to actuate those 
who dare the "cannon's mouth" in defence of their 
country. That the power over life and limb, which is, 
perhaps unavoidably, connected with naval and military 
command, tends to sow the seeds of despotism — that those 
who find themselves invested with this power, often for- 
get right — we have all seen, and thousands have felt it 
as a curse. That the compulsion to submit to that disci- 
pline which sinks the citizen into the mere soldier, is un- 
friendly to the development of the mental energies, and 
fatal to that self-respect which is uniformly accompanied 
by the higher virtues, is obvious at the first blush. To 
say nothing of the other " thousand ills" of which war is 



6 PREFACE. 

the cause, are not these considerations sufficient to call 
into action all the resources of human genius, all the 
better principles of humane and intelligent beings, for its 
extinction 1 

Little appropriate as some of these remarks may seem 
to be for an introduction to tales of blood-stained weapons, 
and ensanguined fields, they may not, perhaps, be the 
less pertinent and useful. Inquiry on every topic connect- 
ed with man's happiness and interests is travelling with 
accelerated velocity, "the schoolmaster is" emphatically 
" abroad," and man seems lately to have arisen from the 
torpor of ages, the mental charnel house, to a new and 
hitherto unknown state of intellectual activity. May we. 
not hope that the prophecy shall yet be literally fulfilled, 
that nation shall not rise against nation, nor ever more 
practise the art of human butchery I 



THE 



GLORY OF AMERICA 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



In whatever sphere of life a man lias become con- 
spicuous, whether in the department of literature, of art, 
or of science — whether he shines in the cabinet, or in the 
field — the curiosity natural to our species -is excited, to in- 
quire into his origin, and the circumstances connected 
with his juvenile years. This desire is laudable — it 
ought to be gratified; — but more particularly so when the 
subject of biography has arisen from apparent obscurity; 
nay, from a state of orphanage, to the highest honours 
which freemen can bestow. We have said this pro- 
pensity is natural and laudable, and so far as information 
is within our power, it shall be gratified. 

The father of the subject of the present memoir emi- 
grated from Ireland, with his wife and two elder sons, 
in the year 1765. He settled in South Carolina, about 
forty-five miles from Camden, where Andrew was born, 
March 15, 1767. While yet a child, his father died, in 
consequence of which his two elder brothers received 
merely a common school education, because of their small 
patrimony: the youngest, Andrew, was placed at an aca- 
demy at the Waxsaw meeting-house, under the care of a 
Mr. Humphries, where he received the rudiments of a 
liberal education, his mother designing him for the minis- 
terial office. The revolution, which ended in the eman- 
cipation of his countiy from British thraldom, having 



8 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

begun, his studies were interrupted by the ravages of a 
ruthless enemy, who made an incursion into that quarter 
of his native state. Consequently, with his brother Robert, 
by his mother's permission, he joined the American army 
at fourteen years of age. His eldest brother had pre- 
viously pursued the same course, and died of heat and 
fatisnie at the battle of Stono. 

The superiority of the British, in numbers and disci- 
pline, caused the Americans to retire into North Carolina, 
from which they returned to South Carolina in small 
parties, after they had learned that the British, under 
Cornwallis, had crossed the Yadkin. Lord Rawdon was 
then in possession of Camden, and had desolated the sur- 
rounding country. 

In the attack upon the Waxsaw settlers after their re- 
turn, a party of the British, under a Major Coffin, captured 
\he two young Jacksons. While prisoners, both were 
severely wounded with swords by two British officers, for 
refusing to perform menial services required of them. 
The wound of Andrew was- in his left hand, that of his 
brother on his head, which terminated his existence 
shortly after their exchange, which took place a few days 
before the memorable battle of Camden. Worn down 
with grief and affliction, his mother expired shortly after, 
near Charleston, leaving Andrew an unprotected orphan, 
then confined to a bed of sickness, which had nearly closed 
his sorrows and his life. 

After his recovery, he did not again join the army, but 
expended without restraint a part of his patrimony before 
reflection had warned him of the consequences. Finding, 
however, that his exertions alone were to waft him through 
the tumultuous sea of life, he returned to his studies at New 
Acquisition, near Hill's iron works, under a Mr. M'Culloch. 
Here he completed his academic course as far as the 
place in which he lived, and his limited means, would 
permit. Having relinquished all thoughts of the clerical 
profession, in 1784, at the age of eighteen, he repaired to 
Salisbury, North Carolina, and studied law under Spruce 
M'Kay, Esq., and afterwards under Colonel John Stokes. 
In the winter of 1786, he was licensed to plead at the bar, 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. J 

knd remained at Salisbury until 1788, when he accom- 
panied Judge M : Nairv to the state of Tennessee. Although 
it was his intention to return, he was so well pleased with 
the place, that he determined to make Nashville his future 
residence. Here the road to preferment was open and 
plain, and his industry and application to business, soon 
paved the way for his future elevation. He was several 
years attorney for the district wherein he resided. The 
frontiers of Tennessee were much indebted to his energy 
and patriotism for defence against the remorseless depre- 
dations of the savages. When that section of the United 
States was about to be admitted a separate member of 
the federative body, in 1796, he was chosen a member of 
the Convention for the formation of the State Consti- 
tution. The same year he was elected one of the Re- 
presentatives in Congress from Tennessee, and in the 
following year the Legislature of that state appointed him 
one of its members in the Senate of the United States. 
This situation he resigned in 1799. He succeeded Major- 
General Conway in "the command of the militia of thai 
state, which formed but one division. He retained his 
commission of Major-General of militia, until May, 1814,. 
when he was appointed to the same rank in the army of 
the United States. Immediately after he resigned his seat 
in the Senate of the United States, he was appointed to a 
seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of the state of 
Tennessee. This he likewise held but a short time, and 
retired to a handsome farm about ten miles from Nash- 
ville, on Cumberland river. 

The clouds which had hovered over the political hori- 
zon of America for some years, at last burst furiously into 
a tornado, and war was declared by the American Go- 
vernment against Great Britain, on the 18th of June, 1812,. 
in order to avenge itself of the manifold injuries heaped! 
upon its citizens from a spirit of commercial jealousy by 
the British crown, during its long and unjustifiable con- 
test with France. His military talents unfolded themselves 
in the various occasions he had to inflict chastisement on 
the tawny sons of the forest for disturbing the repose of 
the frontier settlements. 



10 8LORY OF AMERICA. 

Congress having passed two laws in the year 1812, 
authorizing the President of the United States to accept 
the services of fifty thousand volunteers, General Jackson 
addressed the militia of his division on the subject, and 
twenty-five hundred, with himself at their head, tendered 
their services to their country. 

This offer being accepted, in November of the same 
year, he was directed to descend the Mississippi with this 
force, for the defence of the lower country, which ap- 
peared to be menaced. 

The troops accordingly met at Nashville on the 10th of 
December, ready to proceed to the place of destination 
The weather was at that time severe, and the ground 
covered with snow. However, they began to descend the 
Ohio on the 7th of January, and having reached the 
Mississippi, they descended to Natchez, where his orders 
directed him to halt and wait for farther instructions. 
He encamped his troops on a healthy spot, two miles from 
Washington, Mississippi territory. Here he received an 
order from the War Department, dated January 5th, di- 
recting him to dismiss them, in consequence of the 
cessation of the cause which called for their services in 
that quarter, and directing him to deliver to General 
Wilkinson, the United States' commanding officer in that 
section, all the public property in his possession. At this 
time he had one hundred and fifty men on his sick list, 
fifty-six of whom were confined to their beds. This, with 
the low state in which many were placed with regard to 
their finances, and the promise he had made their relations 
to act the father to them, determined him not to obey so im- 
politic and so unjust an order, as that which had emanated 
from the Secretary at War, the author of " the Newburgh 
Letters," so famed as the stickler for " soldiers' rights," of 
which determination he made the War Department duly 
acquainted. 

An attempt was made at this time to enlist men from 
his corps for the regular army, which he totally prohibited, 
determining to carry with him such of the United States' 
property as was necessary for the return of his forces to 
their original place of rendezvous prior to their discharge. 



MEMOIR* OF ANDREW JACKSON. 11 

His resolve to disobey his instructions from the War 
Department respecting the discharge of his men at that 
distance from their homes, he communicated to his field 
officers, whom he had convoked for the purpose ; and not- 
withstanding their assent, three of his Colonels, Martin, 
Allcorn, and Bradley, with some platoon officers, veiled 
with the mantle of night, retired into conclave, the result 
of whose deliberations was, a recommendation to him of an 
immediate discharge of his troops in compliance with his 
orders. This duplicity of conduct he treated with the in- 
dignation he conceived it merited. 

When once taken, his resolution was as unalterable as 
the laws of the Medes and Persians. Notwithstanding the 
remonstrative letter of General Wilkinson, General Jack- 
son ordered the quarter-master to furnish the means neces- 
sary to convey the sick and baggage of his army back to 
Tennessee. Seeming to comply, the quarter-master pro- 
cured eleven wagons, but on the day allotted for the troops 
to commence their return march, he came forward and 
discharged them all, in order to defeat the General's in- 
tention, by which it was judged the regular army might 
procure a multitude of recruits. General Jackson, how- 
ever, seized upon the wagons ere they left his encampment, 
and thus frustrated a design the quarter-master had in 
view ; of which disappointment the latter informed Gene- 
ral Wilkinson by express. 

He arrived with his troops at Nashville, in May follow- 
ing, when he disbanded them according to order, with the 
exception of place and time, and advised the President of 
the United States of the course he had pursued, and his 
reasons therefor. On the march he deprived himself of 
the comforts allotted his rank for the benefit of the sick. 

Their repose was but of short duration. The Creek In- 
dians between the Chatahoochee and Tombigbee rivers 
began to manifest strong symptoms of a hostile conduct 
towards their white neighbours in the United States, and 
this was by no means allayed by the conduct of the North- 
ern tribes, who, at the instigation of Great Britain, were 
preparing to « let slip the dogs of war" on the frontier set- 
tlements of the United States. 



12 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

At this time appeared among the Shawanees, an impos- 
tor, calling himself " the Prophet," who, at the instigation 
of British agents, urged the various tribes to lift the toma- 
hawk, and no longer smoke the calumet of peace. The 
brother of this villain, named Tecumseh, was sent to the 
Southern Indians to excite a like hostile temper. To effect 
these objects every artifice which duplicity and cunning 
could suggest was resorted to, and the success of these 
machinations was evinced in the manifold cruelties exer- 
cised on those whom the fortune of war threw into their 
way. On the decrepitude of old age or the imbecility of 
infancy, alike did the savages display their hellish refine- 
ments in torture and death. At first these intrigues were 
veiled in secrecy ; and the garb of deceit was first thrown 
aside at Fort Minims, on the 30th of August, when the sa 
vages having provided themselves with arms and ammu- 
nition from the Spaniards at Pensacola, slaughtered in the 
most cruel and ferocious manner nearly three hundred 
men, women, and children, who had fled thither for safety, 
seventeen only escaping to bear the doleful tale to the 
United States. 

The news of the massacre at Fort Mimms electrified, as 
it were, the whole state of Tennessee to avenge their mur- 
dered brethren. The Legislature of that state enacted a 
law, authorizing the State Executive to call into actual 
service three thousand five hundred militia, for the purpose 
of carrying devastation and the sword into the heart of the 
Creek country, and appropriated $300,000 for their equip- 
ment and support. The Creeks were divided into two 
parties ; the war party prevailed, and the other looked to 
the United States for protection. The war party had ga- 
thered a formidable body, and were directing their course 
towards the frontiers of Tennessee, when the governor of 
that state issued his order to General Jackson to call out 
immediately two thousand militia, to rendezvous at Fay- 
etteville. Jackson, at this time, was confined in conse- 
quence of a fractured arm received in a duel a short time 
before. t 

Notwithstanding this, he with alacrity obeyed the call. 
Ht ordered Colonel Coffee with his cavalry, five hundred 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 13 

strong, and mounted riflemen, to proceed with all speed to 
Himtsville, in order to "cover the frontier until the infantry 
could come up with them. A part of this latter force was 
composed of the volunteers who had descended the Mis- 
sissippi with Jackson the preceding season. The 4th of 
October was the time appointed ibr their assemblage. 

The General had not sufficiently recovered from his 
wound when the day for assemblage arrived. He conse- 
quently addressed them on the subject of the campaign 
through the medium of his aid, Major Reid. 

His first care was the establishment of strict and whole- 
some regulations in camp, which he caused to be rigidly 
observed. 

The greatest obstacles he encountered in this campaign 
proceeded from the contractor's department, the direction 
of which he was obliged to change more than once. 

The friendly Creeks acted in unison, and served as spies 
in conveying information regarding the situation of the 
war party. The Ten Islands seemed to be their place of 
rendezvous, and to this place was the march of the army 
directed. They had reached almost to the Coosa river, 
and as yet, the East Tennessee troops had not formed a 
junction. On the march, the 28th October, twenty-nine 
prisoners of both sexes, and all ages, were brought into 
camp, from Littafuchee, a town on the head of Canoe 
Creek, which empties into the Coosa, by a detachment of 
two hundred cavalry, under Colonel Dyer, despatched for 
the purpose. Failures of contracts continued to obstruct 
the march of the army. 

In the beginning of November, General Jackson learn- 
ed from some prisoners and negroes, that the enemy were 
posted in force at Tallushatchee, distant about thirteen 
miles, on the south banks of the Coosa. General Coffee, 
with a body of nine hundred men, was sent to dislodge 
them. This service he completely effected, having killed 
one hundred and eighty-six, and taken eighty-four women 
and children prisoners, with the loss of five killed and 
forty-one wounded. His dead being buried, and his 
wounded taken care of, he joined the main army the same 



evening. 



2 



14 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

General Jackson took the necessary steps to create a 
depot at the Ten Islands, on the north side of the Coosa, 
supported by strong picketing- and a chain of block-houses. 
He then designed to descend the Coosa to its confluence 
with the Tallapoosa, near which lie was informed the sa- 
vages were in force. The army exerted their strength in 
hastening the execution of the General's design, and the 
works were dignified with the name of " Fort Strother." 
On the 7th of December, in the evening, he was advised 
of a hostile force collected about thirty miles below, which 
meditated an attack on Talladega, in which the friendly 
Indians were shut, momently expecting an assault. 

Notwithstanding the disappointment he experienced 
from the jealous conduct of General Cocke, who was of 
equal grade with himself, General Jackson moved his 
force judiciously to attack the enemy, in their then position, 
before they attempted an assault upon the friendly Creeks, 
or by a circuitous movement, could steal upon his en- 
campment at Fort Strother. Arrived in the vicinity of 
Talladega, every disposition of force was made to ensure 
victory. The attack began. The savage foe was routed, 
and victory was complete. The enemy numbered one 
thousand and eighty, of whom two hundred and ninety- 
nine were left dead on the field ; many were killed in the 
flight, and few escaped unhurt. Not less than six hun- 
dred were left useless, while the Americans lost but fifteen 
killed and eighty wounded, several of whom afterwards 
died. 

To detail the difficulties General Jackson had to en- 
counter in providing sustenance for his troops, in quelling 
mutinies, resulting from deprivations, and in surmounting 
difficulties, springing from the jealousies of rival officers, 
would too far exceed the limits of this work, which con- 
sequently confines the writer to a brief sketch of the more 
important transactions of his life. It is sufficient to men- 
tion, that the conduct of General Cocke to weave for him- 
self a distinct chaplet for his own brow, was deleterious to 
the public service, and in a great degree marred the ope- 
rations of General Jackson, who, if well seconded by his 
contractor! and 'he troops under the General from East 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 15 

Tennessee, would have inflicted an early castigation, 
greater by far than they experienced at Talladega, and 
have put a speedy termination to the Creek war. Thus 
would many valuable lives have been saved to families 
and to the State, which were immolated on the altar of a 
mean and jealous ambition. Wherever the General met 
the foe, he was triumphant ; — his troops were brave, but 
they were neither just to their own fame nor to their 
country, for whose sake patriotism cried aloud for the 
greatest sacrifices. 

At the battle of Talladega, the Hillabees were the most 
distinguished sufferers, shortly after which they sued for 
peace. General Jackson was disposed to comply with 
their wishes, provided the instigators of the war, the pro- 
perty and prisoners taken from the Americans and friend- 
ly Creeks, and the murderers of the citizens of the United 
States, at Fort Minims, were given up as prisoners. On 
the morning that Jackson's despatch was written to Gene- 
ral Cocke, informing of the proposition of the Hillabees, 
General White, acting under Cocke's orders, had attacked 
a Hillabee town, killed sixty, and made two hundred 
and fifty-six prisoners. This event procrastinated the 
Creek war, for not one of the remainder of the Hillabees 
was afterwards known to ask for quarter, but fought until 
death terminated his struggle. 

After encountering all the difficulties which resulted 
from the mutinous disposition of his otherwise brave and 
patriotic troops who returned home, he, on the 2d of Janu- 
ary following, received an accession of eight hundred and 
fifty new troops, officered by men of their own choice. 
The difficulties respecting the command of these by Gene- 
ral Coffee under Jackson being adjusted, the army, less 
than nine hundred strong, began its march from Fort 
Strother, for Talladega, where were collected about two 
hundred friendly Cherokee and Creek Indians. These 
afforded an aggregate army of about one thousand men, 
badly armed and as badly equipped, with which Jackson 
was to invade the hostile Creek territory, that he might 
create a diversion in favour of General Floyd, who was 
advancing with the forces from Georgia. It was thought 



16 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

about this time that the information was correct, that the 
warriors from fourteen towns, near Tallapoosa, were to 
unite their strength and attack Fort Armstrong. Arriving 
at Talladega, General Jackson received advice from the 
Commander of Fort Armstrong, that the post was me- 
naced. 

Falling on some trails on the 21st of January, General 
Jackson discovered by his spies, that the enemy was not 
three miles distant. At the dawn of the 22d, the savages 
commenced a furious attack on the American left, under 
Colonel Higgins, which bore the brunt of the action. In 
half an hour the Indians were routed and chased two 
miles from the field of battle. The defeat was complete. 
The loss of the Americans was only five killed and twenty 
wounded. This was fought at an Indian town called 
Emuckfaw. Having returned from the pursuit of the 
routed enemy, General Jackson despatched General Cof- 
fee with four hundred men to destroy the Indian encamp- 
ment, if not too strong. Having reconnoitred its position, 
he judiciously returned to the main body without making 
an attack. 

In less than an hour after his return to camp, the sava- 
ges commenced an attack, by way of feint, on Jackson's 
right, which gave General Coffee the chance of fighting 
them in equal combat. The conflict lasted about one 
hour, with nearly the same loss, when, by means of a re- 
inforcement from General Jackson, the Indians were de- 
feated. General Coffee was severely wounded, but con- 
tinued to fight while the battle lasted : In the mean time 
Jackson's whole force was attacked, which terminated in 
the overthrow of the savages. This was called the second 
battle of Emuckfaw. 

Jackson prepared litters for his wounded, and commen- 
ced his return to the Ten Islands, taking every precaution 
to prevent the savages from attacking him by surprise. 
The next day, however, as he was crossing a Creek at a 
place called Enotichopco, the savages begun another battle, 
and the confusion that ensued by the giving way of part 
of the American force, had nearly proved fatal to them. 
The savages were, however, by the resolute bravery of 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON'. 17 

a part of the Americans, totally defeated. The whole 
American loss in the several conflicts fought during these 
twenty-two days, was twenty killed and seventy-five 
wounded. The loss of the Indians was more than two 
hundred who never returned from battle. 

General Jackson, having transported his camp equipage 
and provisions down the Coosa river, directed his volun- 
teers and company of artillery to be inarched home and 
honourably dismissed. ^ 

On the 3d of February, Governor Blount of Tennessee 
issued his order for a detachment of twenty-five hundred 
militia of the second division to rendezvous on the 28th 
of the same month, for three months' service, in conform- 
ity to a law of Congress. General Cocke brought, by 
requisition, about two thousand men from West Tennes- 
see, badly armed, and at the same time pursued a highly 
dishonourable and disgraceful line of conduct, to produce 
the failure of the campaign. Jealous of another's fame, 
envy was the fiend that meanly lurked in his bosom. 

Colonel Williams arrived at camp with six hundred 
men badly armed. General Johnson with his brigade arri- 
ved on the 14th of February. General Doherty, from East 
Tennessee, had arrived, and Jackson found himself at the 
head of a raw and undisciplined army of five thousand 
men. To repress a spirit of mutiny, which exhibited it- 
self in times of scarcity and inactivity, an example was 
become necessary. A private by the name of John Wood, 
who had manifested a mutinous disposition, was taken into 
custody, a Court Martial called, and he was sentenced to 
be shot. This was rigidly executed, and it produced the 
happiest consequences. 

The infamous conduct of General Cocke, in endeavour- 
ing to produce the disaffection of General Doherty's bri- 
gade, in order to defeat the object of the campaign, indu- 
ced General Jackson to issue orders to Doherty, to seize 
and send to Fort Strother every officer, regardless of rank, 
who should be guilty of exciting mutiny in camp. 

Apprehensive of consequences, Cocke timely retired, and 
escaped punishment. 

Colonel Dyer was. about this time, despatched with six 
2* 



18 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

hundred men to the head of Black Warrior, to disperse 
any Indians that might be in force in that quarter, and 
otherwise cut off the supplies of the army. After eight days 
march along the hanks of the Cahawba, the detachment 
returned to camp. They had fallen in with a trail, but 
discovered no enemy. 

Having dismissed all invalids and troops badly equipped, 
General Jackson commenced his march for Fort Strother 
on the 14th of March, and arrived on the 21st at the mouth 
of Cedar Creek, on the site of Fort Williams. Here he 
left Brigadier-General Johnson, with an adequate force for 
the protection of the fort, and eight days provision ; and 
begun his march on the 24th, for the Tallapoosa, by way 
of Emuckfaw, in order to dislodge the Indian encampment, 
near the Oakfusky villages, which had been surveyed and 
left unattacked by General Coffee on the 22d of January 
last, on account of its strong position. On the 27th, after fifty- 
two miles march, he arrived at the village of Tohopeka. 
Here the Indians were strongly posted at the Horse- shoe, 
and it was necessary to dislodge them. The dislodgement 
was effected with great skill and bravery. This battle was 
the death blow to the hopes of the savage war-party. So 
bloody was the conflict, that only four savages surrender- 
ed prisoners, with three hundred women and children. 
Some few escaped, but they generally met death with a 
bravery becoming a better cause. Jackson's loss was, in- 
cluding the friendly Indians, fifty-five killed and one hun- 
dred and forty-six wounded. Having accomplished the 
object of his march, he returned with his troops, unmo- 
lested, to Fort Williams. He paraded his army on the 2d 
of April, and delivered them a most pertinent address on 
the destruction of the Tallapoosa confederacy. 

Learning that the savages had collected in force at 
Hoithlewalee, not far from a place called the Hickory 
Ground, he left his sick and wounded at the fort under 
command of Brigadier-General Johnson, and begun his 
march with all his disposable troops on the 7th of April, 
to attack the enemy at Hoithlewalee, and to effect a junc- 
tion with the North Carolina troops under General Graham, 
and the Georgia troops, under Colonel Milton, who were ad- 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 19 

vancing on the south of the Tallapoosa. Owing to the 
rains, which occasioned a swell in the creeks, he did not 
reach the place of attack until the enemy, being apprised 
of his approach, had fled, leaving him nothing but an empty- 
village, which a part of his army, who had passed the 
creek, destroyed. This was on the 13th, and on the next 
day he formed a junction with the Georgia troops. 

About this time, the head warriors of the tribes settled 
on the Hickory Ground, and sued for peace. The General 
required as a proof of their sincerity, that they should re- 
move, and settle in the rear of the army and to the north 
of Fort Williams. In the mean time, detachments were 
sent out to scour the country in various directions. He 
then proceeded with the army to the site near the mouth 
of the Coosa, where Fort Jackson was to be built. Wea- 
thersford, the principal of the actors in the massacre at 
Fort Mimms, presented himself voluntarily before Gene- 
ral Jackson, as a supplicant for peace, and behaved with 
the dignity of a fallen hero, which would grace the cha- 
racter of a man in the most civilized ages of any nation or 
country. Determined not to be outdone in magnanimity, 
Jackson suffered him to depart, leaving it optional with 
himself to make good his professions for peace, or collect 
the scattered remnant of his nation to prosecute the war. 
He at the same time informed him, that, should he prefer 
the latter, if taken in arms, his life should pay the forfeit 
of his crimes. 

General Pin ckney arrived on the 20th of April, and took 
on himself the command. 

Having accomplished the object of the campaign by the 
total destruction of the confederacy and re-establishment 
of peace, General Pinckney directed the return of the West 
Tennessee troops to their homes, and caused seven hun- 
dred and twenty-five men from General Doherty's bri- 
gade from East Tennessee, whose time of service had 
not nearly expired, to be detailed for garrisoning the line 
of forts. Four hundred men had been left to garrison Fort 
Williams ; and the country had been scoured for fugitive 
savages. Jackson proceeded with the remainder of his 
troops on his march home, crossed Tennessee river ; reach- 



20 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ed camp Blount near Fayetteville, and discharged his troopn 
from farther service. 

The dispersed war party had taken refuge within the 
Floridas, particularly at Pensacola. In consequence of 
the resignation of General Hampton, General Jackson re- 
ceived a commission from the War Department, dated the 
22d of May, constituting him a Brigadier-General, and 
Major-General by brevet, in the regular army of the Uni- 
ted States. General Harrison shortly after resigned, and 
he was appointed a Major-General, to supply the vacancy. 
He was directed by his government to open a treaty with 
the Indians, for which purpose he arrived at the Alabama 
with a small retinue, on the 10th of July, and on the 10th 
of August effected the execution of a treaty highly satis- 
factory to the United States. 

In consequence of a deviation from the strict laws of 
neutrality by the Spanish Governor of West Florida, in 
the aid and succour he afforded the hostile Indians, Gene- 
ral Jackson turned his attention towards Pensacola. Three 
hundred English troops had landed, and were fortifying 
themselves at the mouth of the Apalachicola. They were 
also employed in instigating the savages to farther acts of 
hostility. Of this fact the General became acquainted on 
his way to the Alabama ; and despatched information of 
the fact to his government. On his arrival at Fort Jack- 
son he used all diligence to make himself fully acquainted 
with the state of affairs with the Spaniards, English, and 
savages. On account of the perfidious conduct of the Go- 
vernor of Pensacola, he opened a correspondence with that 
officer, who exposed the duplicity of his demeanour in the 
imbecility of his logic. Having disposed of affairs at Fort 
Jackson, he started next day for Mobile. In consequence 
of the storm which he was satisfied was gathering in that 
quarter, he lost no time in putting the country in as good 
a posture of defence as his limited means would admit. His 
whole disposable force of the United States' troops con- 
sisted of the 3d regiment, and parts of the 44th and 39th. 
The patriotism of the people of Tennessee was again to 
be tested. General Coffee was written to by Colonel But- 
ler, to advance as speedily as possible with all the mounted 



MEMOIRS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 21 

troops he could collect. The Colonel, who had received the 
request at Nashville on the 9th of September, was to follow 
with all the volunteers he could procure, with the least 
possible delay. In fourteen days, Captains Baker and But- 
ler arrived at Mobile with two companies of newly enlist- 
ed regular troops ; and the Tennessee troops commenced 
their march with alacrity and spirit. 

The arrival of Colonel Nicholls at Pensacola with a small 
British squadron, the attack on Fort Bowyer, at which the 
British were valiantly repulsed by one tenth of their num- 
bers, and their reception by Governor Manrequez at Pen- 
sacola after their repulse, determined General Jackson to 
proceed against that capital. 

General Coffee arrived with his brigade, consisting of two 
thousand eight hundred, at the Cut-Off, a place above Fort 
St. Stephens, and was visited in his encampment by Gene- 
ral Jackson on the 26th of October. One thousand of the 
brigade, engaged as mounted men, on account of the diffi- 
culty of subsisting cavalry, without murmur dismounted, 
to serve as infantry, and left their horses behind them. 

The British and Spaniards, divining the intentions of 
Jackson, made every disposition for the defence of Pensa- 
cola. The American army, three thousand strong, took 
up their line of march on the 2d of November, and en- 
camped before it on the 6th. Determined to dislodge the 
British from that post, he previously demanded of Govern- 
or Manrequez an explanation of his conduct. The flag 
bearing the demand was fired on, and the officer returned. 
The British flag, the day before the attack, waved on the 
ramparts in unison with the Spanish — the following day 
the Spanish waved alone to protect a foe of the United 
States under its dastardly banners. Subsequent commu- 
nications took place ; the governor lodged all his faults on 
the shoulders of his English friends. From the deceptious 
behaviour of the Spaniards, no reliance was to be placed 
on their professions, and it became necessary to use force. 
The place was taken —the British driven away — the Span- 
iards humbled — the Barrancas forts, fourteen miles distant, 
commanding the harbour, blown up by the British. The. 
blowing up of the Barrancas was a great mortification to 



22 fiLORY OF AMERICA. 

the Spaniards, and, at the same time, defeated General 
Jackson's object of retaining possession of the town and 
fortifications, until the pleasure of his government should 
be made known, as he bottomed his conduct on the ur- 
gency of the case, without awaiting their pleasure. The 
left column, in this attack, alone met with resistance. The 
Americans had twenty wounded and none killed. In 
consequence of the destruction of the Barrancas, General 
Jackson relinquished the possession of Pensacola to Go- 
vernor Manrequez, who immediately set about reconstruct- 
ing the Barrancas. In this work the British commanding 
officer proffered assistance. Manrequez answered, that 
when help was needed, he should apply to his friend Ge- 
neral Jackson. 

In consequence of the result of this expedition, the In- 
dians who took refuge in Florida, finding themselves with- 
out British aid, fled to the Appalachicola, and some fled on 
board the British shipping, and were afterwards put on 
shore to act for themselves. Major Blue, of the 39th regi- 
ment, was despatched to dislodge the Indians at Appalachi- 
cola, assisted by General Mcintosh with the Georgia troops, 
then in the Creek country. Having effected this object, 
they were ordered to the defence of Mobile. 

General Winchester arrived at the Alabama, and Jack- 
son delivered to him the command of that portion of terri- 
tory on the 22d of November, and hastened to New Orleans, 
where he conceived his presence most necessary. 

In taking possession of the command of Louisiana, he 
found a new theatre of action. The Legislature of the 
territory had seconded the General's views in every mea- 
sure of defence ; and prior to his relinquishment of the 
Mobile command, he had continually corresponded with 
Governor Claiborne for that object. It had now become 
manifest, that some point on the Mississippi was the object 
of attack by the enemy, and more especially New Orleans. 
Obstructions and defences were made as barriers to all the 
passes which led that way. Gun-boats were sent into 
Lake Borgne. Every defence was made, when the British 
appeared off the coast, at Cat and Ship Island, within a 
short distance from the American lines. On the 13th of 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 23 

December the enemy moved off in his barges towards Pass 
Christian. 

In the act of bringing off a small depot of public stores 
at the Bay of St. Louis, the gun-boat Sea Horse, Johnson 
commander, in a second attack from the enemy, was blown 
up by her crew, who with her commander retreated by 
land. 

On the 14th, the American gun-boat fleet, consisting of 
five vessels, one hundred and eighty-two men, and twenty- 
three guns, was attacked by a British force of forty-three 
gun-boats, twelve hundred men, and forty-three guns. The 
Americans were vanquished with the loss of six killed and 
thirty-five wounded. The loss of the British was not less 
than three hundred. Notwithstanding the prowess of the 
Americans, they from motives of humanity and unyielding 
necessity, surrendered to a superior force. 

This unexpected blow marred in prospective all the 
views of Jackson. He apprized General Winchester of 
the unhappy disaster, the probable result, and gave his 
advice respecting measures to be pursued, in order to 
ward off the consequences. 

While the clouds of danger thickened, the sky of his 
reputation was brightening. He inspirited his troops 
and the population generally. Expecting that the blow 
would be directed against New Orleans, he exerted every 
energy for the protection of that important post. Having 
reviewed and addressed the militia on the importance of 
he occasion, he despatched an express in quest of General 
Coffee, which reached him on the 17th of December, and 
;hat officer, by the most persevering industry, encounter- 
ng difficulties by disease and weather, arrived within 
iifteen miles of New Orleans on the 19th, a distance of 
L50 miles. On the 20th he halted within four miles of 
:hat city. The troops had braved the dangers of weather 
md climate, in a march of more than 800 miles, without 
murmur. Such is the devotion of men, when engaged in 
support of the native dignity of their character. General 
Darroll was likewise advancing with a brigade for defen- 
ive operations, of which he advised General Jackson by 
lis aid, Colonel Hynes. 



24 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

However feeble his force might be, he determined to 
meet the enemy on the threshold of their landing. The 
government of the United States were continually advised 
both of his apprehensions and means of defence. Assist- 
ance was experienced from some sections, and disappoint- 
ments from others ; and chagrin often attended his exer- 
tions. The path the General had to tread was thorny in the 
extreme, assailed as he was, by the wiles of the enemy on 
one side, and discontent from the disaffected on the other. 

The period arrived which tested the sternness of his 
character: imbecility, fear, and treason, uniting against 
the direct path of patriotism, he was constrained, for the 
safety of the state, to proclaim martial law at New Or- 
leans. The event showed the wisdom of the measure, as 
it avoided deleterious results from the conflicting passions 
which then agitated the public mind. Smothering trea- 
son wherever it appeared, and concentrating: every other 
feeling into one common reservoir to repel a common 
foe, Jackson was obliged to act, not according to law, but 
circumstances. General Carroll joined Coffee's encamp- 
ment on the 21st of December, and reported himself ac- 
cordingly. The Kentucky troops had not yet arrived; 
and, notwithstanding every vigilance, the British effected 
a landing within seven miles of New Orleans. The se- 
crecy of the embarkation was ascribed to the treachery 
of the naturalized Spanish fishermen who supplied that 
market with fish. Their debarkation was announced to 
the General after the capture of the guard at Bayou Bien- 
venue, on the 22d of December. A knowledge of this 
event threw the city into the greatest consternation. Sig- 
nal guns were fired— expresses were forwarded — forces 
were concentrated, and every preparation adopted for 
defence. 

General Jackson advanced against the enemy, deter- 
mined to attack them in their first position. The attack 
was made in the night of the 23d of December, at half 
past seven o'clock. It was commenced by a fire from the 
schooner Caroline, which dropped down the river to open 
on the rear of the camp. This was the signal for Ge- 
neral Coffee to fall on the right, while General Jackson 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 25 

attacked the left, near the river. It resulted honourably 
to the American arms, but produced nothing decisive. 
The enemy's force amounted to about three thousand 
men ; that of General Jackson did not exceed fifteen hun- 
dred. The conflict lasted an hour, and was supported 
with great firmness. General Jackson remained on the 
field until four o'clock in the morning, when he took a 
new position two miles nearer the city; having lost in 
this affair twenty-four killed, one hundred and fifteen 
wounded, and seventy-four missing — total, two hundred 
and thirteen. 

The enemy succeeded, on the 27th, in blowing up the 
Caroline,' by means of hot shot from a land battery- 
erected in the night. On the 28th, he advanced, with his 
whole force, against General Jackson, in the hope of dri- 
ving him from his position, and with this view opened a 
fire'with bombs and rockets, at the distance of about half 
a mile. The enemy was repulsed, with a loss of about 
one hundred and twenty men. The Americans lost seven 
killed, and had eight wounded. 

On Sunday morning, the 1st of January, 1815, the 
enemy had advanced within six hundred yards of the 
American breast-works, under cover of night and a heavy 
fog, and had erected the preceding night three different 
batteries, mounting in all fifteen guns, from sixes to thir- 
ty-two's. About eight o'clock, when the fog cleared off, 
they commenced a most tremendous fire upon the Ame- 
ricans, but it was amply returned by them; and a heavy 
cannonading was kept up, without the least interval on 
either side, except that occasioned by the explosion of a 
magazine in the rear of one of the American batteries, and 
another magazine in the night, owing to the enemy's Con- 
greve rockets. By four o'clock in the afternoon, the Ame- 
ricans had dismounted all the enemy's guns except two. 
The British retreated, during the night, to their strong 
hold, about a mile and a quarter from the American camp 
Twice did the enemy attempt to storm and carry the 
American batteries, but were as often repulsed. On New 
Year's day the loss of the Americans was eleven killed, 
and twenty-three badly wounded. That of the enemy, 
3 



2b' GLORY OF AMERICA. 



from the accounts of two prisoners taken on that day, and 
three deserters afterwards, must have been much greater. 

According as the woodsmen arrived to the aid of Gene- 
ral Jackson's army, they were disposed to the best advan- 
tage, for the purpose of defence; but these forces not 
being of a very efficient nature, especially as the men 
could not be all provided with the necessary arms, the 
General could not attempt any thing against the enemy, 
who Avas thus left to pursue, undisturbed, his laborious 
operations. 

During the days of the 6th and 7th, the enemy had 
been actively employed in making preparations for an at- 
tack on Jackson's lines. With great labour, they had 
succeeded on the night of the 7th in bringing their boats 
across from the lake to the river, by widening and deep- 
ening the canal on which they had effected their disem- 
barkation. 

General Jackson was on the left side of the river, pa- 
tiently waiting the attack. General Morgan, with the 
New Orleans contingent, the Louisiana militia, and a de- 
tachment of Kentucky troops, occupied an entrenched 
camp on the opposite side of the river, protected by strong 
batteries on the bank, .superintended by Commodore Pat- 
terson. 

On Sunday, the, 8th, at half past 6 o'clock, a. m. the 
enemy began a very heavy cannonade upon the American 
lines, from his batteries of 18 and 12 pounders, supported 
by the musketry of two thousand live hundred men, who 
inarched in close columns, and advanced nearer than 
musket shot distance to the intrenchments, armed with 
rockets, ©buses, and fascines, to storm the batteries; they 
directed their principal attack against the head of the 
line Hanked by the river, and the left resting on the cy- 
press swamp, as well as against the tirailleurs and rifle- 
men, placed above the swamp; the roaring of the guns, 
and tiring of the musketry, lasted two hours and a 
quarter; the enemy's mortars, though directed against 
the centre, did no harm to the troops; the bursting of 
their bombs in the works was of no effect. Two Bri- 
tish officers, and a French engineer named Rennie, who 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 27 

had gained the summit of the American parapet, were 
killed or wounded and made prisoners; (the engineer and 
one colonel were killed;) after this affair, the field, in front 
of the works, was strewed with British wounded and 
killed. 

General Jackson thus briefly details the particulars of 
attack: 

" In my encampment every thing was ready for action ; 
when early on the morning of the 8th, the enemy, after 
throwing a shower of bombs and Congreve rockets, ad- 
vanced their columns on my right and left, to storm my 
intrenchments. I cannot speak sufficiently in praise of 
the firmness and deliberation with which my whole line 
received their approach. More could not have been ex- 
pected from veterans inured to war. For an hour, the 
fire of small arms was as incessant and severe as can be 
imagined. The artillery, too, directed by officers who 
displayed equal skill and courage, did great execution. 
Yet the columns of the enemy continued to advance with 
a firmness which reflects on them the greatest credit. 
Twice, the column which approached me on my left, was 
repulsed by the troops of General Carroll, those of Gene- 
ral Coffee, and a division of the Kentucky militia, and 
twice they formed again, and renewed the assault. At 
length, however, cut to pieces, they fled in confusion from 
the field, leaving it covered with their dead and wounded." 



"»6 afiei litem, uy their example, me remainder of the 
forces, and leaving the batteries to the enemy; not, how- 
ever, until after the guns were spiked. While General 
Jackson was preparing to dislodge the enemy from the 
captured battery, the British troops were withdrawn, and 
the post re-occupied by the Americans. 

The return of the killed, wounded, and prisoners, taken 
at the battle of MacPrardie's plantation, on the left bank 
of the Mississippi, on the morning of the 8th of January, 



28 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

1815, and five miles below the city of New Orleans, con- 
sisted of — killed, seven hundred; wounded, fourteen hun- 
dred: prisoners, five hundred — total, two thousand six 
hundred. 

Among the slain, were General Sir Edward Packenham, 
the chief, and General Gibbs, the third in command ; Ge- 
neral Keane, the second in command, was severely wound- 
ed. General Lambert succeeded to the command. 

His total loss in the different engagements, was not less 
than five thousand. The loss to the Americans, on the 
8th, on both sides of the river, was thirteen killed, thirty- 
nine wounded, and nineteen missing ; total lulled, wound- 
ed, and missing, this day, seventy-one ; of this number 
but six were killed, and seven wounded, in the action of 
the line. 

The enemy intended to pass Fort Philip, in order to 
co-operate with the land forces in the attack at New Or- 
leans. On the 9th January, at half past three, p. m. the 
enemy's bomb vessels opened their fire against the fort, 
from four sea mortars, two of them thirteen inches, and 
two of ten, at so great a distance, that the shot from the 
fort could not reach him. The enemy's fire continued 
with little intermission, and with little interruption from 
the fort, during the 10th, 1 1th, 12th, 13th, 14th. 15th, 16th, 
and 17th. On the evening of the 17th, a heavy mortar 
was put in readiness, and opened on the enemy, with great 
effect. At day-light on the 18th, the enemy retired, after 
having thrown upwards of one thousand heavy shells, 
besides small shells from the howitzers, round shot and 
^"\pe, vaicri lie uischarged irom boai*, J.irc«*r c ;a T ier of 
the night. Scarcely ten feet of the garrison remained un- 
touched ; yet the loss of men was small, consisting of two 
killed, and seven wounded. This saving of men was ow- 
ing to the great pains taken by the officers to keep their 
men under cover. 

All the enemy's movements, after the action of the 8th 
of January, were calculated to secure his retreat, should 
such prove necessary, as appearances then indicated that 
it would. Their intention was, however, masked by a 
menacing attitude, as if preparing for a renewal of the 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 

attack on Jackson's lino. They had erected batt« 
cover their retreat, in advantageous positions, fror 
original encampment to the Bayon, through whic 
entered Lake Borgne. The cannon placed on th( 
teries conld have raked a pursuing army in even 
tion. The situation of the ground, through whic 
retired, was protected by canals, redoubts, intrencl 
and swamps, on the right : and the river on tbe le 
After the action of the 8th, the artillery, on bot 
of the river, was constantly employed in annoy 
enemy. An attempt to storm his batteries woul 
produced great slaughter among the. Americans, be* u 
doubtful of success, and might possibly have induced +v 
enemy to delay his departure ; therefore ' ( 
resolved to secure the advai ' 
possible loss or ' 

i oiuppmg, leaving 
..u wounded, fourteen pieces of 
jiy, and an immense number of balls, having 
destroyed much of their powder. 

Mr. Shields, purser in the navy, on the i6th and 17th 
of January, in letters to his friend, says : 

" The day after the gun boats were taken, I was sent 
down under a flag of truce, to ascertain the fate of our offi- 
cers and men, with power to negotiate an exchange, es- 
pecially for the wounded. But the enemy would make 
no terms — they treated the flag with contempt, and myself 
and the surgeon, who was with me, as prisoners, until tbe 
18th inst. He has now lowered his tone, and begs the 
exchange that we offered. Defeat has humbled the arro- 
gance of the enemy, who had promised his soldiers forty- 
eight hours 'pillage and rapine of the city of New Or- 
leans!!" 

The watch word and countersign of the enemy, on the 
morning of the 8th, was BEAUTY and BOOTY. Com- 
ment is unnecessary on these significant allusions held out 
to a licentious soldiery. 

Thus ended in disgrace and discomfiture to the enemv, 
3* 



30 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

an expedition which occupied several months in its pre- 
paration, and was composed of at least ten thousand 
troops drawn from almost every part of the world, where 
the British had garrisons or soldiers. Nothing was left 
undone to secure the occupation of an immense province, 
and the command of a river extending thousands of miles 
through the most fertile countries in the world; and on 
which several of the United States depended as an outlet 
and market for their produce. 

From an official account, it appeared, that the number 
of men under command of General Jackson, and actu- 
ally engaged against the enemy, on the Sth of January, 
amounted to four thousand six hundred and ninety-eight. 
The enemy's force, by his account, exceeded ten triou- 
' sand. 

Rv an article in a Jamaica paper, of the 3d of Decem- 
ber,/! was stated, thai; &G expedition then prepared to 
go against the United States, nik^' command of Sir 
Alexander Cochrane, and Major-General Reant, (the S&83§ 
that afterwards entered the Mississippi,) consisted of one 
ship of 80 guns, five of 74, three of 50, one of 44, six of 
38, two of 36, three of 32, three of 16, two of 14, and 
three of 6 guns — total, twenty-nine vessels, carrying one 
thousand and eighty-four guns ; besides a great number 
of cutters, and twenty-nine transports. 

On the 21st of January, General Jackson directed an 
address to be publicly read at the head of each of the 
corps composi i tg the lines near New Orleans. It must have 
been a difficult and delicate task to do justice to indivi- 
duals, where all acted so well, proving, in the General's 
words, that "a rampart of high minded men is a better 
defence, than the most regular fortification." 

This address contained the following emphatical pa- 
ragraph : 

"Reasoning always from false principles, the enemy 
expected little opposition from men whose officers were 
not even in uniform, who were ignorant of the rules ot 
dress, and who had never been caned into discipline ; — fa- 
tal mistake! afire incessantly continued, directed with 
calmness, and with unerring aim, strewed the field with 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON 

the brave officers and men of the eoh 
advanced, according- to the most ap- 
pean tactics, and was cut down ] 
of the American militia. U .s £ 

and unceasing fire, some ] ae hit 

ments called for quartp ated — th 

retreating, were rallie 1 , out only tc 

them a surer marl I canister shot 

artillery, which lion, mowed down 

ranks at er .id, at length, they p 

tately ret'* a." 

Sev . meters, citizens of the 1 

Sta< gners, natives of different con 

h .nselves into a band of pirates, 

ate, and had taken np their res 

of Barrataria, near the month of the 

*e government of the United States causi 

.1 establishment to be broken up. The exp 

ast the Barratarians, took possession of all thei 

ca\ vessels, their prizes, and a considerable quar 

arms and property, without opposition, on the 1 

September, 1814. The vessels thus taken, consi; 

six schooners, and one felucca, cruisers and pr 

the pirates, one brig, a prize, and two armed s 

ers, both in line of battle with the armed ves 

the pirates. The establishment on shore, which w 

taken into possession, consisted of about forty 1 

The pirates had mounted on their vessels twenty 

of cannon, of different calibres, and their numbt 

sisted of between eight hundred and one thousand ] 

all nations and colours. The expedition against 

rates was under command of Commodore Patterson 

navy, having on board a detachment of land troop 

manded by Colonel Ross. 

The Barratarian pirates took part in the def( 
New Orleans against the British, and were both active 
and serviceable. It. was also satisfactorily ascertained, 
that they had, previous to their dispersion, refused an al- 
liance with the British, rejecting the most seducing terms 
of invitation- Induced, by these considerations, and at 



3£ GLORY OP AMERICA. 

the recommendation of the General Assembly of the state 
of Louisiana, the President of the United States granted 
to such of them as aided in defence of New Orleans, a full 
pardon for all offences against the laws of the United 
States, committed previous to the 8th of January, 1815. 

On the approach of the enemy, a portion of the French po- 
pulation obtained from the resident French Consul certifi- 
cates of French citizenship. The General allowed their va- 
lidity ; but sent these alien exempts froiv military duty, un- 
der a military guard, one hundred and twenty miles from 
his camp and besieged city, to Baton Rouge, in the interior. 

A printer had misrepresented that General Jackson's 
order of removal applied indiscriminately to the whole 
French population. The French Consul, Toussa/d, a 
second time resisted the martial law, by claiming for A 1 is 
king individuals of the city militia. He even erected a 
standard, and under pretext of the violations of the liberty 
of the French citizens, invited them to revolt. General 
Jackson considering farther forbearance as criminally en- 
dangering the lives of even these mongrel citizens, and as 
calculated to betray the city to the enemy, arrested this 
Consul ; and Judge Hall of the Supreme Court issued a 
writ of habeas corpus to compel the enlargement of the 
prisoner. The General, still determined to maintain his 
martial law, and thereby bind together this heterogeneous 
population to the defence of the city, ordered the Judge 
into confinement, and to be removed without the lines of 
defence. Boldly indeed, and Avith an unyielding spirit, 
the General compelled and controlled the public safety. 

After the peace was officially known at New Orleans 
to have been ratified, and when the martial law had ceas- 
ed to operate, General Jackson was cited to answer before 
the Judge, whom he had arrested, to show cause why an 
attachment should not issue against him, for a con- 
tempt of the court in sundry particulars relating to the 
writ of habeas corpus. The General, disdaining to evade 
a requisition of the law, submitted himself to the court, 
and by his counsel, offered to present to it his defence in 
writing, but which was rejected, without being read. The 
following is the closing portion of his defence: — 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 33 

"With the impressions this correspondence was calcu- 
lated to produce, the respondent arrived in this city, 
where, in different conversations, the same ideas were 
enforced, and he was advised, not only by the Governor of 
the state, but very many influential persons, to proclaim 
martial law, as the only means of producing unic 
overcoming disaffection, detecting treason, and c 
forth the energies of the country. This me? 
discussed and recommended to the responds • 
recollects, in the presence of the judge o f 
court, who not only made no object 1 ' 
his gestures and silence, to appro- jd. 

These opinions, respectable in ' reater 

weight from that which tl .ed of the 

legislature then in sess>- their fidelity 

as very doubtful ; v ±r prolonged ses- 

sion, and appe? us that they should 

adjourn. 

" The f -/een informed, that in the 

house xie idea, that a very consider- 

ab 1 belonged to the Spanish govern- 

,i to be represented, had been openly 
xavourably heard. The co-operation of 
Is with the English was, at that time, a pre- 
set. This information, therefore, appeared highly 
-d.nt. He determined to examine, with the utmost 

.e, all the facts that had been communicated to him; 
and not to act upon the advice he had received, until the 
clearest demonstration should have determined its pro- 
priety. He was then almost an entire stranger in the 
place he was sent to defend, and unacquainted with the 
language of a majority of its inhabitants. While these 
circumstances were unfavourable to his obtaining informa- 
tion, on the one hand, they precluded, on the other, a 
suspicion that his measures were dictated by personal 
friendship, private animosity, or party views. Uninflu- 
enced by such motives, he began his observations. He 
sought for information, and, to obtain it, communicated 
with men of every description. He believed that even 
then he discovered those high qualities, which have since 



34 ©LORY OF AMERICA. 

distinguished those brave defenders of their country ; that 
the variety of language, the difference of habit, and even 
the national prejudices, which seemed to divide the inha- 
bitants, might be made, if properly directed, the source of 
the most honourable emulation. Delicate attentions were 
necessary to foster this disposition ; and the highest 
energy, to restrain the effects, that such an assemblage 
was calculated to produce ; he determined to avail him- 
self of both, and with this view called to his aid the im- 
pulse of national feeling, the higher motives of patriotic 
sentiment, ..'uid the noble enthusiasm of valour. They ope- 
rated in a manner which history will record ; all who 
could be infiuenceu 1 by those feelings, rallied without de- 
lay round the standard of their country. Their efforts, 
however, would have been unavailing, if the disaffected 
had been permitted to counteract them by their treason, 
and the timid to paralyze them by their' example, and 
both to stand aloof in the hour of danger, and enjoy the 
fruit of victory without participating in tu danger of 
defeat. 

" A disciplined and powerful army was on oi.ir coast, 
commanded by officers of tried valour and consur, miate 
skill ; their fleet had already destroyed the feeble defeiice, 
on which, alone, we could rely to prevent their landing-- 
on our shores. Their point of attack was uncertain ; a 
hundred inlets were to be guarded, by a force not suffi- 
cient in number for one ; we had no lines of defence ; 
treason lurked among us, and only waited the moment 
of expected defeat, to show itself openly; our men were 
few, and of those few, not. all were armed ; our prospect 
of aid and supply was distant and uncertain ; our utter 
ruin, if we failed, at hand, and inevitable ; every thing 
depended on the prompt and energetic use of the means 
we possessed — on calling the whole force of the commu- 
nity into action ; it was a contest for the very existence of 
the state, and every nerve was to be strained in its defence. 
The physical force of every individual, his moral facul- 
ties, his property, and the energy of his example, were to 
be called into action, and instant action. No delay — no 
hesitation— no inquiry about rights, or all was lost; and 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. -V 36 

every thing dear to man, his property, life, the honour ef 
his family, his country, its constitution and laws, were 
swept away by the avowed principles, the open practice 
of the enemy with whom we had to contend. Fortifica- 
tions were to be erected, supplies procured, arms sought 
for, requisitions made, the emissaries of the enemy watch- 
ed, lurking treason overawed, insubordination punished, 
and the contagion of cowardly example to be stopped. 

" In this crisis, and under a firm persuasion that none 
of those objects could be effected by the exercise of the 
ordinary powers confided to him — under a solemn con- 
viction that the country committed to his care could be 
saved by that measure only, from utter ruin — under a re- 
ligious belief, that he was performing the most important 
and sacred duty, the respondent proclaimed martial law. 
He intended by that measure, to supersede such civil 
powers as, in their operation, interfered with those he was 
obliged to exercise. He thought, in such a moment, con- 
stitutional forms must be suspended, for the permanent 
preservation of constitutional rights, and that there could 
be no question, whether it were best to depart for a mo- 
ment from the enjoyment of our dearest privileges, or 
have them wrested from us for ever. He knew, that if the 
civil magistrates were permitted to exercise their usual 
functions, none of the measures necessary to avert the 
awful fate that threatened us, could be expected. Personal 
liberty cannot exist at a time when every man is required 
to become a soldier. Private property cannot be secured, 
when its use is indispensable to the public safety. Un- 
limited liberty of speech is incompatible' with the discipline 
of a camp ; and that of the press more dangerous still, 
when made the vehicle of conveying intelligence to the 
enemy, or exciting mutiny among the troops. To have 
suffered the uncontrolled enjoyment of any of those rights, 
during the time of the late invasion, would have been to 
abandon the defence of the country : the civil magistrate 
is the guardian of those rights ; and the proclamation of 
martial law was, therefore, intended to supersede the ex- 
ercise of his authority, so far as it interfered with the ne- 
cessary restriction of those rights — but no further. 



36 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

" Tlie respondent states these principles explicitly, be 
cause they are the basis of his defence, and because 9 
mistaken notion has been circulated, that the declaration 
of martial law only subjected the militia in service to its 
operation. This would, indeed, have been a very useless 
ceremony, as such persons were already subject to it, with- 
out the addition of any other act. Besides, if the pro- 
clamation of martial law were a measure of necessity, — 
a measure, without the exercise of which the country 
must unquestionably have been conquered, then does it 
form a complete justification for the act. If it do not, in 
what manner will the proceeding by attachment for con- 
tempt be justified 1 It is undoubtedly and strictly a cri- 
minal prosecution ; and the constitution declares, that, in 
all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall have the be- 
nefit of a trial by jury ; yet a prosecution is even now 
going on in this court, where no such benefit is allowed. 
Why ? From the alleged necessity of the case, because 
courts could not, it is said, subsist without a power to pu- 
nish promptly by their own act, and without the interven- 
tion of a jury. Necessity, then, may, in some cases, jus- 
tify a departure from the constitution : and if in the doubt- 
ful case of avoiding confusion in a court, shall it be de- 
nied in the serious one of preserving a country from con- 
quest and ruin ? The respondent b gs leave to explain, 
that in using this argument, he does not mean to admit 
the existence of necessity in the case of attachment ; but 
to show that the principle of a justification from necessity 
is admitted, even in the weaker case. If the legislature 
of the United States have given to courts the power to 
punish contempts, it is no answer to this defence, for two 
reasons : first, because the words of the law do not ne- 
cessarily exclude the intervention of a jury ; and, second- 
ly, if they do, the law itself is contrary to the words of 
the constitution, and can only be supported on the plea of 
necessity; to which head it is referred by the English 
writers on the subject. 

" The only responsibility which has been incurred in the 
present case, is that which arises from necessity. This, 
the respondent agrees, must not be doubtful ; it must be 



MEMOIltS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 37 

apparent, from the circumstances of the case, or it forms 
no justification. He submits all his acts, therefore, to be 
tested by this rule. 

" To the forcible reasons which he has detailed, as im* 
pelling him to this measure, he ought to add, that he has 
since, by the confession of the enemy himself, received a 
confirmation of the opinions, which he had then good rea- 
son to believe ; that there were men among us so depraved 
as to give daily and exact information of our movements) 
and our forces ; that the number of those persons was 
considerable) and their activity unceasing. The names of 
those wretches will probably be discovered ; and the re- 
spondent persuades himself, that this tribunal will employ 
itself, with greater satisfaction, in inflicting the punishment 
due to their crimes, than it now does in investigating the 
measures that were taken to counteract them. 

" If example can justify, or the practice of others serve 
as a proof of necessity, the respondent has ample mate- 
rials for his defence : not from analogous construction, but 
from the conduct of all the different departments of 
the state government, in the very case now under dis- 
cussion. 

" The legislature of the state, having no constitutional 

power to regulate or restrain commerce, on the day 

of December last, passed an act laying an embargo ; the 
executive sanctioned it; and from a conviction of its ne- 
cessity, it Was acquiesced in. The same legislature shut 
Up the courts of justice for four months, to all civil suitors 
— the same executive sanctioned that law, and the judi* 
ciary not only acquiesced, but solemnly approved it. 

" The Governor, as appears by one of the letters quoted, 
undertook to inflict the punishment of exile upon an in- 
habitant, without any form of law, merely because he 
thought that an individual's presence might be dangerous 
to the public safety. 

" The judge of this very court, duly impressed with the 
emergency of the moment, and the necessity of employ- 
ing every means of defence, consented to the discharge of 
men committed and indicted for capital crimes, Without bail, 
and without recognisance ; and probably under an impres* 
4 



38 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

sion that the exercise of his functions would be useless, ab 
sented himself from the place where his court was to be 
holden, and postponed its session during a regular term. 

" Thus the conduct of the legislative, executive, and 
judiciary branches of the government of this state, have 
borne the fullest testimony of the existence of the neces- 
sity on which the respondent relies. 

" The unqualified approbation of the legislature of the 
•United States, and such of the individual states as were 
in session, ought also to be admitted, as no slight means 
of defence ; inasmuch as all these respectable bodies were 
fully apprized of his proclamation of martial law, and some 
of them seem to refer to it, by thanking him for the energy 
of his measures. 

" The respondent, therefore, believes he has established 
the necessity of proclaiming martial law. He has shown 
the effects of that declaration ; and it only remains to 
prove, in answer to the rule, that the power assumed from 
necessity, was not abused in its exercise, nor improperly 
protracted in its duration. 

" All the acts mentioned in the rule, took place after the 
enemy had retired from the position they had at first as- 
sumed, after they had met with a signal defeat, and after 
an unofficial account had been received of the signature 
of a treaty of peace. Each of these circumstances might 
be, to one who did not see the whole ground, a sufficient 
reason for supposing that farther acts of energy and vigour 
were unnecessary. On the mind of the respondent they 
had a different effect. The enemy had retired from their 
position, it is true ; but they were still on the coast, and 
within a few hours sail of the city. They had been de- 
feated, and with a loss ; but the loss was to be repaired by 
expected reinforcements. Their numbers still much more 
than quadrupled all the regular forces which tire respond- 
ent could command ; and the term of service of his most 
efficient militia force was about to e^jiire. Defeat, to a 
powerful and active enemy, was more likely to operate as 
an incentive to renewed and increased exertion, than to 
inspire them with despondency, or to paralyze their efforts. 
A treaty, it is true, had been probably signed ; yet it might 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 39 

not be ratified. Its contents had not transpired, and no 
reasonable conjecture could be formed, that it would be 
acceptable. The influence which the account of its sig- 
nature had on the army, was deleterious in the extreme, 
and showed a necessity for increased energy, instead of a 
relaxation of discipline. Men, who had shown themselves 
zealous in the preceding part of the campaign, now be- 
came lukewarm in the service. Those whom no danger 
could appal, and no labour discourage, complained of the 
hardships of the camp. When the enemy were no longer 
immediately before them, they thought themselves oppress- 
ed, by being detained in service. Wicked and weak men, 
who, from their situation in life, ought to have furnished 
a better example, secretly encouraged this spirit of insub- 
ordination. They affected to pity the hardships of those 
who were kept in the field ; they fomented discontent, by 
insinuating that the merits of those to whom they ad- 
dressed themselves, had not been sufficiently noticed or 
applauded ; and to so high a degree had the disorder at 
length risen, that at one period, only fifteen men and one 
officer, out of a whole regiment, stationed to guard the 
very avenue through which the enemy had pen^' 
into the country, were found at their post 
point equally important, a whole corp r 
greatest reliance had been placed, or 
acts of a foreign agent, suddenly de c 

" If, trusting to an uncertain pe- 
revoked his proclamation, or r 
fatal security, by which we v 
stroyed all discipline, have d> 
him without any means of 
an enemy, instructed, by 
som, of the time and pi* 
his attack. In such 
offered up, yet it woi 
for the disgrace and 
negligence, he had r 

M He thought per 
tain event. If it hi 
wring the official ad - 



40 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

submit, during those few days, to the salutary restraints 
imposed, than to put every thing dear to ourselves and 
country at risk, upon an uncertain contingency. Admit 
the chances to have been a hundred or a thousand to one 
in favour of the ratification, and against any renewed at- 
tempts of the enemy, what should we say or think of the 
prudence of the man, who would stake his life, his for- 
tune, his country, and his honour, even with such odds in 
his favour, against a few days' anticipated enjoyment of 
the blessings of peace ? The respondent could not bring 
himself to play so deep a hazard ; uninfluenced by the 
clamours of the ignorant and designing, he continued the. 
exercise of that law which necessity had compelled him 
to proclaim ; and he still thinks himself justified, by the 
situation of affairs, for the course which he adopted and 
pursued. Has he exercised this power wantonly or im- 
properly ? If so, he is liable ; not, as he believes, to this 
honourable court for contempt, but to his government for 
an abuse of power, and to those individuals whom he has 
injured, in damages proportioned to that injury. 

" About the period last described, the consul of France, 
who appears, by Governor Claiborne's letter, to have em- 
barrassed the first drafts, by his claims in favour of pretend- 
ed subjects of his king, renewed his interference ; his cer- 
tificates were given to men in the ranks of the army ; to 
some who had never applied, and to others who wished 
' " use them as the means of obtaining an inglorious ex- 
,ni danger and fatigue. The immunity derived 
"Vates not only thinned the ranks, by the 
? to whom they were given, but pro- 
others, who thought themselves 
ivilege ; and to this cause must 
of the important post of Chef 
refusal of a relief ordered to 

to remove the force of an 
asioned such dangerous 
e who were so unwilling 

, to enjoy, the respondent 
t ose French subjects who 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSOX. 4i 

had availed themselves of the consul's certificates, to re- 
move out of the lines of defence, and far enough to avoid 
any temptation of intercourse with our enemy, whom they 
were so scrupulous of opposing. This measure was re- 
sorted to, as the mildest mode of proceeding against a dan- 
gerous and increasing evil*; and the respondent had the 
less scruple of his power, in this instance, as it was not 
quite so strong as that which Governor Claiborne had ex- 
ercised, before the invasion, by the advice of his attorney- 
general, in the case of Colonel Coliel. ' 

"It created, however, some sensation — discontents were 
again fomented, from the source that -had first produced 
them. Aliens and strangers became the most violent ad- 
vocates of constitutional rights, and native Americans were 
taught the value of their privileges, by those who formerly 
disavowed any title to their enjoyment. The order was 
particularly opposed, in an anonymous publication. In 
this, the author deliberately and wickedly misrepresented 
the order, as subjecting to removal, all Frenchmen what- 
ever, even those who had gloriously fought in defence of 
the country : and after many dangerous and unwarranta- 
ble declarations, he closes, by calling upon all Frenchmen 
to flock to the standard of their consul — thus advising and 
producing an act of mutiny and insubordination, and pub- 
lishing the evidence of our weakness and discord to the 
enemy, who were still in our vicinity, anxious, no doubt, 
before the cessation of hostilities, to wipe away the late 
stain upon their arms. To have silently looked on such 
an offence, without making any attempt to punish it, 
would have been formal surrender of all discipline, all or- 
der, all personal dignity, and public safety. This could 
not be done ; and the respondent immediately ordered the 
arrest of the offender. A writ of habeas corpus was di- 
rected to issue for his enlargement. The very case which 
had been foreseen, the very contingency on which martial 
law was intended to operate, had now occurred : the civil 
magistrate seemed to think it his duty to enforce the en- 
joyment of civil rights, although the consequences which 
have been described would probably have resulted. An 
unbending 1 sense of what he seemed to think his station 
4* 



42 fiLORY OF AMERICA. 

required, induced him to order the liberation of the pri- 
soner. This, under the respondent's sense of duty, pro- 
duced a conflict which it was his wish to avoid. 

" No other course remained, than to enforce the principles 
which he had laid down as his guide, and to suspend the 
exercise of this judicial power, wherever it interfered with 
the necessary means of defence. The only way effectu- 
ally to do this, was to place the judge in a situation in 
which his interference could not counteract the measures 
of defence, or give countenance to the mutinous disposition 
that hud shown itself in so alarming a degree. Merely to 
have disregarded the writ, would but have increased the 
evil ; and to have obeyed it, was wholly repugnant to the 
respondent's ideas of the public safety, and to his own sense 
of duty. The judge was therefore confined, and removed 
beyond the lines of defence. 

" As to the paper mentioned in the rule, which the re- 
spondent is charged with taking and detaining, he answers, 
that when the writ was produced by the clerk of this ho- 
nourable court, the date of its issuance appeared to have 
been altered from the 5th to the 6th. He was questioned 
respecting the apparent alteration, and acknowledged it 
had been done by Judge Hall, and not in the presence of 
the party who made the affidavit. This material altera- 
tion, in a paper that concerned him, gave the respondent, 
as he thought, a right to detain it for farther investigation, 
which he accordingly did ; but gave a certified copy, and 
an acknowledgment that the original was in his possession. 

" The respondent avows, that he considered this altera- 
tion in the date of the affidavit, as it was then explained to 
him by the clerk, to be such evidence of a personal, not 
judicial, interference and activity in behalf of a man 
charged with the most serious offence, as justified the idea 
then formed, that the judge approved his conduct, and sup- 
ported his attempts to excite disaffection among the troops. 

" This was the conduct of the respondent, and these 
the motives which prompted it. They have been fairly 
and openly exposed to this tribunal, and to the world, and 
would not have been accompanied by any exception or 
waiver of jurisdiction, if it had been deemed expedient to 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 43 

give him that species of trial, to which he thinks himself 
entitled, by the constitution of his country. The powers 
which the exigency of the times forced him to assume, 
have been exercised exclusively for the public good ; and 
by the blessing of God, they have been attended with un- 
paralleled success. They have saved the country ; and 
whatever may be the opinion of that country, or the de- 
crees of its courts, in relation to the means he has used, 
he can never regret that he employed them." 

The court continued in session daily, when on the last 
day General Jackson walked into the court-house with 
admirable composure, and exemplary respect for the high 
authority which called him thither. He approached the 
judge with a paper in his hand, having dispensed with the 
friendly offices of the professional gentlemen, who had 
managed his case before. The Judge informed the Gene- 
ral that there were interrogatories to be pronounced to 
him, to which he was desired to respond : the General re- 
plied that he would not answer them, saying, " Sir, my 
defence in this accusation has been offered, and you have 
denied its admission ; you have refused me an opportunity 
of explaining my motives, and the necessity for the adop- 
tion of the martial law in repelling an invading foe," point- 
ing out at the same moment his objections to that mode of 
proceeding under which the inquiry was had, to know 
whether the attachment should issue. " I was then with 
these brave fellows in arms, 1 ' (alluding to the surrounding 
crowd.) " You were not, Sir." The Judge went on to 
read his opinion. The General interrupted him with 
much apparent deliberation, saying, "Sir, state facts, and 
confine yourself to them. Since my defence is, and has 
been precluded, let not censure constitute a part of this 
sought-for punishment." To which the Judge replied — 
" It is with delicacy, General, that I speak of your 
name or character — I consider you the saviour of the 
country ; but for your contempt of authority, or that 
effect, you will pay a fine of one thousand dollars." 
Here the General interrupted by filling the check for that 
sum, on the bank, and presenting it to the marshal, 
which was received in discharge. The General then 



44 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

retired, observing, on his passage to the door, " it will be 
my turn next." 

At the door he was received amid the acclamations of 
the populace, with which the streets and avenues were 
filled. A coach waited at the door of the court-house, into 
which he was carried and seated, the shafts and handles 
of which were eagerly seized by the people. In this way 
he was precipitated through the streets to the French 
coffee-house, amid the shouts of vive le General Jackson, 
and denouncing his prosecutors ; thence to the American 
coffee-house, where the General addressed the crowd as 
follows : 

" Fellow Citizens and Soldiers — Behold your General, 
under whom, but a few days ago, you occupied the tented 
field, braving all the privations and dangers in repelling 
and defeating your country's exterior enemies, under the 
rules and discipline of the camp, so indispensable to the 
hope of victory ; rules which were predicated on necessity, 
and which met the approbation of every patriot. Behold 
him now, bending under a specious pretext of redressing 
your country's civil authority, which, though wrought 
through prejudice, he scorns to deny or oppose, but cheer- 
fully submits to what is inflicted on him, now that the dif- 
ficulties under which we groaned are removed, and the 
discipline of the camp summons you no more to arms. It 
is the highest duty and pride of all good men to pay their 
tribute of respect to the guardian of our civil liberties. Re- 
member this last charge, as in a few days I expect to leave 
you : it may serve as a lesson to yourselves and posterity." 

Mr. Davezac gave the substance of the preceding re- 
marks from the General in French ; after which the Gene- 
ral was conducted to the coach, and drawn to his quarters 
in Fauxbourg Marigny, followed by the multitude, echo- 
ing, Vive le General Jackson. 

The fine was afterwards paid by a voluntary subscrip- 
tion of one dollar each, by one thousand citizens. 

Numerous addresses were presented to the General, ap- 
proving, in grateful language, his military conduct; and 
congress passed resolutions offering him thanks for his 
gallant conduct. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 45 

Peace being declared, the militia were discharged, and 
the General, relieved from his command by General 
Gaines, returned to Nashville. 

On the reduction of the army to a peace establishment, 
he was retained in the service. In the summer of 1817, 
he was appointed a commissioner to treat with the Creek 
Indians for the purchase of some land ; after effecting 
which, he returned to Nashville with his suite. 

In April, 1818, General Jackson had taken possession ' 
of St. Marks, a very important post in Florida. It is situ- 
ated far in the interior of that province, on the river St. 
Marks — had long been the theatre of the most, nefarious 
designs, and the starting point from which marauders, de- 
predators, and murderers, had taken their departure — cer- 
tain of being welcomed home, when plunder and scalps 
were brought with them. From this place, General Jack- 
son directed his operations against the yet unsubdued Se- 
minoles. An important town of theirs, by the name of 
Suwanny, thirty miles distant, was taken by a detachment 
of the army. The savages dispersed or surrendered, in 
every part of the country, and the war of defence against 
the Seminoles, was suddenly brought to a close. 

By hoisting a British flag on the fort, many hostile In- 
dians entered the watercraft in the river, and were cap- 
tured. Among them, were a ferocious chief, and the 
Prophet Francis, whose murders, committed and instiga- 
ted, cannot all be mentioned. They suffered the reward 
of their diabolical wickedness on the gallows. The rest 
of the savages were discharged. Francis had recently 
visited England ; and had a General's commission in the 
British army. 

At the same place were taken the two British subjects, 
Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The most conclusive evi- 
dence was furnished General Jackson, that these men were, 
and for a long time had been, in open hostility against the 
Republic; that they had furnished the Seminoles and 
negroes, with every species of deadly weapons, the better 
to enable them to carry on war against the Americans ; 
that they had stimulated them to the commission of many 
of the murders that had been perpetrated by them, on the 



46 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

defenceless citizens on the frontiers ; and that they had 
rendered themselves subject to the most rigorous execution 
of vengeance, as violators of the acknowledged principles 
of the law of nations. 

General Jackson gave them an opportunity to evince 
their innocence. A general court martial was detailed, of 
thirteen members. The President of this court was Ma- 
jor General Edmund P. Gaines, one of the most distin- 
guished and accomplished officers in the American, or any 
other service. The members consisted of officers of high 
reputation in the regular army, and in the corps of volun- 
teers. Every indulgence, consistent with the dignity of 
the proceeding, was extended to the arrested men ; and 
every opportunity afforded them to make a full defence. 
After the most solemn deliberation, the court found them 
guilty of the articles and specifications exhibited, and or- 
dered them to suffer death. General Jackson approved 
the sentence ; and Arbuthnot and Ambrister atoned with 
their lives, so far as two guilty lives could atone, for the 
murder of many innocent and worthy men, many lovely and 
helpless women ; many weeping and beseeching children. 
The condemnation of these men has been the cause of 
much censure on General Jackson. If censure was de- 
served, the court, and not the General, ought to suffer it; 
with the exception, that after reconsidering the vote, the 
court reversed its former decision in the case of R. C. Am- 
brister, to which General Jackson paid no attention. In 
this instance, he certainly took on himself a responsibility, 
which might as well have been assumed without the for- 
mality of detailing a court. 

The following "is a list of names of the members of 
the court martial detailed for this purpose : 

Major General E. P. Gaines, President. 

Col. King, Maj. Montgomery, 

Col. Williams, Maj. Fanning, 

Col. Dyer, Major Minton, 

lit. Col. Lindsay, Capt. Vashon, 

Lt. Col. Elliot, Capt. Crittenden, 

Lt. Col. Gibson, Lt. J. M. Glassel. 

Maj. Muhlenberg, 



Memoirs ov Andrew jackson. it 

The court commenced its session on the 26th of April, 
and on the 2Sth, Capt. Allison, of the 7th infantry, was 
added as a supernumerary. 

Arbutlmot was first put on trial. The charges against 
hirn were three, which will be found in the last general 
order, of April 29th. 

To support these charges, a variety of letters, papers, 
memoranda, and witnesses, were produced, leaving no ra- 
tional doubt of the correctness of the charges. 

The following extracts are from a letter produced on 
the trial of Arbutlmot, to which are attached the letter to 
King Hatchy, with a reply. The note of " Indian Talks," 
was identified as Arbuthnot's hand-writing. 

From A. Arbutknot, to his son, John Arbutlmot, dated 
Fort St. Marks, 2d of April, 1818, 9 dclock in the 
morning: 

Dear John, 

" As I am ill able to write a long letter, it is necessary to 
be brief. Before my arrival here, the commandant had 
received an express from the governor of Pensacola, in- 
forming him of a large embarkation of troops, under the 
immediate command of General Jackson ; and the boat 
that brought the despatch reckoned eighteen sail of ves- 
sels off Appalachicola. By a deserter that was brought 
here by the Indians, the commandant was informed that 
three thousand men, under the orders of General Jackson, 
one thousand foot, and one thousand six hundred horse, 
under General Gaines, five hundred under another gene- 
ral, were at Prospect Bluff, where they are rebuilding the 
burnt fort ; that one thousand Indians, of different nations, 
were at Spanish Bluff, building another fort, under the di- 
rection of American officers ; that so soon as these forts 
were built, they intended to march. They have com- 
menced. Yesterday morning advice was received that 

they had appeared near , and taken two of the sons 

of M'Qiieen, and an Indian. Late in the afternoon, three 
schooners came to anchor at the mouth of the river, and this 
morning the American flag is seen flying on the largest." 

a The main drift of the Americans is to destroy the 



48 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

black population of Suwanny. Tell my friend Boleck, 
that it is throwing away his people, to attempt to resist 
such a powerful force as will be drawn on Suwanny ; 
and as the troops advance by land, so will the vessels 
by sea." 

" So soon as the Suwanny is destroyed, I expect the 
Americans will be satisfied, and retire : this is only my 
opinion, but I think it is conformable to the demand made 
by General Gaines to King Hatchy, some months since," 

From General Gaines to the Seminoly chief. 

To the Seminoly chief: Your Seminolys are very bad 
people : I doirt say whom. You have murdered many of 
my people, and stolen my cattle, and many good horses, 
that cost me money : and many good houses, that cost me 
money, you have burnt for me ; and now that you see my 
writing, you'll think I have spoken right. I know it is 
so ; you know it is so ; for now you may say, I will go 
upon you at random ; but just give me the murderers, 
and I will show them my law, and when that is finished 
and past, if you will come about any of my people, you 
will see your friends, and if you see me you will see your 
friend. But there is something out in the sea ; a bird 
with a forked tongue : whip him back before he lands, for 
he will be the ruin of you yet. Perhaps you do not know 
who or what I mean — I mean the name of Englishmen. 

I tell you this, that if you do not give me up the mur- 
derers who have murdered my people, I say I have got 
good strong warriors, with scalping knives and toma- 
hawks. You harbour a great many of my black people 
among you, at Suwanny. If you give me leave to go by 
you against them, I shall not hurt any thing belonging to 
you. (Signed,) General GAINES. 

From King Hatchy to General Gaines, in answer to 

the foregoing. 

To General Gaines : You charge me with killing your 
people, stealing your cattle, and burning your houses. It 
is I that have cause to complain of the Americans. While 
one American has been justly killed; while in the act of 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 49 

stealing cattle, more than four Indians have been mur- 
dered while hunting, by these lawless freebooters. I 
harbour no negroes. When the Englishmen were at war 
with America, some took shelter among them, and it is 
for you white people to settle these things among your- 
selves, and not trouble ns with what we know nothing 
about. I shall use force to stop any armed Americans 
from passing my towns or my lands. 

(Signed,) King HATCHY. 

" Note of Indian Talks" 

In August, Capp had a letter from General Gaines, in 
substance as annexed, No. 1, and returned the answer as 
by No. 2. Nothing farther was said on either side. The 
end of October, a party of Americans, from a fort on 
Flint river, surrounded Fowl Town during the night, 
and began burning it. The Indians then in it, fled to 
the swamps, and in their flight had three persons killed 
by hre from the Americans : they rallied their people, and 
forced the Americans to retire some distance, but not be- 
fore they had two more persons killed. The Americans 
built a block-house or fort, where they had fallen back 
to, and immediately sent to the fort up the country for as- 
sistance, stating the Indians were the aggressors ; and 
also settled with Tohemock for the loss his people had 
suffered, at the same time sending a talk to king Hatchy, 
by a head man, (Aping,) that he would put things in such 
a tram as to prevent farther encroachments, and get 
those Americans to leave the fort. But no sooner was 
the good talk given, and before the bearer of it returned 
home, than hundreds of Americans came pouring down 
on the Indians ; roused them to a sense of their own dan- 
ger : they flew to arms, and have been compelled to sup- 
port them ever since. It is not alone from the country, 
but by vessels entering Appalachicola river, with troops, 
that settlers are pouring into the Indian territory ; and, 
if permitted to continue, will soon overrun the whole of the 
Indian lands. From the talk sent King Hatchy, by Go- 
vernor Mitchell, I am in hopes that those aggressions of the 
Americans on the Indian territory are not countenanced 
5 



50 GLORV OP AMERICA. 

by the American government, but originate with men 
devoid of principle, who set laws and instructions at 
defiance, and stick at no cruelty and oppressions to ob- 
tain their ends. Against such oppressions the American 
government must use not only all their influence, but, if 
necessary, force, or their names will be handed down to 
posterity as a nation more cruel and savage to the un- 
fortunate Aborigines of this country, than ever were the 
Spaniards, in more dark ages, to the nations of South 
America. 

The English government, as the special protectors of the 
Indian nations, and on ./horn alone they rely for assistance, 
ought to step forward and save those unfortunate people 
from ruin ; and as you, sir, are appointed to watch over 
their interests, it is my duty, as an Englishman, and the 
only one in this part of the Indian nation^ to instruct you 
of the talks the chiefs bring me for your information ; and 
I sincerely trust, sir, you will use the powers you are 
vested with, for the service and protection of those unfor- 
tunate people, who look up to you as their saviour. I 
have written to General Mitchell, who, I hear, is an ex- 
cellent man ; and, as he acts as Indian agent, 1 hope his 
influence will stop the torrent of innovations, and give 
peace and quietness to the Creek nation. 

After closing the trial of A. Arbuthnot, the court pro- 
ceeded to that of Robert C. Ambrister, a British subject, 
who, being asked if he had any objections to any one of 
the members of the court, and replying in the negative, 
was arraigned on the following charges. 

Charges against Robert C. Ambrister, now in custody. 

Charge 1st. Aiding, abetting, and comforting the ene- 
my, supplying them with the means of war, he being a 
subject of Great Britain, at peace with the United States, 
and lately an officer in the British colonial marines. 

Charge 2d. Leading and commanding the Lower 
Creeks, in carrying on a war against the United States. 

To which charges he pleaded as follows, viz. : 

To the first charge — Not Guilty. 

To the second charge — Guilty ; and justification. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON*. 51 

John Lewis Phenix, a witness on the part of the prose- 
cution, being duly sworn, stated, that about the 5th or 6th 
of April, 1818, his vessel and himself having been captu- 
red by the prisoner, and he brought to Suwanny as a pri- 
soner, there was an alarm among the negroes and Indians, 
created by learning some news from Mickasuky, at which 
time the prisoner appeared active in sending orders, and 
sending a detachment to meet the American army. The 
witness also stated, that the prisoner appeared to be a per- 
son vested with authority among the negro leaders, and 
gave orders for their preparation for war, and providing 
ammunition. And that the leaders came to him for orders. 
The prisoner furnished them with powder and lead, and 
recommended to them the making of ball very quickly. 
The witness also stated that the prisoner occasionally 
dressed in uniform, with his sword ; and that, on the first 
alarm, which he understood was from Mickasuky, by a 
negro woman, he put on the uniform. 

The witness farther stated, that some time about the 
20th of March, 1818, the prisoner, with an armed body of 
negroes, twenty-four in number, came on board his vessel, 
and. ordered him to pilot them to Fort St. Marks, which, 
he stated, he intended to capture before the Americans 
could get there — threatening to hang the witness if he did 
not obey. 

John I. Arbuthnot, a witness on the part of the prose- 
cution, being duly sworn, stated, that some time about the 
23d of March, the prisoner came with a body of negroes, 
partly armed, to his father's store on Suwanny rjver, and 
told the witness he had come to do justice to the country, 
by taking the goods and distributing them among the ne- 
groes and Indians — which the witness saw the prisoner 
do : and that the prisoner stated to him, that he had come 
to the country on Woodbine's business, to see the negroes 
righted. The witness has farther known the prisoner to 
give orders to the negroes, and that, at his suggestion, a 
jparty was sent from Suwanny to meet the Americans, to 
give them battle — which party returned on meeting the 
Mickasuky Indians in their flight. 

Peter B, Cook, a witness on the part of the prosecution, 



52 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

being duly sworn, stated, that he never heard the prisoner 
give any orders to negroes or Indians ; that the prisoner 
distributed Arbuthnot's goods, and also paint, to the ne- 
groes and Indians. 

Also, that some powder was brought from the vessel to 
Suwanny, by the prisoner, and distributed among the ne- 
groes by Nero. Some time in March, the prisoner took 
Arbuthnot's schooner, and with an armed party of negroes, 
twenty-four in number, set out for fort St. Marks, for the 
purpose of taking Arbuthnot's goods at that place, and sta- 
ted that he would compel the commandant to deliver them 
up. On hearing of the approach of the American army, 
the prisoner told the negroes it was useless to run ; for if 
they ran any farther, they would be driven into the sea. 

Jacob Harrison, a witness on the part of the prosecution, 
being duly sworn, stated, that some time in the latter end 
of March, or first of April, the prisoner took possession of 
the schooner Chance, with an armed party of negroes, and 
stated his intentions of taking St. Marks. On his way 
thither, going ashore, he learned from some Indians that 
Arbuthnot had gone to St. Marks, which induced him to 
return. The witness also stated, that, while the prisoner 
was on board, he had complete command of the negroes, 
who considered him as their captain. The prisoner took 
the cargo of the vessel up towards Suwanny, which con- 
sisted, with other articles, of nine kegs of powder, and five 
hundred pounds of lead. 

The evidence on both sides being closed, the prisoner 
was allowed until five o'clock this "evening to make his 
defence. 

The time allowed the prisoner for the preparation of his 
defence, having expired, he was brought before the court, 
and made the defence which is attached to these proceed- 
ings. 

The court was then cleared, and the proceedings were 
read over by the recorder, when, after due deliberation on 
the testimony brought forward, the court find the prisoner, 
Robert C. Ambrister, guilty of so much of the specification 
to the first charge, as follows, viz : " and did excite them 
to war with the United States ;. by sending their warriors 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 53 

to meet and fight the American army, he being- a subject 
of Great Britain, which government was at peace and 
friendship with the United Stales, and all her citizens; but 

not guilty of the other part of the specification; guilty of 
the first charge; guilty of the specification of the second 
charge, and guilty of the second charge; and do, there- 
fore, sentence the prisoner, Robert C. Ambrister, to suffer 
death, by being shot, two thirds of the court concurring 
therein. 

One of the members of the court requesting a reconsi- 
deration of his vote on the sentence, the sense of the court 
was taken thereon, and decided in the affirmative, when 
the vote was again taken, and the court sentence the 
prisoner to receive fifty stripes on his bare back, and be 
confined with a ball and chain to hard labour, for twelve 
calendar months. 

The court adjourned, sine die. 

Edmund P. Gaines, 
Major-General by brevet, President of the Court. 

J. M. Glassell, Recorder. 

DEFENCE. 

Fort St. Marks, April 28///, 1818. 

The United States of America, 
vs. 

Robert Christy Ambrister, 

Who, being arraigned before a special court martial, 
upon the following charges, to wit : 

1 . Aiding, abetting, and comforting [the Indians ;] sup- 
plying them with the means of war, he being a subject of 
Great Britain, at peace with the United States, and lately 
an officer in the British colonial marines. 

Charge 2d. Leading and commanding the Lower Creek 
Indians, in carrying on war against the United States. 

To the first charge the prisoner at the bar pleads not 
guilty, and, as to the second charge, he pleads guilty, and 
justification. The prisoner at the bar feels grateful to this 
honourable court, for their goodness in giving him a suffi- 
cient time to deliberate and arrange his defence on the 
above charges. 



51 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

The prisoner at the bar here avails himself of the op- 
portunity of stating to this court, that inasmuch as the 
testimony which was introduced in this case, was very 
explicit, and went to every point the prisoner could wish, 
he has nothing- farther to oiler in his defence, but puts 
himself on the mercy of the honourable court. 

Robert C. Ambrister. 

Head-Q.uartf.rs, Division of the South. 

Adjiitant-GeneraVs Office, Camp four miles 
north of St. Marks, April 29th, 1818. 

GENERAL order. 

At a special court martial, commenced on the 26th in- 
stant at St. Marks, and continued until the night of the 
28th, of which brevet Major-General E. P. Gaines is Pre* 
sident, was tried A. Arbuthnot, on the following: charges 
and specifications, viz : 

Charge 1st. Exciting and stirring up the Creek Indians 
to war against the United States and her citizens, he, A. 
Arbuthnot, being a subject of Great Britain, with whom 
the United States are at peace. 

Charge 2d. Acting as a spy ; aiding, abetting, and com- 
forting the enemy, and supplying them with the means ot 
war. 

Charge 3d. Exciting the Indians to murder and destroy 
William Hambly and Edmund Doyle, confiscate their pro- 
perty, and causing their arrest, with a view to their con-* 
demnation to death, and the seizure of their property, they 
being citizens of Spain, on account of their active and 
zealous exertions to maintain peace between Spain, the 
United States, and the Indians. 

To which charges the prisoner pleaded not guilty. 

The court, after mature deliberation on the evidence 
adduced, find the prisoner, A. Arbuthnot, guilty of the first 
charge, and guilty of the second charge, leaving out the 
words " acting as a spy ;" and, after mature reflection, 
sentence him, A. Arbuthnot, to be suspended by the neck, 
until he is dead. 

Was also tried, Robert C. Ambrister, on the following 
charges, viz. : 



MEMOIRS OF ft.NDB.EW JACKSON. 55 

Charge 1st. Aiding, abetting, and comforting the ene- 
my, and supplying them with the means of war, he being 
a subject of Great Britain, who are at peace with the 
United States, and late an officer in the British colonial 
marines. 

Charge 2d. Leading and commanding the lower Creek 
Indians in carrying on a war against the United States. 

To which charges the prisoner pleaded as follows : to 
the first charge, not guilty ; to the second charge, guilty, 
and justification. 

The court, on examination of evidence, and on mature 
deliberation, find the prisoner, Robert C. Ambrister, guilty 
of the first and second charges ; and do, therefore, sentence 
him to suffer death, by being shot. The members request- 
ing a reconsideration of the vote on this sentence, and it 
being had, they sentence the prisoner to. receive fifty stripes 
on his bare back, and be confined with a ball and chain, 
to hard labour, for twelve calendar months. 

The Commanding General approves the finding and 
sentence of the court in the case of A. Arbuthnot, and ap- 
proves the finding and first sentence of the court in the 
case of Robert C. Ambrister, and disapproves the re-con- 
sideration of the sentence of the honourable court in this 
case. 

It appears, from the evidence and pleading of the pri- 
soner, that he did lead and command within the territory 
of Spain, (being a subject of Great Britain,) the Indians in 
war against the United States, those nations being at peace. 
It is an established principle of the laws of nations, that 
any individual of a nation making war against the citizens 
of any other nation, they being at peace, forfeits his alle- 
giance, and becomes an outlaw and pirate. This is the 
case of Robert C. Ambrister, clearly shown by the evi- 
dence adduced. 

The Commanding General orders that brevet Major 
A. C. W. Fanning, of the corps of artillery, will have, be- 
tween the hours of eight and nine o'clock, A. M., A. Ar- 
buthnot suspended by the neck with a rope, until he is 
dead, and Robert C. Ambrister to be shot to death, agree- 
able to the sentence of the court. 



56 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

John James Arbuthnot will be furnished with a passage 
to Pensacola, by the first vessel. 

The special court, of which brevet Major-General E. P. 
Gaines is President, is dissolved. 

By order of Major-General Jackson. 

Robert Butler, Adjutant-General. 

After the close of the campaign against the Seminoles, 
the General left Florida for Nashville, and was received 
by the citizens with cordial respect. In 1821, the Floridas 
were ceded by Spain to the United States. On the 10th 
day of March, President Monroe, by virtue of an act of 
Congress, commissioned him as governor of East and 
West Florida. In August he proceeded to his place of 
destination, and commenced his duties. As mififht be ex- 
pected, dissatisfaction was expressed by some, and more 
particularly by a portion of those who had been in of- 
fice under the Spanish authorities. Libellous publications 
were issued, animadverting on certain judicial acts under 
the new regime, and documents were retained of import- 
ance to the rights of individuals, and the due administra- 
tion of the laws. The persons thus offending were, as 
they ought to be, called to an account, and finally expel- 
led from the provinces. These were not citizens, but 
Spanish officers, who were, by treaty, to evacuate the 
ceded territory. The banishment of these officers, caused 
much excitement in the United States. Mr. Adams, then 
Secretary of State, defended the General, from which able 
defence we quote the following : — 

" The same persevering system of withholding docu- 
ments, which it was their duty to deliver, lias marked, I 
am deeply concerned to say, the conduct of both the com- 
manders of East and West Florida, who were charged, 
respectively, to deliver those provinces to the United States. 
It is to this cause, and to this alone, as appears from a re- 
view of all the transactions of which you (the Spanish 
minister) have complained, that must be traced the origin 
of all those severe measures which General Jackson him- 
self was the first, while deeming them indispensable to the 
discharge of his own official duties, to lament. Charged, 
as he was, with the trust of receiving the provinces in be- 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 57 

half of the United States, of maintaining their rights of 
property within them, of guarding them to the utmost of 
his power from those frauds to which there was too much 
reason to apprehend they would he liable, and to which 
the retention of the documents gave so great and danger- 
ous scope; intrusted, from the necessity of the case, du- 
ring the interval of time, while the general laws of the 
United States remained unextended to the provinces, with 
the various powers which had, until that time, been exer- 
cised by the Spanish Governors, and which included the 
administration of justice between individuals ; it was im- 
possible that he should not feel the necessity of exercising, 
under circumstances thus exasperating and untoward, 
every authority committed to him by the supreme autho- 
rity of his country, to preserve inviolate, so far as on him 
depended, the interests of that country, and the sacred 
obligations of individual right." 

Fatigued with the cares of government, and desirous 
of repose, he soon resigned the government of these pro- 
vinces, and returned to his home in Tennessee. But in 
May, 1822, the legislature of that state, nominated him as 
candidate for President of the United States. In the au- 
tumn of this year, he was elected to the senate of the na- 
tional government. The second term of office was, with 
Mr. Monroe, drawing towards a close ; or, more correctly 
to speak, party spirit was excited, and the question, Who 
shall be our next President? was early on the tapis. Of 
five candidates, General Jackson was evidently the most 
popular ; but the choice devolving on the house of repre- 
sentatives, Mr. Adams was the successful candidate. 

In October, 1825, seven months after Mr. Adams had 
been chosen President, the legislature of Tennessee again 
presented General Jackson before the American public, as 
candidate for the highest gift within their power to bestow. 
In consequence of this nomination, he resigned his seat as 
senator. 

In the spring of 1827, the legislature of Louisiana re- 
solved to invite the General to participate in the celebra- 
tion of the 8th of January at New Orleans. He was duly 
notified of this resolution, and accepted the invitation, 



58 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

The limits of these memoirs forbid a description of his 
reception, and the brilliant manner in which the day was 
celebrated. The editor will barely quote two addresses, 
and the replies made by the General. The first address 
was made by Mr. John R. Grymes, one of his aids during 
the invasion, and was as follows : — - 

" General — I have been deputed by the citizens of New 
Orleans, and your old companions in arms, to receive you 
on this spot, consecrated to the honour and glory of our 
country, and in their name to testify to you their feelings 
on the occasion, which has again brought us together. 

"To do this, no language at my command is adequate. 
But you, Sir, will be able fully to appreciate them, when 
I declare our solemn conviction, that to your conduct on 
the memorable day, whose anniversary we celebrate, we 
are indebted for our homes, our liberties, our all. Accept 
then, Sir, every sentiment of gratitude, which a devoted 
and patriotic people can feel towards him who has pre- 
served to them the inestimable blessings of our constitu- 
tion, and the sacred institutions of our country, and our 
fervent prayer, that your deeds may meet with their just 
reward from the present generation, and that their re- 
membrance may extend to our posterity." 

To which the General replied : — 

" Sir — Thirteen years have revolved since, fellow citi- 
zens, and fellows in arms, we met on these plains. Our 
country was then shaken by the storms of war, and 
we repaired hither to resist its rudest shock. This lovely 
land, rich in its present aspect, and far richer in its future 
destinies — the pride of western commerce, and the key of 
western independence — was insulted by invasion, and 
threatened by conquest. An army, strong in renown, and 
powerful in numbers, haughty from success, and eager 
for spoil, came from amidst distant seas to pour its pride 
and fury upon Louisiana. This formidable foe we met ; 
and though inferior in number and discipline, though not 
furnished with the regular means of defence, though has- 
tily assembled from various states, we were determined 
to live or die free ; we acted with concert, we fought with 
confidence, and we conquered. The justice of our cause 



MEMOIRS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 59 

gave us courage, and the favour of heaven granted us vic- 
tory, and requited our days of toil, and nights of watching, 
with the glory of giving deliverance to our country, and 
security to our fellow citizens. In common with them, 
we have since enjoyed the fruits of peace, and pursuing 
the various callings of life, have been dispersed over dif- 
ferent regions. But though separated by time and space, 
the bond of fraternity cemented on this field has not been 
weakened — our countrymen hallowed it with their grati- 
tude. With what pleasure do I embrace you again ! in 
what language shall I express my emotions ! This as- 
semblage of my martial brothers, is a peculiar mark of 
the goodness of Divine Providence ? Shall I not esteem 
this concourse of my fellow citizens, collected from differ- 
ent quarters of the Union, as evidence, that the nation ac- 
cepts it as worthy of commemoration, and rejoices in be- 
stowing its honour on those who shared its dangers 1 
What greater good than this, within the sphere of human 
events, can fall to the lot of man 'I What higher incentive 
to the discharge of his duty as a citizen and a soldier ? 
And what an inspiring theme does it afford to our suppli- 
cation to that God, in the hollow of whose hand is the 
fate of man and the destiny of nations ! Considerations 
prepared me to receive the cordial welcome with which I 
am honoured ; and in behalf of the valiant men, to whose 
perseverance and undaunted spirit I owed my success, I 
receive it with pride and joy. 

" I thank you, sir, for the kind assurance of the regard 
of my fellow citizens. My conduct in defending your city 
has been misunderstood by some, and misrepresented by 
others ; but this day's testimony in its favour repays me 
for injury and injustice ; and it is far more valuable than 
any gratification, which the pride of power or the pomp 
of office can confer. Most of you were wit] ^ses of the 
scenes in which I was engaged, and know the measures 
which I adopted to destroy the proud foe, and protect this 
fair city. From the part you acted, and the relations you 
sustained, you are competent to weigh the circumstances 
by which I was surrounded, and to estimate the motives 
by which I was governed. Your approbation, therefore. 



60 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

fives me consolation, and satisfies me that the course which 
pursued was required hy the interest and honour of the 
country. In that perilous crisis I thought it my duty to 
obey, in favour of my country, the great law of necessity, 
the great principle of self-defence — to sacrifice the sha- 
dow for the substance, and to save the constitution by 
suspending, within the compass of sentinels, the impend- 
ing action of certain legal forms. This step I took, nei- 
ther without reflection, nor without advice, nor without 
example. And when I review it, my mind adheres to the 
judgment which I had formed. Your approbation, I re- 
peat, confirms this opinion. It will, I believe, signalized 
as it is by this public solemnity, have a higher effect — It 
will exhibit to posterity a salutary example of patriotism 
and justice, and thus be instrumental in securing our 
country from future danger. Like the glory of that bright 
day which saw us rise into a national existence, it may 
blaze on the altars of liberty, and rekindle from age to age 
the sacred love of freedom for their country. 

" I salute you, fellow citizens, and embrace you, my bro- 
thers in arms, and offer my prayers to heaven for your in- 
dividual happiness, and for our country's glory." 

Mr. Davezac, another of bis former aids, addressed him 
thus : — 

" General — I should be insensible indeed, if I could ex- 
press the deep feelings which crowd on my mind, Avhen, 
after viewing the surrounding scene, I cast my eyes on 
him whom I now address ; this ground, made holy by 
deeds of eternal renown ; this plain, where patriotism and 
valour triumphed over numbers and discipline. What no- 
bler subjects can be offered to the meditation of philosophy? 
What nobler theme can excite the genius of an orator 1 

" But when to these are now superadded the shouts of 
an enthusiastic multitude, the roar of artillery, and the 
magnificent spectacle of so many floating palaces, dis- 
playing to the winds, as they glide along, the striped ban- 
ner on which shines so brightly the auspicious stars, the 
happy emblems of new born republics ; I may be allowed 
to hope, that the inspiration of the scene, may supply the 
talent which ought to have been possessed by him, on 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 61 

whom devolves the task of expressing the gratitude of his 
brother soldiers. It was a happy conception of the legis- 
lature of our country, to invite the conqueror of the 8th 
of January to the field of his glory ; there to gladden his 
eyes by the spectacle of a nation's gratitude ; to offer to 
his sight, after thirteen years had elapsed, crowned with the 
choicest gifts of nature, enriched by the tributes of com- 
merce, of industry, and of the arts, Louisiana, whom be had 
beheld in the days of her mourning, in the hour of calamity. 

" Prosperity does not harden the hearts of freemen, for 
it is in the midst of all the felicity which Providence can 
bestow on a favoured people, that Louisianians delight to 
look back to an epoch marked by dread portents and ac- 
tual perils ; and it is at the very moment when they feel 
most intensely their present happiness, that they recall the 
remembrance of the day when you appeared among 
them for the first time. You found them ready to pour 
out their heart's blood in defence of their country ; but 
they had been waiting for a chief, for one firm of purpose, 
capable of breasting the approaching tempest. They were 
aware, that at such a crisis, unity of command was their 
only safety, and that you alone could collect the scattered 
reeds, bind them together, and give them, thus united, a 
force that would defy all hostile efforts. You called on 
the brave, wherever born, and you uttered the sacred 
words — Honour ! Country ! All hearts vibrated at the 
sound — what once was rivalry, became emulation — what 
had been envy was changed into a noble jealousy of fame. 
Various languages were spoken at these memorable times ; 
but in every tongue the valiant vowed to conquer or to 
die. You had inspired all your warriors with your own 
presaging hopes. 

" We have come this day to salute, at the very instant 
when he treads again this hallowed ground, the hero of 
this great anniversary. We come, too, like the Greeks of 
old, when they visited the field of Marathon, to honour 
the 'warriors whom fate forbade to join in the triumphs 
they purchased at the price of their lives. But why do I 
detain you so long, even on this field of your fame? 
While these veteran soldiers press the hand of their 
6 



62 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

chief, a whole city waits the return of the vessel which 
bears the guest of Louisiana. The legislature of our 
state have suspended their deliberations \ the multitudes 
cover the banks of this great river, the temples are opened, 
the incense ascending to heaven, together with the bless- 
ings of a grateful people. Go, happy conqueror ! Go, 
and hear the voice of mothers greeting the hero who 
brought back their sons. Go, and hear the cheerings of 
the wives and daughters, from whom you averted the in- 
sults of a lawless soldiery. Go, and meet the kind, the 
rapturous welcome of the new generations ; the children 
born since 1815 ; the future men of Louisiana, await also 
the deliverer of their fathers." 
To this the General thus replied : 

" Sir — Your language and imagination attest the fer- 
vour of the clime you inhabit, and do justice to the gene- 
rous people you represent. They do justice also to my 
brave associates, who enriched the field before us with 
glory, and tilled it with recollections which so powerfully 
excite your enthusiasm, and are regarded with such libe- 
ral interest. While I rejoice with you in the prosperity of 
Louisiana, which smiles on the banks and floats on the 
current of its majestic river, I take pleasure in reflecting 
that it is the just reward of the valour and patriotism she 
displayed under a pressure of clanger, which valour and 
patriotism alone could have supported. 

" In this assembly I see many of her sons, whose swords 
opposed a rampart to the powerful foe, and whose lives 
were preserved in honour, because they Were offered a 
sacrifice to glory. You, sir, are one of this chivalric band, 
and doubtless, when you witness this scene, you are filled 
with, those emotions,'' which your fancy compares to the 
feelings of the soldiers of Mikiades, when they revisited 
the field of their victory. Here I rejoice to meet you, and 
to mingle my exultation with yours, in the prosperity and 
glory of our common country." 

The unprecedented exertions of politicians for the office 
of chief magistrate in 1828, resulted in favour of General 
Jackson. The ceremony of inauguration took place in 
the Senate Chamber, on the fourth of March, 1829, 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 63 

The inaugural address, though brief, was well con- 
ceived, and happily expressed. It takes a concise view of 
presidential duties, and the manner in which he intended 
to perform them. At the conclusion of this address, Chief 
Justice Marshall administered to him the oath of office. 
The address was as follows : 

" Fellow-citizens : About to undertake the arduous du- 
ties that I have been appointed to perform, by the choice 
of a free people, I avail myself of this customary and so- 
lemn occasion, to express the gratitude which their con- 
fidence inspires, and to acknowledge the accountability 
which my situation enjoins. While the magnitude of 
their interests convinces me that no thanks can be ade- 
quate to the honour they have conferred, it admonishes 
me that the best return I can make, is the zealous dedica- 
tion of my humble abilities to their service and their good. 

" As the instrument of the federal constitution, it will 
devolve upon me, for a stated period, to execute the laws 
of the United States ; to superintend their foreign and con- 
federate relations ; to manage their revenue ; to command 
their forces ; and, by communications to the legislature, 
to watch over and to promote their interests generally. 
And the principles of action by which I shall endeavour 
to accomplish this circle of duties, it is now proper for me 
briefly to explain. 

" In administering the laws of Congress, I shall keep 
steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of 
the executive power, trusting thereby to discharge the 
functions of my office, without transcending its authority. 
With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve peace, 
and to cultivate friendship on fair and honourable terms ; 
and, in the adjustment of any difference that may exist or 
arise, to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation, 
rather than the sensibility belonging to a gallant people. 

" In such measures as I may be called on to pursue, in 
regard to the rights of the separate states, I hope to be 
animated by a proper respect for those sovereign members 
of our Union ; taking care not to confound the powers 
they have reserved to themselves, with those they have 
granted to the confederacy. 



64 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

" The management of the public revenue — that search- 
ing operation in all governments — is among the most deli- 
cate and important trusts in ours ; and it will, of course, 
demand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude. 
Under every aspect in which it can be considered, it would 
appear that advantage must result from the observance of 
a strict and faithful economy. This I shall aim at the 
more anxiously, both because it will facilitate the extin- 
guishment of the national debt — the unnecessary duration 
of which is incompatible with real independence — and be- 
cause it will counteract that tendency to public and private 
profligacy, which a profuse expenditure of money by the 
government is but too apt to engender. Powerful auxilia- 
ries to the attainment of this desirable end, are to be found 
in the regulations provided by the wisdom of congress for 
the specific appropriation of public money, and the prompt 
accountability of public officers. 

" With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of 
impost, with a view to revenue ; it would seem to me that 
the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise, in which 
the constitution was formed, requires that the great inte- 
rests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, should 
be equally favoured ; and that, perhaps, the only exception 
to this rule should consist in the peculiar encouragement 
of any products of either of them that may be found essen- 
tial to our national independence. 

" Internal improvement, and the diffusion of knowledge, 
so far as they can be promoted by the constitutional acts 
of the federal government, are of high importance. 

" Considering standing armies as dangerous to free go- 
vernments, in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our 
present establishment, nor disregard that salutary lesson 
of political experience which teaches that the military 
should be held subordinate to the civil power. The gra- 
dual increase of our navy, whose flag has displayed, in 
distant climes, our skill in navigation, and our fame in 
arms ; the preservation of our forts, arsenals, and dock- 
yards ; and the introduction of progressive improvements 
in the discipline and science of both branches of our mili- 
tary service, are so plainly prescribed by prudence, that I 



MEMOIRS OF ANIHIEW JACKSON." G5 

should be excused for omitting their mention, sooner than 
enlarging on their importance. But the bulwark of our 
defence is the national militia, which, in the present state 
of our intelligence and population, must render us invin- 
cible. As long as our government is administered for the 
good of the people, and is regulated by their will ; as long 
as it secures to us the rights of person and of property, 
liberty of conscience, and of the press, it will be worth de- 
fending ; and so long as it is worth defending, a patriotic 
militia will cover it with an impenetrable aegis. Partial 
injuries and occasional mortifications we may be subjected 
to ; but a million of armed freemen, possessed of the means 
of war, can never be conquered by a foreign foe. To any 
just system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural 
safeguard of the country, I shall cheerfully lend all the 
aid in my power. 

" It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe, 
towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and 
liberal policy ; and to give that humane and considerate 
attention to their rights and their wants, which are con- 
sistent with the habits of our government and the feelings 
of our people. 

" The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes 
on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be 
overlooked, the task of reform ; which will require, parti- 
cularly, the correction of those abuses that have brought 
the patronage of the federal government into conflict with 
the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those 
causes which have disturbed the rightful course of ap- 
pointment, and have placed, or continued power, in un- 
faithful or incompetent hands. 

" In the performance of a task thus generally delineated, 
I shall endeavour to select men whose diligence and talents 
will ensure, in their respective stations, able and faithful 
co-operation — depending, for the advancement of the pub- 
lic service, more on the integrity and zeal of the public 
officers, than on their numbers. 

" A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifica- 
tions, will teach me to look with reverence to the exam- 
ples of public virtue left bv my illustrious predecessors, 
6* 



66 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind 
that founded, and the mind that reformed, our system. 
The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction 
and aid from the co-ordinate branches of the government, 
and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens 
generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that 
Power whose providence mercifully protected our national 
infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vi- 
cissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplica- 
tions that he will continue to make our beloved country 
the object of his divine care and gracious benediction." 

His cabinet was organized by the appointment of Mar- 
tin Van Buren, of New York, Secretary of State ; Samuel 
D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, Secretary of War ; John 
Branch, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy ; and 
John M. Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney General. 

Some of the first, and most objectionable acts of his ad- 
ministration, consisted in removals from office of those who 
were the subjects of presidential influence. If, as is pro- 
bable, some of the removals were for good causes, no ra- 
tional being would accuse him of prostrating the dignity 
of his high office by these displacements. The apology 
chiefly made for this step, has been that men had grown 
gray in office, and that their families had received a sup- 
port from the public purse. Another apology offered, was, 
that the people were determined to know how their affairs 
had been managed during twenty-eight preceding years. 
Neither these apologies, nor the principle of rotation in 
office, exhibit a reason for the vast number of removals at 
the commencement of this administration. All those re- 
movals were not, nor could they be, justified by these 
apologies for reasoning. — If, indeed, responsible offices 
were held by undeserving incumbents — if no measures 
but expulsion from office could probe their conduct, or 
expose their malpractices — then was removal fully justi- 
fied. That this was the fact, the editor trusts no sane 
man will answer affirmatively. 

The writer of this will not be the first to contend, that 
in no case ought an executive officer to exercise the power 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. C7 

of removal without a charge of dereliction of duty ; but 
he does contend, that faithful public officers should not 
thus be suddenly dismissed without the prospect of some 
other public benefit than the mere plea of rotation, or a 
long term of service. 

But the most obnoxious feature in the vast majority of 
these removals, occurred in the post-office department. It is 
notorious, and susceptible of proof, that post-offices suffer- 
ed the loss of their keepers for no other reason than that 
they had been kept by those who were unfriendly to the 
election of General Jackson. Nor is it less obvious, that 
the partisans of the new administration were their suc- 
cessors. The index which points out this fact, is the num- 
ber of editors and printers who supported his election, and 
who not only looked for the office in consequence of their 
services, but were actually chosen to fill the vacancies thus 
made. Many facts could be adduced, exhibiting the spirit 
of proscription which was felt in this department, but the 
subject is unpleasant, and nothing but a determination to 
distribute exact justice has induced me to mention it. 

The veto of the president on the bill for authorizing a 
subscription to the stock of the Maysville and Washington 
Turnpike Road Company, in Kentucky, caused consider- 
able excitement. The following is an extract from the 
view which was taken of this subject by Mr. P. P. 
Barbour : — 

" What has the President done which calls forth this 

loud complaint ? Why, forsooth, he has dared to put his 
veto on a bill passed by both houses of congress, and 
has returned it with his objections. And has it come to 
this, that it is cause of complaint, that the chief executive 
magistrate, constituting, as he does, a co-ordinate branch 
of the legislature, has ventured to perform his constitu- 
tional function, in dissenting from a law, which, m his 
judgment, would be ruinous in its consequences 1 Was it 
in the contemplation of those who framed the constitution) 
that the President should be set up as a mere pageant, with 
powers possessed in theory, but never to be reduced to 

{>ractice — or was it intended that this veto on legislation, 
ike every other power, should be exercised, whenever the 



flg GLORY OF AMERICA. 

occasion should occur to make it necessary? Do not 
gentlemen perceive that they might, with as much reason, 
complain that the senate had negatived one of our hills? 
for they, too, are only a co-ordinate branch of the legisla- 
ture, as is the executive magistrate. 

* * * # * * 

" The constitution proceeds on the idea, that congress, 
composed of the senate and house of representatives, is 
not infallible. It has therefore erected the barrier of the 
executive veto, against hasty or injudicious action. It 
contemplates that veto as countervailing the opinion or 
one third of both houses, because its interposition makes 
the concurrence of two thirds of both houses necessary. 
To complain, then, of its exercise, is to quarrel with the 
form of government under which we live. It is precisely 
the reverse of a complaint which we have often heard of 
in a European monarchy. There the king complained 
whenever the parliament refused to register his edicts. 
Here the congress is to complain whenever the President 
refuses to register its will." 

Mr. Barbour, in the speech from which the preceding 
arguments are selected, ably sustained the Presidential 
veto, and proved himself a capable and honest politician. 
That improper motives may induce the chief magistrate to 
impose the weight of his veto on bills which ought to pass; 
and thai he may sometimes err in judgment, even with the 
best designs, is too obvious to require an argument ; but 
these are evils to which we must as certainly submit, as 
we surely know, that injurious bills have become law, 
with the consent of each of the co-ordinate branches of a 
legislature. Time and experience are the only tests of 
utility. 

His message to congress, in 1830, a copy of which fol- 
lows, was generally well received. 

"Fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of re- 
presentatives ; — 

" It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings 
to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of 
government, to enter upon the important duties to which 
you have been called by the voice of our countrymen. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 09 

The task devolves on me, under a provision of the consti- 
tution, to present to you, as the federal legislature of 
twenty-four sovereign states, and twelve millions of hap- 
py people, a view of our affairs ; and to propose such 
measures as, in the discharge of my official functions, 
have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the 
objects of our union. 

" In communicating with you for the first time, it is, to 
me, a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual 
gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that 
we are at peace with all mankind ; and that our country 
exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare 
and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to 
other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of 
the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by our- 
selves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in 
social happiness. 

" Our foreign relations, although in their general cha- 
racter pacific and friendly, present subjects of difference 
between us and other powers of deep interest, as well to 
the country at large as to many of our citizens. To ef- 
fect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object 
of my earnest endeavours ; and notwithstanding the diffi- 
culties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend 
unfavourable results. Blessed as our country is, with 
every thing which constitutes national strength, she is ful- 
ly adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In 
discharging the responsible trust confided to the executive 
in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that 
is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is 
wrong; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other 
branches of the government, and by the intelligence and 
patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the pro- 
tection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be 
respected. 

" Of the unsettled matters between the United States 
and other powers, the most prominent are those which 
have, for years, been the subject of negotiation with Eng- 
land, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our 
ministers to those governments left the United States, ren- 



70 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

der it impossible, at. this early day, to inform you of what 
has been done on the subjects with which they have been 
respectively chargeu. Relying upon the justice of our 
views in relation to the points committed to negotiation, 
and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our 
intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason 
to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differ- 
ences. 

" With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and 
war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honoura- 
ble, and elevated competition. Every thing in the con- 
dition and history of the two nations is calculated to in- 
spire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry convic- 
tion to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve 
the most cordial relations : such are my own views, and 
it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing 
sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time 
nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development 
of the policy which the present cabinet of Great Britain 
designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the 
hope that it will be of a just and pacific character ; and 
if this anticipation be realized, we may look with confi- 
dence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our af- 
fairs. 

" Under the convention for regulating the reference to 
arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the 
fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have 
hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candour and libe- 
rality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sove- 
reign states, seoking to adjust, by the most unexceptionable 
means, important and delicate subjects of contention. 
The first statements of the parties have been exchanged, 
and the final replication, on our part, is in a course of 
preparation. This subject has received the attention de- 
manded by its great and peculiar importance to a patri- 
otic member of this confederacy. The exposition of our 
rights, already made, is such as, from the high reputa- 
tion of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, 
we had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of 
t.ha sovereign who lias evinced his friendly disposition, 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 



ft 



by assuming the delicate task of arbitration, have been 
committed to a citizen of the state of Maine, whose cha- 
racter, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the sub- 
ject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. 
With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in 
the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising indepen- 
dence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to 
apprehend from the result. 

. " From France, our ancient ally 3 we have a right to ex- 
pect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a power : 
ful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The beneficial 
effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822j 
limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to makd 
a salutary impression on the minds of those who are 
charged with the administration of her government. — 
Should this result induce a disposition to embrace, to 
their full extent, the wholesome principles which consti- 
tute our commercial policy, our minister to that court 
will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition, and 
to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions* 
The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their 
property, long since committed under the authority, andj 
in many instances, by the express direction, of the then 
existing government of France, remain unsatisfied ; and 
must, therefore, continue to furnish a subject of unplea- 
sant discussion, and possible collision, between the two 
governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded 
as well on the validity of those claims, and the established 
policy of all enlightened governments, as on the known 
integrity of the French monarch, that the injurious de- 
lays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future. 
Our minister has been instructed to press these demands 
on the French government with all the earnestness which 
is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice ; 
and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due 
to the feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is re- 
quired. 

" Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been 
authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to 

both countries, either by concluding a commercial con* 



72 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

vention, upon liberal and reciprocal terms ; or by urging 
the acceptance, in their full extent, of the mutually bene- 
ficial provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been 
instructed to make a farther appeal to the justice of Spain, 
in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations up- 
on our commerce, committed under her authority — an 
appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on 
our part, and a due confidence in the honour of that go- 
vernment, authorize us to expect will not be made in vain. 

" With other European powers, our intercourse is on the 
most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territorial 
limits, extensive population, and great power, high in the 
rank of nations, the United States have always found a 
steadfast friend. Although her recent invasion of Turkey 
awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed 
to the desolations of war, we cannot but anticipate that 
the result will prove favourable to the cause of civiliza- 
tion, and to the progress of human happiness. The 
treaty of peace between these powers having been rati- 
fied, we cannot be insensible to the great benefit to be 
derived by the commerce of the United States, from un- 
locking the navigation of the Black Sea — a free passage 
into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to 
ports of Russia, under a flag at peace with the Porte. 
This advantage, enjoyed, upon conditions, by most of the 
powers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. 
During the past summer, an antecedent, but unsuccessful 
attempt to obtain it, was renewed under circumstances 
which promised the most favourable results. Although 
these results have fortunately been thus in part attained, 
farther facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the 
enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently 
desirable to ensure to them our most zealous attention. 

" Our trade with Austria, although of secondary impor- 
tance, has been gradually increasing ; and is now so ex- 
tended, as to deserve the fostering care of the government. 
A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that 
power, by the late administration, has been consummated 
by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which 
will be laid before the senate. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. f3 

" During the recess of congress, our diplomatic rela- 
tions with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar 
state of tilings in that country, caused a suspension of the 
recognition of the representative who presented himself, 
until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official 
organ there, information regarding the actual, and as far 
as practicable, prospective, condition of the authority by 
which the representative in question was appointed. This 
information being received, the application of the esta- 
blished rule of our government, in like cases, was no longer 
withheld. 

" Considerable advances have been made, during the 
present year, in the adjustment of claims of our citizens 
upon Denmark for spoliations ; but all that we have a 
right to demand from that government, in their behalf, 
has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, 
however, upon which this subject lias, with the approba- 
tion of the claimants, been placed by the government, to- 
gether with the uniformly just and friendly disposition 
which has been evinced by his Danish majesty, there is a 
reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of dif- 
ference will speedily be removed. 

" Our relations with the Barbary powers continue, as 
they have long been, of the most favourable character. 
The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediter- 
ranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquillity, 
will be persevered in ; as well as a similar one for the 
protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. 

" The southern republics of our own hemisphere, have 
not yet realized all the advantages for which they have 
been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the day 
is not distant, when the restoration of peace and internal 
quiet, under permanent systems of government, securing 
the liberty, and promoting the happiness of the citizens, 
will crown, with complete success, their long and arduous 
efforts in the cause of self-government, and enable us to 
salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and 
glorious. 

" The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby 
produced on her domestic policy, must have a controlling 
7 



74 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

intluence on the great question of South American eman- 
cipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dissension 
rebuked, and, perhaps, for ever stifled, in that republic, 
by the love of independence. If it be true, as appear' 
Slices strongly indicate, that the spirit of independence 
is the master spirit, and if a corresponding sentiment pre- 
vails in the other states, this devotion to liberty cannot be 
without a proper effect upon the counsels of the mother 
country. The adoption, by Spain, of a pacific policy 
towards her former colonies — an event consoling to hu- 
manity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself 
cannot fail largely to participate — maybe most reasonably 
expected. 

" The claims of our citizens upon the South American 
governments, generally, are in a train of settlement ; while 
the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adjusted, 
and a decree in council, ordering bonds to be issued by the 
minister of the treasury for their amount, has received the 
sanction of his imperial majesty. This event, together 
with the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty nego- 
tiated and concluded in 1S28, happily terminates aM 
serious causes of difference with that power. 

" Measures have been taken to place our commercial 
relations with Pern on a better footing than that on which 
they have hitherto rested ; and if met by a proper dispo- 
sition on the part of that government, important benefits 
may be secured to both countries. 

" Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our 
sister republics, and more particularly in that of our im- 
mediate neighbour, it would be most gratifying to me, were 
I permitted to say, that the treatnvnt which we have re- 
ceived at her hands has been as universally friendly as the 
early and constant solicitude manifested by the United 
States for her success gave us a right to expect. But it 
Incomes my duty to inform you that prejudices, long in- 
dulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against 
the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of 
the United States, have had an unfortunate influence upon 
the affairs of the two countries, and have diminished that 
Usefulness to its own which was justly to be expected from 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 75 

Fiis talents and zeal. To this cause, in a great degree, is 
to be imputed the failure of several measures equally in- 
teresting to both parties ; but particularly that of the Mex- 
ican government to ratify a treaty negotiated and conclu- 
ded in its own capital and under its own eye. Under these 
circumstances, it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Poin- 
sett the option either to return or not, as, in his judgment, 
the interest of his country might require ; and instructions 
to that end were prepared ; but, before they could be des- 
patched, a communication was received from the govern- 
ment of Mexico, through its charge d'affaires here, request- 
ing the recall of our minister. This was promptly complied 
with ; and a representative of a rank corresponding with 
that of the Mexican diplomatic agent near this govern- 
ment was appointed. Our conduct towards that republic- 
has been uniformly of the most friendly character ; and 
having thus removed the only alleged obstacle to harmo- 
nious intercourse, I cannot but hope that an advantageous 
change will occur in our affairs. 

" In justice to Mr. Poinsett, it is proper to say, that my 
immediate compliance with the application for his recall, 
and the appointment of his successor, are not to be ascri- 
bed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper 
interference by him, in the local politics of Mexico, was 
well founded ; nor to a want of confidence in his talents 
or integrity ; and to add, that the truth of that charge has 
never been affirmed by the federal government of Mexico, 
in its communication with this. 

" I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to 
bring to your attention the propriety of amending that 
part of our constitution which relates to the election of 
president and vice president. Our system of government 
was, by its framers, deemed an experiment ; and they, 
therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedying its 
defects. 

" To the people belongs the right of electing their chief 
magistrate : it was never designed that their choice should, 
in any case, be defeated, either by the intervention of elec- 
toral colleges, or by the agency confided, under certain 
contingencies, to the house of representatives. Experience 



76 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

proves, that, in proportion as agents to execute the will of 
the people are multiplied, there is danger of their wishes 
being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful ; all are liable 
to err. So far, therefore, as the people can, with conveni- 
ence, speak, it is safer for them to express their own will. 

" The number of aspirants to the presidency, and the 
diversity of the interests which may influence their claims, 
leave little reason to expect a choice in the first instance : 
and, in that event, the election must devolve on the house 
of representatives, where, it is obvious, the will of the peo- 
ple may not be always ascertained ; or, if ascertained, 
may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by states, 
the choice is to be made by twenty-four votes ; and it may 
often occur, that one of these may be controlled by an in- 
dividual representative. Honours and offices are at the 
disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings 
may make it apparent that a single individual holds the 
cast in his hand. May he not be tempted to name his re- 
ward 1 But even without corruption — supposing the pro- 
bity of the representative to be proof against the powerful 
motives by which he may be assailed — the will of the peo- 
ple is still constantly liable to be misrepresented. One may 
err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents : ano- 
ther, from a conviction that it is his duty to be governed 
by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates : 
finally, although all were inflexibly honest — all accurately 
informed of the wishes of their constituents — yet, under 
the present mode of election, a minority may often elect 
a president : and when this happens, it may reasonably 
be expected, thai efforts will be made on the part of the 
majority to rectify this injurious operation of their in- 
stitutions. But although no evil of this character should 
result from such a perversion of the first principle of our 
system — that the majority is to govern — it must be very 
certain that a president elected I >y a minority cannot en- 
joy tbe confidence necessary to the successful discharge 
of bis duties. 

" In this, as in all other matters of public concern, po- 
licy requires that as few impediments as possible should 
exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 77 

then, endeavour so to amend our system, that the office of 
chief magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen 
but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the 
majority. 

" I would therefore recommend such an amendment of 
the constitution, as may remove all intermediate agency in 
the election of president and vice president. The mode 
may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its pre- 
sent relative weight in the election ; and a failure in the 
first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second 
to a choice between the two highest candidates. In con- 
nexion with such an amendment, it would seem advisable 
to limit the service of the chief magistrate to a single 
term, of either four or six years. If, however, it should 
not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a 
provision disqualifying for office the representatives in 
congress on whom such an election may have devolved,_ 
would not be proper. 

" While members of congress can be constitutionally 
appointed to offices of trust and profit, it will be the prac- 
tice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, 
to select them for such stations as they are believed to be 
better qualified to fill than other citizens ; but the purity 
of our government would doubtless be promoted by their 
exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the presi- 
dent in whose election they may have been officially con- 
cerned. The nature of the judicial office, and the neces- 
sity of securing in the cabinet and in diplomatic stations 
of the highest rank, the best talents and political experi- 
ence, should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion. 

" There are perhaps few men who can for any great 
length of time enjoy office and power, without being more 
or less under the influence of feelings unfavourable to a 
faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity 
may be proof against improper considerations immediately 
addressed to themselves ; but they are apt to acquire a 
habit of looking with indifference upon the public inte- 
rests, and of tolerating conduct from which an unpractised 
man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of 
property ; and government, rather as a means of promo- 



78 GLORY OF AMERICA, 

ting individual interests, than as an instrument created 
solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some, 
and in others, a perversion of correct feelings and princi- 
ples, divert government from its legitimate ends, and make 
it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of 
the many. The duties of all public officers are, or, at least, 
admit of being made, so plain and simple, that men of in- 
telligence may readily qualify themselves for their per- 
formance ; and I cannot but believe that more is lost by 
the long continuance of men in office, than is generally to 
be gained by their experience. I submit therefore to your 
consideration, whether the efficiency of the government 
would not be promoted, and official industry and integrity 
better secured, by a general extension of the law which 
limits appointments to four years. 

" In a country where offices are created solely for the 
benefit of the people, no one man has any more intrinsic 
right to official station than another. Offices were not es- 
tablished to give support to particular men, at the public 
expense. No individual wrong is therefore done by re- 
moval, since neither appointment to, nor continuance in, 
office, is matter of right. The incumbent became an offi- 
cer with a view to public benefits ; and when these require 
his removal, they are not to be sacrificed to private inte- 
rests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right 
to complain, when a bad officer is substituted for a good 
one. He who is removed has the same means of obtain- 
ing a living, that are enjoyed by the millions who never 
held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the 
idea of property, now so generally connected with official 
station; and although individual distress may be some- 
times produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which 
constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, 
give healthful action to the system. 

"No very considerable change has occurred, during 
the recess of congress, in the condition of either our agri- 
culture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of 
the tariff lias not proved so injurious to the two former, or 
as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importa- 
tions of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished; 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 79 

while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, 
has increased the production much beyond the demand 
for home consumption. The consequences have been 
low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. 
That such of our manufacturing establishments as are 
based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will sur- 
vive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no 
good reason to doubt. 

" To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the 
prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the 
most difficult tasks of government ; and it may be regret- 
ted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass 
the intercourse of nations, could not, by common consent, 
be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those 
channels to which individual enterprise — always its su- 
rest guide — might direct it. But we must ever expect 
selfish legislation in other nations ; and are therefore com- 
pelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the man- 
ner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to har- 
monize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our 
commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impres- 
sions, I invite your attention to the existing tariff, believ- 
ing that some of its provisions require modification. 

" The general rule to be applied in graduating the du- 
ties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is 
that which will place our own in fair competition with 
those of other countries ; and the inducements to advance 
even a step beyond this point, are controlling in regard to 
those articles which are of primary necessity in time of 
war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy 
of this operation, it is important that it should never be 
attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legisla- 
tion in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its va- 
lue, and by which its capital may be transferred to new 
channels, must always be productive of hazardous specu- 
lation and loss. 

" In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting sub- 
jects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in 
the patriotic determination to promote the great interests 
of the whole. All attempts to connect them with the 



90 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

party conflicts of the Jay are necessarily injurious, and 
should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should 
be under the control of higher and purer motives. Le- 
gislation, subjected to such influence, can never be just j 
and will not long retain the sanction of a people, whose 
active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor in- 
sensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance, which 
gave life to our political compact, and still sustains it. Dis- 
carding all calculations of political ascendency, the north, 
the south, the east, and the west, should unite in dimin- 
ishing any burthen, of which either may justly complain. 

" The agricultural interests of our country is so essen- 
tially connected with every other, and so superior in im- 
portance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite 
to it your particular attention. It is principally as manu- 
factures and commerce tend to increase the value of agri- 
cultural productions, and to extend their application to the 
wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the foster- 
ing care of govern ment. 

" Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a 
sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those 
articles of importation which cannot come in competition 
with our own productions, are the first that should engage 
the attention of congress in the modification of the tariff. 
Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent : they 
enter largely into the consumption of the country, and 
have become articles of necessity to all classes. A re- 
duction, therefore, of the existing duties, will be felt as a 
common benefit ; hut, like all other legislation connected, 
with commerce, to be efficacious, and not injurious, it 
should he gradual and certain. 

"The public prosperity is evinced in the increased re- 
venue arising from the sales of the public lands ; and in the 
steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and ton- 
nage, notwithstanding the additional duties imposed by 
the act of L9th May, 1.828, and the unusual importations 
in the early pari of that year. 

"The balance in the treasury, on the 1st of January, 
1820. wns live millions nine hundred and seventy-two 
thousand four hundred and thirty-five dollars and eighty- 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 81 

one cents. The receipts of the current year are estimated 
at twenty-four millions six hundred and two thousand two 
hundred and thirty dollars, and the expenditures for the 
same time, at twenty-six millions one hundred and sixty- 
four thousand live hundred and ninety-five dollars; leav- 
ing a balance in the treasury, on the 1st of January next, 
of four millions four hundred and ten thousand and seventy 
dollars and eighty-one cents. 

" There will have been paid, on account of the public 
debt, during the present year, the sum of twelve millions 
four hundred and five thousand and five dollars and eighty 
cents ; reducing the whole debt of the government, on 
the first of January next, to forty-eight millions five hun- 
dred and sixty-five thousand four hundred and six dollars 
and fifty cents, including seven millions of five per cent. 
stock, subscribed to the bank of the United States. The 
payment on account of the public debt, made on the first 
of July last, was eight millions seven hundred and fifteen 
thousand four hundred and sixty-two dollars and eighty- 
seven cents. It was apprehended that the sudden with- 
drawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was 
deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money 
market, might cause much injury to the interests depend- 
ent on bank accommodations. But this evil was wholly 
averted by an early anticipation of it at the treasury, aid- 
ed by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the 
bank of the United States. 

" This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the 
nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry ; and 
auspicious of the ability of government, in a very short 
time, to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be 
done, our population will be relieved from a considerable 
portion of its present burthens ; and will find, not only new 
motives to patriotic affection, but additional means for the 
display of individual enterprise. The fiscal power of the 
states will also be increased ; and may be more extensively 
exerted in favour of education and other public objects : 
while ample means will remain in the federal government 
to promote the general weal, in all the modes permitted 
to its authority. 



82 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

" After the extinction of the public debt, it is not proba- 
ble that any adjustment of the tariff, upon principles satis- 
factory to the people of the union, will, until a remote 
period, if ever, leave the government without a considera- 
ble surplus in the treasury, beyond what may be required 
for its current service. As then the period approaches 
when the application of the revenue to the payment of 
debt will cease, the disposition of the surplus will present 
a subject for the serious deliberation of congress ; and it 
may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be deci- 
ded. Considered in connexion with the difficulties which 
have heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of 
internal improvement ; and with those which this experi- 
rience tells us will certainly arise, whenever power over 
such subjects may be exercised by the general govern- 
ment ; it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some 
plan which will reconcile the diversified interests of the 
states, and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every 
member of the union, in peace and in war, will be bene- 
fited by the improvement "of inland navigation and the 
construction of highways in the several states. Let us 
then endeavour to attain this benefit in a mode which will 
1 le satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted, has, by many 
of our fellow-citizens, been deprecated as an infraction of 
the constitution ; while by others it has been viewed as 
inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the 
expense of harmony in the legislative councils. 

" To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the most 
safe, just, and federal disposition, which could be made of 
the surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among 
the several states according to their ratio of representa- 
tion ; and should this measure not be found warranted by 
the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to 
the states an amendment authorizing it. 1 regard an 
appeal to the source of power, in cases of real doubt, and 
where its exercise is deemed indispensable to the general 
welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations.. 
1 [poll tin- country, more than any other, has, in the pro- 
vidence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the 
great principle of adherence to written constitutions. If 



Memoirs op andiikw jackson. 83 

it fail here, all hope in regard to it will be extinguished, 
That this was intended to be a government of limited and 
specific, and not general powers, must be admitted by all ] 
and it is our duly to preserve for it the character intended 
by its framers. If experience points out the necessity for 
an enlargement of these powers, let us apply for it to those 
for whose benefit it is to be exercised ; and not undermine 
the whole system by a resort to overstrained constructions. 
The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes 
of those who devised it, and become an object of admira- 
tion to the world. We are responsible to our country, 
and to the glorious cause of self-government, for the pre- 
servation of so great a good. The great mass of legis- 
lation relating to our internal affairs, was intended to be 
left where the federal convention found it, — in the state 
governments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that 
we are chiefly indebted for the success of the constitution 
under which we are now acting, to the watchful and aux- 
iliary operation of the state authorities. This is not the 
Teflection of a day, but belongs to the most deeply rooted 
convictions of my mind. I cannot, therefore, too strongly 
or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn 
you against all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere 
of state sovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invi- 
gorating influence, the federal system can never fall. 

" In the collection of the revenue, the long credits au- 
thorized on goods imported from beyond the Cape of Good 
Hope are the chief cause of the losses at present sustained. 
If these were shortened to six, nine, and twelve months, 
and warehouses provided by government, sufficient to re- 
ceive the goods offered in deposite for security and for 
debenture ; and if the right of the United States to a pri- 
ority of payment out of the estates of its insolvent debtors 
were more effectually secured, — this evil would, in a great 
measure, be obviated. An authority to construct t>uch 
houses is, therefore, with the proposed alteration of the 
credits, recommended to your attention. 

" It is worthy of notice, that the laws for the collection 
and security of the revenue arising from imposts, were 
-chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods 



84 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at 
present exists. There is reason to believe that these laws 
are 3 in some respects, quite insufficient for the proper se- 
curity of the revenue, and the protection of the interests 
of those who are disposed to observe them. The injuri- 
ous and demoralizing tendency of a successful system of 
smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment, and 
cannot be too carefully guarded against. I therefore sug- 
gest to congress the propriety of adopting efficient mea- 
sures to prevent this evil, avoiding, however, as much 
as possible, every unnecessary infringement of individual 
liberty, and embarrassment of fair and lawful business. 

" On an examination of the records of the treasury, I 
have been forcibly struck with the large amount of public 
money which appears to be outstanding. Of the sum thus 
due from individuals to the government, a considerable 
portion is undoubtedly desperate ; and, in many instances, 
has probablj be u rendered so by remissness in the agents 
charged with its collection. By proper exertions, a great 
part, however, may yet be recovered ; and, whatever may 
be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes, 
ji behooves the government to ascertain the real state of 
the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption 
of judicious measures for the collection of such as may be 
made available. It is believed that a very large amount 
has been lost through the inadequacy of the means provi- 
ded for the collection of debts due to the public ; and thai 
this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal skill, ha- 
bitually and constantly employed in the direction of the 
agents engaged in the service. It must, 1 think, be ad- 
mitted, that the supervisory power over suits brought by 
the public, which is now vested in an accounting officei 
of the treasury, nol selected with a view to his legal know- 
ledge, and encumbered as he is with numerous other du- 
ti< operates unfavourably to the public interest. 

•' ls importanl that this branch of the public service 
should be subjected to the supervision of such professional 
skill as will give it efficiency. The expense attendant 
upon such ; , modification of the executive department, 
would be justified hy the soundest principles of economy. 



MEMOIRS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 85 

I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now as- 
signed to the agent of the treasury, so far as they relate 
to the superintendence and management of legal proceed- 
ings, on the part of the United States, be transferred to 
the attorney general ; and that this officer be placed on 
the same footing, in all respects, as the heads of the other 
departments, — receiving like compensation, and having 
such subordinate officers provided for his department, as 
may be requisite for the discharge of these additional du- 
ties. The professional skill of the attorney general, em- 
ployed in directing the conduct of marshals and district 
attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in 
suit, and hereafter save much to the government. It might 
be farther extended to the superintendence of all crimi- 
nal proceedings, for offences against the United States. 
In making this transfer, great care should be taken, how- 
ever, that the power necessary to the treasury department 
be not impaired : one of its greatest securities consisting 
in a control over all accounts, until they are audited or 
reported for suit. 

" In connexion with the foregoing views, I would sug- 
gest, also, an inquiry, whether the provisions of the act 
of congress, authorizing the discharge of the persons of 
debtors to the government, from imprisonment, may not, 
consistently with the public interest, be extended to the 
release of the debt, where the conduct of the debtor is 
wholly exempt from the imputation of fraud. Some more 
liberal policy than that which now prevails, in reference 
to this unfortunate class of citizens, is certainly due to 
them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The 
continuance of the liability, after the means to discharge 
it have been exhausted, can only serve to dispirit the 
debtor ; or, where his resources are but partial, the want 
of power in the government to compromise and release 
the demand, instigates to fraud, as the only resource for 
securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a 
state of apathy, and becomes a useless drone in society, 
or a vicious member of it, if not a feeling witness of the 
rigour and inhumanity of his country. All experience 
proves, that oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise ; 
8 



86 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a 
grinding power over misfortune and poverty. 

" Since the last session of congress, numerous frauds 
on the treasury have been discovered, which I thought it 
my duty to bring under the cognizance of the United 
States' court for this district, by a criminal prosecution. 
It was my opinion, and that of able counsel who were 
consulted, that the cases came within the penalties of the 
act of the 17th congress, approved 3d March, 1823, pro- 
viding for the punishment of frauds committed on the 
government of the United States. Either from some de- 
lect in the law, or in its administration, every effort to 
bring the accused to trial, under its provisions, proved in- 
effectual ; and the government was driven to the neces- 
sity of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions 
of the common law. It is therefore my duty to call your 
attention to the laws which have been passed for the pro- 
tection of the treasury. If, indeed, there be no provision 
by which those who may be unworthily intrusted with its 
guardianship, can be punished for the most flagrant vio- 
lation of duty, extending even to the most fraudulent ap- 
propriation of the public funds to their own use ; it is time 
to remedy so dangerous an omission. Or, if the law has 
been perverted from its original purposes, and criminals, 
deserving to be punished under its provisions, have been 
rescued by legal subtleties, it ought to be made so plain, 
by amendatory provisions, as to baffle the arts of perver- 
sion, and accomplish the ends of its original enactment. 

" In one of the most flagrant cases, the court decided 
that the prosecution was barred by the statute, which li- 
mits prosecution for fraud to two years. In this case, all 
the evidences of the fraud, and indeed all knowledge that 
a fraud had been committed, were in possession of the 
party accused, until after the two years had elapsed. Sure- 
ly the statute ought not to run in favour of any man, while 
he retains all the evidences of his crime in his own pos- 
session ; and, least of all, in favour of a public officer who 
continues to defraud the treasury, and conceal the trans- 
art ion for the brief term of two years. I would therefore 
recommend such a ] alti ration of the law as will give 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 87 

the injured party and the government two years, after the 
disclosure of the fraud, or alter the accused is out of of- 
fice, to commence their prosecution. 

" In connexion with this subject, I invite the attention 
of congress to a general and minute inquiry into the con- 
dition of the government ; with a view to ascertain what 
offices can be dispensed with, what expenses retrenched, 
and what improvements may be made in the organization 
of its various parts, to secure the proper responsibility of 
public agents, and promote efficiency and justice in all its 
operations. 

" The report of the secretary of war will make you ac- 
quainted with the condition of our army, fortifications, ar- 
senals, and Indian affairs. The proper discipline of the 
army, the training and equipment of the militia, the edu- 
cation bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation of the 
means of defence, applicable to the naval force ; will tend 
to prolong the peace we now enjoy, and which every good 
citizen — more especially those who have felt the miseries 
of even a successful warfare — must ardently desire to per- 
petuate. 

" The returns from the subordinate branches of this ser- 
vice, exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its 
character ; both officers and soldiers seem embued with a 
proper sense of duty, and conform to the restraints of exact 
discipline, with that cheerfulness which becomes the pro- 
fession of arms. There is need, however, of farther le- 
gislation, to obviate the inconveniences specified in the re- 
port under consideration ; to some of which it is proper 
that I should call your particular attention. 

"The act of congress of the 2d March, 1821, to reduce 
and fix the military establishment, remaining unexecuted 
as it regards the command of one of the regiments of ar- 
tillery, cannot now be deemed a guide to the executive in 
making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, 
designating the class of officers out of which this grade 
is to be filled — whether from the military list, as existing 
prior to the act of 1821, or from it, as it has been fixed 
by that act — would remove this difficulty. It is also im- 
portant that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments 



88 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

of officers generally, should be more specific than they 
now are. Those, for example, in relation to the pay- 
master and surgeon general, assign to them an annual 
salary of two thousand five hundred dollars, but are si- 
lent as to allowances, which, in certain exigencies of the 
service, may be deemed indispensable to the discharge of 
their duties. This circumstance has been the authority 
for extending to them various allowances, at different 
times, under former administrations ; but no uniform rule 
has been observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences 
exist in other cases, in which the construction put upon 
the laws, -by the public accountants, may operate unequal- 
ly, produce confusion, and expose officers to the odium 
of claiming what is not their due. 

" I recommend to your fostering care, as one of your 
safest means of national defence, the military academy. 
This institution has already exercised the happiest influ- 
ence upon the moral and intellectual character of our ar- 
my ; and such of the graduates as, from various causes, 
may not pursue the profession of arms, will be scarcely 
less useful as citizens. Their knowledge of the military 
art will be advantageously employed in the militia ser- 
vice ; and in a measure, secure to that class of troops the 
advantages which, in this respect, belong to standing ar- 
mies. 

" I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for 
the purpose of extending its benefits to every revolution- 
ary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and 
who is unable to maintain himself in comfort. These 
relics of the war of independence have strong claims 
upon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is 
defective, in not embracing within its provisions all those 
who were, during the last war, disabled from supporting 
1 1 icmselves by manual labour. Such an amendment would 
add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for 
by the sympathies of the people, as well as by considera- 
tions of sound policy. It will be perceived that a large 
addition to the list of pensioners has been occasioned by 
an order of the late administration, departing materially 
from the rules which had previously prevailed. Consi- 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 89 

dering it an act of legislation, I suspended its operation 
as soon as I was informed that it had commenced. Be- 
fore this period, however, applications under the new re- 
gulation had been preferred, to the number of one hun- 
dred and fifty-four: of which, on the 27th March, the 
date of its revocation, eighty-seven were admitted. For 
the amount, there was neither estimate nor appropriation; 
and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, ac- 
cording to the rules which have heretofore governed the 
department, exceed the estimate of its late secretary, by 
about fifty thousand dollars : for which an appropriation 
is asked. 

" Your particular attention is requested to that part of 
the report of the secretary of war, which relates to the 
money held in trust for the Seneca tribe of Indians. It 
will be perceived that, without legislative aid, the execu- 
tive cannot obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the 
diminution of the dividends on that fund ; which origi- 
nally amounted to one hundred thousand dollars, and 
has recently been vested in United States' three per cent, 
stock. 

" The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes 
within the limits of some of our states, have become ob- 
jects of much interest and importance. It has long been 
the policy of government to introduce among them the 
arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually" reclaiming 
them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, 
been coupled with another, wholly incompatible with its 
success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, 
we have, at the same time, lost no opportunity to pur- 
chase their lands, and thrust them farther into the wil- 
derness. By this means they have not only been kept in 
a wandering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust 
and indifferent to their fate. Thus, "though lavish in its 
expenditures upon the subject, government has constantly 
defeated its own policy ; and the Indians in general, reced- 
ing farther and farther to the west, have retained their 
savage habits. A portion, however, of the southern 
tribes, having mingled much with the whites, and made 
some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately 
o 



90 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

attempted to erect an independent government, within the 
limits of Georgia and Alabama. These states, claiming 
to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extended 
their laws over the Indians ; which induced the latter to 
call upon the United States for protection. 

" Under these circumstances, the question presented 
was, whether the general government had a right to sus- 
tain those people in their pretensions ? The constitution 
declares, that " no new state shall be formed or erected 
within the jurisdiction of any other state," without the 
consent of its legislature. If the general government is 
not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate state 
within the territory of one of the members of this union, 
against her consent, much less could it allow a foreign and 
independent government to establish itself there. Georgia 
became a member of the confederacy which eventuated in 
our federal union, as a sovereign state, always asserting 
her claim to certain limits; which having been originally 
defined in her colonial charter, and subsequently recog- 
nised in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued 
to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her 
own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the 
United States, in the articles of cession of 1S02. Alaba- 
ma was admitted into the union, on the same footing with 
the original states, with boundaries which were prescribed 
by congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or 
legal provision, which all vs them less power over the 
Indians within their borders, than is possessed by Maine 
or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the 
Penobscot tribe to erect an independent government with- 
in their state? and unless they did, would it not be the 
duty of the general government to support them in resist- 
ing such a measure ? Would the people of New York 
permit each remnant of the Six Nations within her bor- 
ders, to declare itself an independent people, under the 
protection of the United States? Could the Indians esta- 
blish a separate republic on each of their reservations in 
Ohio? and if they were so disposed, would it be the duty 
of this government to protect them in the attempt ? If the 
principle involved in the obvious answer to these questions 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 91 

be abandoned, it will follow that the objects of this govern- 
ment are reversed ; and that it has become a part of its 
duty to aid in destroying the states which it was establish- 
ed to protect. 

" Actuated by this view of the subject, 1 informed the 
Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama, that 
their attempt to establish an independent government 
would not be countenanced by the executive of the United 
States ; and advised them to emigrate beyond the Missis- 
sippi, or submit to the laws of those states. 

" Our conduct towards these people is deeply interest- 
ing to our national character. Their present condition, 
contrasted with what they once were, makes a most 
powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors found 
them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. 
By persuasion and force, they have been made to retire 
from river to river, and from mountain to mountain ; 
until some of the tribes have become extinct, and others 
have left but remnants to preserve, for a while, their once 
terrible names. Surrounded by the whites, with their 
arts of civilization, which, by destroying the resources of 
xhe savage, doom him to weakness and decay ; the fate 
of the Moliegan, the Narragansett, and the Delaware, is 
fast overtaking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the 
Creek. That this fate surely awaits them, if they remain 
within the limits of the states, does not admit of a doubt. 
Humanity and national honour demand that every effort 
should be made to avert so great a calamity. It is too 
late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to 
include them and their territory within the bounds of 
new states whose limits they could control. That step 
cannot be retraced. A state cannot be dismembered by 
congress, or restricted in the exercise of her constitutional 
power. But the people of those states, and of every state, 
actuated by feelings of justice, and regard for our national 
honour, submit to you the interesting epiestion, whether 
something cannot be done, consistently with the rights of 
the states, to preserve this much injured race ? 

" As a means of effecting this end, I suggest for your 
consideration, the propriety of setting apart an ample 



92 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

district west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of 
any state or territory, now formed, to be guaranteed to the 
Indian tribes, as Long as they shall occupy it: each tribe 
having- a distinct control over the portion designated for 
its use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment of 
governments of their own choice, subject to no other control 
from the United States, than such as may be necessary to 
preserve peace on the frontier, and between the several 
tribes. There the benevolent may endeavour to teach 
them the arts of civilization ; and by promoting union and 
harmony among them, to raise up an interesting common- 
wealth, destined to perpetuate the. race, and to attest the 
humanity and justice of this government. 

"This emigration should lie voluntary: for it would 
be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon 
the graves of their fathers, and seek a home in a distant 
land. But they should be distinctly informed, that if they 
remain within the limits of the states, they must be sub- 
ject to their laws. In return for their obedience, as indi- 
viduals, they will, without doubt, be protected in the en- 
joyment of those possessions which they have improved 
by their industry. But it seems to me visionary to sup- 
pose, that, in this state of things, claims can be allowed 
on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt 
nor made improvements, merely because they have seen 
them from the mountain, or passed them in the chase 
Submitting to the laws of the states, and receiving, like 
other citizens, protection in their persons and property 
they will, ere long, become merged in the mass of oui 
population. 

" The accompany ing report of the secretary of the navy 
will make you acquainted with the condition and useful 
employment of thai branch of our service, during the pre- 
senl year. Constituting, as it does, the best standing se- 
curity of this country against foreign aggression,it claims 
the especial attention of government. In this spirit, the 
measures which, since the termination of the last war, 
have been iii operation for its gradual enlargement, were 
adopted ; and it should continue to be cherished as the off- 
spring of our national experience. It will be seen, how- 



MEMOinS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 93 

ever, that, notwithstanding the great solicitude which has 
been manifested for the perfect organization of this arm, 
and the liberality of the appropriations which that solici- 
tude has suggested, this object has, in many important 
respects, not been secured. 

" In time of peace, we have need of no more ships of 
war than are requisite to the protection of our commerce. 
Those not wanted for this object, must lie in the harbours, 
where, without proper covering, they rapidly decay ; and 
even under the best precautions for their preservation, must 
soon become useless. Such is already the case with many 
of our finest vessels ; which, though unfinished, will now 
require immense sums of money to be restored to the con- 
dition in which they were when committed to their proper 
element. On this subject there can be but little doubt that 
our best policy would be to discontinue the building of 
ships of the first and second class, and look rather to the 
possession of ample materials, prepared for the emergen- 
cies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can 
float in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power. 
Judicious deposites in navy yards, of timber and other 
materials, fashioned under the hands of skilful workmen, 
and fitted for prompt application to their various purposes, 
would enable us. at all times, to construct vessels as fast 
as they can be manned ; and save the heavy expense of 
repairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in 
guarding our commerce. The proper points for the esta- 
blishment of these yards, are indicated with so much force 
in the report of the navy board, that, in recommending it 
to your attention, I deem it unnecessary to do more than 
express my hearty concurrence in their views. The yard 
in this district, being already furnished with most of the 
machinery necessary for ship building, will be competent 
to the supply of the two selected by the board as the best 
for the concentration of materials ; and, from the facility 
and certainty of communication between them, it will be 
useless to incur, at these depots, the expense of similar 
machinery, especially that used in preparing the usual 
metallic and wooden furniture of vessels. 

" Another improvement would be effected by dispensing 



94 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

altogether with the navy board, as now constituted, and 
substituting, in its stead, bureaus similar to those already- 
existing in the war department. Each member of the board, 
transferred to the head of a separate bureau, charged with 
specific duties, would feel, in its highest degree, that whole- 
some responsibility which cannot be divided without a far 
more than proportionate diminution of its force. Their 
valuable services would become still more so, when sepa- 
rately appropriated to distinct portions of the great interests 
of the navy ; to the prosperity of which each would be 
impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives. Under 
such an arrangement, every branch of this important ser- 
vice would assume a more simple and precise character ; 
its efficiency would be increased, and scrupulous economy 
in the expenditure of public money promoted. 

" I would also recommend that the marine corps be 
merged in the artillery or infantry, as the best mode of 
curing the many defects in its organization. But little 
exceeding in number any of the regiments of infantry, that 
corps has, besides its lieutenant colonel commandant, five 
brevet lieutenant colonels, who receive the full pay and 
emoluments of their brevet rank, without rendering pro- 
portionate service. Details for marine service could as 
well be made from the infantry, or artillery— there being 
no peculiar training requisite for it. 

" With these improvements, and such others as zealous 
watchfulness and mature consideration may suggest, there 
can be little doubt that, under an energetic administration 
of its affairs, the navy may soon be made every thing that 
the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency in the suppression 
of piracy in the West India seas, and wherever its squad- 
rons have been employed in securing the interests of the 
country, will appear from the report of the secretary, to 
which I refer you for other interesting details. Among 
these, I would bespeak the attention of congress for the 
views presented in relation to the inequality between the 
army and navy as to the pay of officers. No such ine- 
quality should prevail between these brave defenders of 
their country ; and where it does exist, it is submitted to 
congress whether it ought not to be rectified. 



MEMOIRS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 95 

" The report o\' the postmaster gen oral is referred to as 
exhibiting- a hi«iily satisfactory administration of that de- 
partment. Abuses have been reformed; increased expe- 
dition in the transmission of the mail secured; and its 
revenue much improved. In a political point of view, this 
department is chiefly important as affording the means of 
diffusing knowledge. It is to the body politic what the 
veins and arteries are to the natural, — conveying rapidly 
and regularly, to the remotest parts of the system, cor- 
rect information of the operations of the government, and 
bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of the people. 
Through its agency, we have secured to ourselves the full 
enjoyment of the blessings of a free press. 

" In this general survey of our affairs, a subject of high 
importance presents itself in the present organization of 
the judiciary. A uniform operation of the federal go- 
vernment in the different states is certainly desirable ; 
and, existing as they do in the union, on the basis of per- 
fect equality, each state has a right to expect that the 
benefits conferred on the citizens of others should be ex- 
tended to hers. The judicial system of the United States 
exists in all its efficiency in only fifteen members of the 
union : to three others, the circuit courts, which constitute 
an important part of that system, have been imperfectly 
extended : and to the remaining six, altogether denied. 
The effect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of 
the latter the advantages afforded (by the supreme court) 
to their fellow citizens in other states, in the whole extent 
of the criminal, and much of the civil authority of the 
federal judiciary. That this state of things ought to be 
remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public 
welfare, is not to be doubted ; neither is it to be dis- 
guised that the organization of our judicial system is 
at once a difficult and delicate task. To extend the cir- 
cuit courts equally throughout the different parts of the 
union, and, at the same time, to avoid such a multipli- 
cation of members as would incumber the supreme ap- 
pellate tribunal, is the object desired. Perhaps it might 
be accomplished by dividing the circuit judges into two 
classes, and providing that the supreme court should be 



96 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

held by those classes alternately — the chief justice always 
presiding. 

" If an extension of the circuit court system to those 
states which do not now enjoy its benefits, should be de- 
termined upon, it would, of course, be necessary to revise 
the present arrangement of the circuits ; and even if that 
system should not be enlarged, such a revision is recom- 
mended. 

" A provision for taking the census of the people of the 
United States, will, to ensure the completion of that work 
within a convenient time, claim the early attention of con- 
gress. 

" The great and constant increase of business in the 
department of state, forced itself, at an early period, upon 
the attention of the executive. Thirteen years ago, it 
was, in Mr. Madison's last message to congress, made the 
subject of an earnest recommendation, which has been 
repeated by both of his successors ; and my comparatively 
limited experience has satisfied me of its justness. It has 
arisen from many causes, not the least of which is the 
large addition that has been made to the family of indepen- 
dent nations, and the proportionate extension of our foreign 
relations. The remedy proposed was the establishment 
of a home department — a measure which does not appear 
to have met the views of congress, on account of its sup- 
posed tendency to increase gradually, and imperceptibly, 
the already too strong bias of the federal system towards 
the exercise of authority not delegated to it. I am not, 
therefore, disposed to revive the recommendation ; but am 
not the less impressed with the importance of so organizing 
that department, that its secretary may devote more of its 
time to our foreign relations. Clearly satisfied that the pub- 
lic good would be promoted by some suitable provision on 
the subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it. 

" The charter of the bank of the United States expires 
in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply for 
a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils 
resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such 
important principles, and such deep pecuniary interests, 
I feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties interested, too 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 97 

soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the legis- 
lature and the people. Both the constitutionality and the 
expediency of the law creating this bank, are well ques- 
tioned by a large portion of our fellow citizens ; and it 
must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end 
of establishing a uniform and sound currency. 

" Under these circumstances, if such an institution is 
deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the govern- 
ment, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether 
a national one, founded upon the credit of the government 
and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid 
all constitutional difficulties, and at the same time secure 
all the advantages to the government and country that 
Were expected to result from the present bank. 

" I cannot close this communication without bringing 
to your view the just claim of the representatives of Com- 
modore Decatur, his officers, and crew, arising from the 
re-capture of the frigate Philadelphia, under the heavy 
batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule, 
of the impropriety of executive interference under a go- 
vernment like ours, where every individual enjoys the 
right of directly petitioning congress ; yet, viewing this 
case as one of a very peculiar character, I deem it my duty 
to recommend it to your favourable consideration. Be- 
sides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those 
which have been since recognised and satisfied, it is the 
fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring, which 
infused life and confidence into our infant navy, and contri- 
buted, as much as any exploit in its history, to elevate our 
national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stamps her 
seal upon it ; and the meed should not be withheld which 
may hereafter operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars. 

" I now commend you, fellow citizens, to the guidance 
of Almighty God, with a full reliance on his merciful 
Providence for the maintenance of our free institutions ; 
and with an earnest supplication, that, whatever erro.rs it 
may be my lot to commit, in discharging the arduous du- 
ties which have devolved on me, will find a remedy in the 
harmony and wisdom of your counsels. 

" Andrew Jackson." 
9 



08 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

After the adoption of the tariff of 1828, much dissatis- 
faction was expressed in the southern section of the union. 
The citizens of South Carolina, in particular, were pe- 
culiarly sensitive on the subject. They contended that 
the provisions of the tariff bore hard on their own inte- 
rests, and in effect taxed the South for the benefit of the 
North. In 1S32, these complaints assumed a serious as- 
pect, and threatened a dismemberment, of the union. 
Meetings of the disaffected were called, and resolutions of 
a violent character, the purport of which could not be 
misunderstood, were adopted. 

On the 26th of November, the legislature of that state 
met in Columbia, pursuant to adjournment. On the next 
day Governor Hamilton presented a communication to 
that body, indicating the most determined hostility to the 
tariff, and suggesting a course of conduct, in accordance 
with the prevailing excitement. At this session, " An Or- 
dinance to nullify certain acts of congress" was passed in 
due form, containing all the requisites necessary to a mani- 
festo preliminary to " the last reason of kings." 

The crisis was truly alarming ; — not from the physical 
force which South Carolina could wield, nor from any 
doubts of the ultimate result, as a mere conflict in arms ; 
but from its moral effect on our own republican institu- 
tions, and its deleterious influence on the general cause of 
liberal principles in the eastern hemisphere. But this 
crisis was met by the national executive with unshrink- 
ing firmness, and met in the only practicable way, to en- 
sure obedience to the laws, and the perpetuity of the 
union. A proclamation was issued, which, as it effected 
a bloodless triumph, needs no other comment. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 99 

PROCLAMATION 
BY ANDREW JACKSON, 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Whereas a Convention assembled in the state of South 
Carolina have passed an Ordinance, by which they declare 
" That the several acts and parts of acts of the congress of 
the United States, purporting to be laws for the imposing of 
duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodi- 
ties, and now having actual operation and effect within the 
United States, and more especially" two acts, for the same 
purposes, passed on the 29th of May, 1S2S, and on the 14th 
of July, 183.2, " are unauthorized by the constitution of the 
United States, and violate the true meaning and intent there- 
of, and are null and void, and no law," nor binding on the 
citizens of that state or its officers; and by the said ordi- 
nance it is farther declared to be unlawful for any of the 
constituted authorities of the state, or of the United States, 
to enforce the payment of the duties imposed by the said 
acts within the same state, and that it is the duty of the -le- 
gislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to give full 
effect to the said ordinance : 

And whereas, by the said ordinance it is farther ordained, 
that, in no case of law or equity, decided in the courts of said 
state, wherein shall be drawn in question the validity of the 
said ordinance, or of the acts of the legislature that may be 
passed to give it effect, or of the said" laws of the United 
States, no appeal shall be allowed to the Supreme Court of 
the United States, nor shall any copy of the record be permit- 
ted or allowed for that purpose; and that any person at- 
tempting to take such appeal shall be punished as for a con- 
tempt of court: 

And finally, the said ordinance declares that the people of 
South Carolina will maintain the said ordinance at every 
hazard; and that they will consider the passage of any act 
by congress abolishing or closing the ports of "the said state, 
or otherwise obstructing the free ingress or egress of vessels 
to and from the said ports, or any other act of federal go- 
vernment to coerce the state, shut up her ports, destroy or ha- 
rass her commerce, or to enforce the said acts otherwise than 
through the civil tribunals of the country, as inconsistent with 
the longer continuance of South Carolina in the union; and 
that the people of the said state will thenceforth hold them- 
selves absolved from all farther obligation to maintain or 



100 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

preserve their political connexion with the people of the other 
states, and will forthwith proceed to organize a separate 
government, and do all other acts and things which sove- 
reign and independent states may of right do : 

And whereas the said ordinance prescribes to the people 
of South Carolina a course of conduct, in direct violation of 
their duty as citizens of the United States, contrary to the 
laws of their country, subversive of its constitution, and hav- 
ing for its object the destruction of the union — that union, 
which, coeval with our political existence, led our fathers, 
without any other ties to unite them than those of patriotism 
and a common cause, through a sanguinary struggle to a 
glorious independence — that sacred union, hitherto inviolate, 
which, perfected by our happy constitution, has brought us> 
by the favour of Heaven, to a state of prosperity at home, and 
high' consideration abroad, rarely, if ever, equalled in the 
history of nations. To preserve this bond of our political 
existence from destruction, to maintain inviolate this state of 
national honour and prosperity, and to justify the confidence 
my fellow citizens have reposed in me, I, Andrew Jackson, 
President of the United States, have thought proper to issue 
this my PROCLAMATION, stating my views of the consti- 
tution and laws applicable to the measures adopted by the 
convention of South Carolina, and to the reasons they have 
put forth to sustain them, declaring the course which duty 
will require me to pursue, and appealing to the understand- 
ing and patriotism of the people, warn them of the conse- 
quences that must inevitably result from an observance of 
the dictates of the convention. 

Strict duty would require of me nothing more than the ex- 
ercise of those powers with which I am now, or may hereaf- 
ter be, invested, for preserving the peace of the union, and 
for the execution of the laws. But the imposing aspect which 
opposition has assumed in this case, by clothing itself with 
state authority, and the deep interest which the people of the 
United States must all feel in preventing a resort to stronger 
measures, while there is a hope that any thing will be yielded 
to reasoning and remonstrance, perhaps demand, and will 
certainly justify, a full exposition to South Carolina and the 
nation of the views I entertain of this important question, as 
weh as a distinct enunciation of the course which my sense 
of duty will require me to pursue. 

The ordinance is founded, not on the indefeasible right of 
resisting acts which are plainly unconstitutional, and too op- 
pressive to be endured, but on the strange position that any 
one state may not only declare an act of congress void, 
but prohibit its execution— that they may do this consistent- 
ly with the constitution— that the true construction of that 



MEMOIRS Or ANDREW JACKSON. 101 

instrument permits a State to retain its place in the Union, 
and yet be bound by no other of its laws than those it may 
choose to consider as constitutional. It is true, they add, 
that, to justify this abrogation of a law, it must be palpably 
contrary to the Constitution ; but it is evident, that to give the 
right of resisting laws of that description, coupled with the 
uncontrolled right to decide what laws deserve that charac- 
ter, is to give the power of resisting all laws. For, as by the 
theory there is no appeal, the reasons alleged by the State, 
good or bad, must prevail. If it should be said that public 
opinion is a sufficient check against the abuse of this power, 
it may be asked, why it is not deemed a sufficient guard 
against the passage of an unconstitutional act by Congress. 
There is, however, a restraint in this last case, which makes 
the assumed power of a State more indefensible, and which 
does not exist in the other. There are two appeals from an 
unconstitutional act passed by Congress — one to the Judici- 
ary, the other to the people and the States. There is no 
appeal from the State decision in theory ; and the practical 
illustration shows that the courts are closed against an appli- 
cation to review it, both judges and jurors being sworn to 
decide in its favour. But reasoning on this subject is super- 
fluous, when our social compact in express terms declares, 
that the laws of the United States, its Constitution, and trea- 
ties made under it, are the Supreme law of the land ; and, 
for greater caution, adds, " that the judges in every State 
shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws 
of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." And it may 
be asserted, without fear of refutation, that no Federative 
Government could exist without a similar provision. Look 
for a moment to the consequence. If South Carolina con- 
siders the revenue laws unconstitutional, and has a right to 
prevent their execution in the port of Charleston, there would 
be a clear constitutional objection to their collection in every 
other port, and no revenue could be collected any where ; 
for all imposts must be equal. It is no answer to repeat that 
an unconstitutional law is no law, so long as the question of 
its legality is to be decided by the State itself; for every law 
operating injuriously upon any local interest will be perhaps 
thought, and certainly represented, as unconstitutional, and, 
as has been shown, there is no appeal. 

If this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the 
Union would have been dissolved in its infancy. The excise 
law in Pennsylvania, the embargo and non-intercourse law 
in the Eastern States, the carriage tax in Virginia, were all 
deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in their 
operation than any of the laws now complained of; but, for- 
tunately, none of those States discovered that they had the 
9* 



102 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

right now claimed by South Carolina. The war into which 
we were forced, to support the dignity of the nation and the 
rights of our citizens, might have ended in defeat and dis- 
grace, instead of victory and honour, if the States, who sup- 
posed it a ruinous and unconstitutional measure, had thought 
they possessed the right of nullifying the act by which it was 
declared, and denying supplies for its prosecution. Hardly 
and unequally as those measures bore upon several members 
of the Union, to the Legislatures of none did this efficient and 
peaceable remedy, as it is called, suggest itself. The disco- 
very of this important feature in our constitution was reserved 
to the present day. To the statesmen of South Carolina be- 
longs the invention, and upon the citizens of that State will 
unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice. 

If the doctrine of the State veto upon the laws of the Union 
carries with it internal evidence of its impracticable absurdi- 
ty, our constitutional history will also afford abundant proof 
that it would have been repudiated with indignation, had it 
been proposed to form a feature in our Government. 

In our colonial state, although dependent on another 
power, we very early considered ourselves as connected by 
common interest with each other. Leagues were formed for 
common defence, and before the declaration of Indepen- 
dence, we were known in our aggregate character as the 
united colonies of America. That decisive and important 
step was taken jointly. We declared ourselves a nation by 
a joint, not by several acts ; and when the terms of our con- 
federation were reduced to form, it was in that of a solemn 
league of several States, by which they agreed that they 
would collectively, form one nation for the purpose of con- 
ducting some certain domestic concerns, and all foreign re- 
lations. In the instrument forming that Union, is found an 
article which declares that "every State shall abide by the 
determination of Congress, on all questions, which by that 
confederation should be submitted to them." 

Under the confederation, then, no State could legally 
annul a decision of the Congress, or refuse to submit to its 
execution ; but no provision was made to enforce these de- 
cisions. Congress made requisitions, but they were not 
complied with. The Government could not operate on in- 
dividuals. They had no judiciary, no means of collecting 
revenue. 

But the defects of the confederation need not be detailed. 
Under its operation we could scarcely be called a nation. 
We had neither prosperity at home nor consideration abroad. 
This state of things could not be endured, and our present 
happy Constitution was formed ; but formed in vain, if this 
fatal doctrine prevails. It was formed for important objects 



MEMOIRS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 103 

that are announced in the preamble made in the name and 
by the authority of the people of the United States, whose 
delegates framed, and whose conventions approved it. The 
most important among these objects, that which is placed 
first in rank, on which all the others rest, is, " to form a more 
perfect Union.'''' Now, is it possible that, even if there were 
no express provision giving supremacy to the Constitution 
and laws of the United States over those of the States, it can 
be conceived, that an instrument made for the purpose of 
"forming- a more perfect Union" than that of the confedera- 
tion, could be so constructed by the assembled wisdom of 
our country, as to substitute for that confederation a form of 
Government dependent for its existence on the local interest, 
the party spirit of a State, or of a prevailing faction in a 
State ? Every man of plain unsophisticated understanding, 
who hears the question, will give such an answer as will pre- 
serve the Union. Metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit of an 
impracticable theory, could alone have devised one that is 
calculated to destroy it. 

I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United 
States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the exist- 
ence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of 
the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent 
with every principle on which it was founded, and destruc- 
tive of the great object for which it was formed. 

After this general view of the leading principle, we must 
examine the particular application of it which is made in the 
ordinance. 

The preamble rests its justification on these grounds : — It" 
assumes as a fact, that the obnoxious laws, although they 
purport to be laws for raising revenue, were in reality in- 
tended for the protection of manufactures, which purpose it 
asserts to be unconstitutional ; — that the operation of these 
laws is unequal ; — that the amount raised by them is greater 
than is required by the wants of the Government ; — and, final- 
ly, that the proceeds are to be applied to objects unautho- 
rized by the Constitution. These are the only causes alleged 
to justify an open opposition to the laws of the country, and 
a threat of seceding from the Union, if any attempt should 
be made to enforce them. The first virtually acknowledges 
that the law in question was passed under a power expressly 
given by the Constitution, to lay and collect imposts; but its 
constitutionality is drawn in question from the motives of 
those who passed it. However apparent this purpose may 
be in the present case, nothing can be more dangerous than 
to admit the position, that an unconstitutional purpose, enter- 
tained by the members who assent to a law enacted under a 
constitutional power, shall make that law void ; for how is 



104 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

that purpose to be ascertained ? Who is to make the scruti- 
ny? How often may bad purposes be falsely imputed? in 
how many cases are they concealed by false professions ? in 
how many is no declaration of motive made? Admit this 
doctrine, and you give to the States an uncontrolled right to 
decide, and every law may be annulled under this pretext. 
If, therefore, the absurd and dangerous doctrine should be 
admitted, that a State may annul an unconstitutional law, or 
one that it deems such, it will not apply to the present case. 

The next objection is, that the laws in question operate 
unequally. This objection may be made with truth to every 
law that has been or can be passed. The wisdom of man 
never yet contrived a system of taxation that would operate 
with perfect equality. If the unequal operation of a law 
makes it unconstitutional, and if all laws of that description 
may be abrogated by any State for that cause, then indeed 
is the Federal Constitution unworthy of the slightest effort 
for its preservation. We have hitherto relied on it as the 
perpetual bond of our Union. We have received it as the 
work of the assembled wisdom of the nation. We have 
trusted to it as to the sheet anchor of our safety, in the stormy 
times of conflict with a foreign or domestic foe. We have 
looked to it with sacred awe as the palladium of our liber- 
ties, and, with all the solemnities of religion, have pledged to 
each other our lives and fortunes here, and our hopes of 
happiness hereafter, in its defence and support. Were we 
mistaken, my countrymen, in attaching this importance to 
the Constitution of our country ? Was our devotion paid to 
the wretched, inefficient, clumsy contrivance, which this new 
doctrine would make it? Did we pledge ourselves to the 
support of an airy nothing — a bubble that must be blown 
away by the first breath of disaffection? Was this self-de- 
stroying, visionary theory, the work of the profound states- 
men, the exalted patriots, to whom the task of constitutional 
reform was intrusted ? Did the name of Washington sanc- 
tion, did the States deliberately ratify, such an anomaly in 
the history of fundamental legislation? No. We were not 
mistaken ! The letter of this great instrument is free from 
this radical fault : its language directly contradicts the impu- 
tation : its spirit — its evident intent, contradicts it. No, we 
did not err ! Our Constitution does not contain the absurdi- 
ty of giving power to make laws, and another power to resist 
them. The sages, whose memory will always be reverenced, 
have given us a practical, and. as they hoped, a permanent 
constitutional compact. The Father of his country did not 
affix his revered name to so palpable an absurdity. Nor did 
the States, when they severally ratified it, do so under the 
impression that a veto on the laws of the United States was 



MEMOIRS OP ANDREW JACKSON. 105 

reserved to them, or that they could exercise it by implica- 
tion. Search the debates in all their Conventions — examine 
the speeches of the most zealous opposers of Federal authori- 
ty — look at the amendments that were proposed. They are 
all silent — not a syllable uttered, not a vote given, not a mo- 
tion made, to correct the explicit supremacy given to the 
laws of the Union over those of the States— or to show that 
implication, as is now contended, could defeat, it. No, we 
have not erred ! The Constitution is still the object of our 
reverence, the bond of our Union, our defence in danger, the 
source of our prosperity in peace. It shall descend, as we 
have received it, uncorrupted by sophistical construction, to 
our posterity ; and the sacrifices of local interest, of State 
prejudices, of personal animosities, that were made to bring 
it into existence, will again be patriotically offered for its 
support. 

The two remaining objections made by the Ordinance to 
these laws are, that the sums intended to be raised by them 
are greater than are required, and that the proceeds will be 
unconstitutionally employed. The Constitution has given 
expressly to Congress the right of raising revenue, and of 
determining the sum the public exigencies will require. The 
States have no control over the exercise of this right, other 
than that which results from the power of changing the Re- 
presentatives who abuse it, and thus procure redress. Con- 
gress may undoubtedly abuse this discretionary power, but 
the same may be said of others with which they are vested. 
Yet the discretion must exist somewhere. The Constitution 
has given it to the Representatives of all the People, checked 
by the Representatives of the States, and by the Executive 
power. The South Carolina construction gives it to the Le- 
gislature or the Convention of a single State, where neither 
the people of the different States, nor the States in their se- 
parate capacity, nor the Chief Magistrate elected by the 
people, have any representation? Which is the most dis- 
creet disposition of the power ? I do not ask you, fellow citi- 
zens, which is the constitutional disposition— that instrument 
speaks a language not to be misunderstood. But if you were 
assembled in general convention, which would you think the 
safest depository of this discretionary power in the last re- 
sort? Would you add a clause giving it to each of the 
States, or would you sanction the wise provisions already 
made by your Constitution ? If this should be the result of 
your deliberations when providing for the future, are you— 
can you-#)e ready to risk all that we hold dear, to establish, 
for a temporary and local purpose, that which you must ac- 
knowledge to be destructive, and even absurd, as a general 
provision ? Carry out the consequences of this right vested 



106 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

in the different States, and you must perceive that the crisis 
your conduct presents at this day would recur whenever any 
law of the United States displeased any of the States, and 
that we should soon cease to be a nation. 

The Ordinance, with the same knowledge of the future 
that characterizes a former objection, tells you that the pro- 
ceeds of the tax will be unconstitutionally applied. If this 
could be ascertained with certainty, the objection would, 
with more propriety, be reserved for the law so applying the 
proceeds, but surely cannot be urged against the laws levy- 
ing the duty. 

These are the allegations contained in the Ordinance. 
Examine them seriously, my fellow citizens — judge for your- 
selves. I appeal to you to determine whether they are so 
clear, so convincing, as to leave no doubt of their correct- 
ness ; and even if you should come to this conclusion, how 
far they justify the reckless, destructive course, which you 
are directed to pursue. Review these objections, and the 
conclusions drawn from them, once more. What are they? 
Every law, then, for raising revenue, according to the South 
Carolina Ordinance, may be rightfully annulled unless it be 
so framed as no law ever will or can be framed. Congress 
have a right to pass laws for raising revenue, and each State 
has a right to oppose their execution — two rights directly 
opposed to each other ; and yet is this absurdity supposed to 
be contained in an instrument drawn for the express pur- 
pose of avoiding collisions between the States and the Ge- 
neral Government, by an assembly of the most enlightened 
statesmen and purest patriots ever embodied for a similar 
purpose. 

In vain have these sages declared that Congress shall have 
power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises 
— in vain have they provided that they shall have power to 
pass laws which shall be necessary and proper to carry those 
powers into execution ; that those laws and that Constitu- 
tion shall be the " supreme law of the land ; and that the 
judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in 
the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary not- 
withstanding." In vain have the people of the several 
States solemnly sanctioned these provisions, made them 
their paramount law, and individually sworn to support 
them whenever they were called on to execute any office. 
Vain provisions ! ineffectual restrictions ! vile profanation of 
oaths ! miserable mockery of legislation ! If a bare majority 
of the voters in any one State may on a real or^upposed 
knowledge of the intent with which a law has been passed, 
declare themselves free from its operation — say here it gives 
too little, there too much, and operates unequally— here it 



Memoirs of andri;\v jackson. 107 

suffers articles to be free that ought to be taxed, there it taxes 
those that ought to be free — in this case the proceeds are 
intended to be applied to purposes which we do not approve, 
in that the amount raised is more than is wanted. Congress, 
it is true, are invested by the Constitution with the right of 
deciding these questions according to their sound discretion. 
Congress is composed of the Representatives of all the States 
and of all the people of all the States; but \vf., part of the 
people of one State, to whom the Constitution has given no 
power on the subject, from whom it has expressly taken it 
away — we, who have solemnly agreed that this Constitution 
shall be our law— we most of whom have sworn to support it 
— we, now abrogate this law, and swear, and force others to 
swear, that it shall not be obeyed, and we do this, not because 
Congress have no right to pass such laws, this we do not 
allege ; but because they have passed them with improper* 
views. They are unconstitutional from the motives of those 
who passed them, which we can never with certainty know; 
from their unequal operation, although it is impossible from 
the nature of things that they should be equal — and from the 
disposition which we presume may be made of their pro- 
ceeds, although that disposition has not been declared. This 
is the plain meaning of the Ordinance in relation to laws 
which it abrogates for alleged unconstitutionality. But it 
does not stop there. It repeals, in express terms, an impor- 
tant part of the Constitution itself, and of laws passed to give 
it effect, which have never been alleged to be unconstitution- 
al. The Constitution declares that the judicial powers of 
the United States extend in cases arising under the laws of 
the United States, and that such laws, the Constitution, and 
treaties, shall be paramount to the State Constitutions and 
laws. The Judiciary Act prescribes the mode by which the 
case may be brought before a court of the United States by. 
appeal, when a State tribunal shall decide against this pro- 
vision of the Constitution. The Ordinance declares there 
shall be no appeal ; makes the State law paramount to the 
Constitution and laws of the United States; forces judges 
and jurors to swear that they will disregard their provisions ; 
and even makes it penal in a suitor to attempt relief by ap- 
peal. It further declares, that it shall not be lawful for the 
authorities of the United States, or of that State, to enforce 
the payment of duties imposed by the revenue laws within its 
limits. 

Here is a law of the United States, not even pretended to 
be unconstitutional, repealed by the authority of a small ma- 
jority of the voters of a single State. Here is a provision of 
the Constitution which is solemnly abrogated by the same 
authority. 



108 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

On such expositions and reasonings, the Ordinance grounds 
not only an assertion of the right to annul the laws of which 
it complains, but to enforce it by a threat of seceding from 
the Union, if any attempt is made to execute them. 

This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the 
Constitution, which, they say, is a compact between sove- 
reign States, who have preserved their whole sovereignty 
and, therefore, are subject to no superior; that, because they 
made the compact, they can break it when, in their opinion, 
it has been departed from by the other States. Fallacious as 
this course of reasoning is, it enlists State pride, and finds 
advocates in the honest prejudices of those who have not 
studied the nature of our Government sufficiently to see the 
radical error on which it rests. 

The People of the United States formed the Constitution, 
acting through the State Legislatures in making the com- 
pact, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in sepa- 
rate conventions when they ratified those provisions; but the 
terms used in its construction, show it to be a Government 
in which the people of all the States collectively are repre- 
sented. We are one people in the choice of the President 
and Vice President. Here the States have no other agency 
than to direct the mode in which the votes shall be given. 
The candidates having the majority of all the votes are cho- 
sen. The electors of a majority of States may have given 
their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be chosen. 
The People, then, and not the States, are represented in the 
Executive branch. 

In the House of Representatives there is this difference, 
that the people of one State do not, as in the case of Presi- 
dent and Vice President, all vote for the same officers. The 
people of all the States do not vote for all the members, each 
State electing only its own representatives. But this creates 
no material distinction. When chosen, they are all repre- 
sentatives of the United States, not representatives of the 
particular State from which they come. They are paid by 
the United States, not by the State ; nor are they accounta- 
ble to it for any act done in the performance of their legisla- 
tive functions : and however they may in practice, as it is 
their duty to do, consult and prefer the interests of their par- 
ticular constituents when they come in conflict with any 
other partial or local interests, yet it is their first and high- 
est duty, as representatives of the United States, to promote 
the general good. 

The Constitution of the United States, then, for*s a Go* 
vernment, not a league ; and whether it be formed by com- 
pact between the States, or in any other manner, its character 
ts the same. It is a Government in which all the people are 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 109 

represented, which operates directly on the people individu- 
ally, not upon the States ; they retained all the power they 
did not grant. But each State having expressly parted with 
so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other States 
a single nation, cannot from that period possess any right to 
secede, because such secession does not break a league, but 
destroys the unity of a nation ; and any injury to that unity 
is not only a breach, which would result from the contraven* 
tion of a compact, but it is an offence against the whole Union. 
To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, 
is to say that the United States are not a nation ; because it 
would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation 
might dissolve its connexion with the other parts, to their in- 
jury or ruin, without committing any offence. Secession, 
like any other revolutionary act, may be morally justified by 
the extremity of oppression ; but to call it a constitutional 
right is confounding the meaning of terms ; and can only be 
done through gross error, or to deceive those who are will- 
ing to assert a right, but would pause before they made a 
revolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a failure. 

Because the Union was formed by compact, it is said the 
parties to that compact may, when they feel themselves ag- 
grieved, depart from it : but it is precisely because it is a 
compact that they cannot. A compact is an agreement or 
binding obligation. It may, by its terms, have a sanction or 
penalty for its breach, or it may not. If it contains no sanc- 
tion, it may be broken with no other consequence than moral 
guilt : if it have a sanction, then the breach incurs the desig- 
nated or implied penalty. A league between independent 
nations, generally, has no sanction other than a moral one ; 
or, if it should contain a penalty, as there is no common su- 
perior, it cannot be enforced. A Government, on the contrary, 
always has a sanction, express or implied ; and, in our case, 
it is both necessarily implied and expressly given. An at- 
tempt by force of arms to destroy a Government, is an of- 
fence, by whatever means the constitutional compact may 
have been formed ; and such Government has the right, by 
the law of self defence, to pass acts for punishing the offender, 
unless that right is modified, restrained, or resumed, by the 
constitutional act.-— In our system, although it is modified in 
the case of treason, yet authority is expressly given to pass 
all laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and under 
this grant provision has been made for punishing acts which 
obstruct the due administration of the laws. 

It would seem superfluous to add any thing to show the 

nature of that Union which connects us ; but as erroneous 

opinions on this subject are the foundation of doctrines the 

most destructive to our peace. I must give some farther de- 

10 



110 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

velopment to my views on this subject. No one, fellow 
citizens, has a higher reverence for the reserved rights of the 
States, than the Magistrate who now addresses you. No one 
would make greater personal sacrifices, or official exertions, 
to defend them from violation ; but equal care nust be taken 
to prevent on their part an improper interference with, or 
resumption of, the rights they have vested in the nation. The 
line has not been so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in 
some cases of the exercise of power. Men of the best inten- 
tions and soundest views may differ in their construction of 
some parts of the Constitution : but there are others on which 
dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this nature 
appears to be the assumed right of secession. It vests, as we 
have seen, on the alleged undivided sovereignty of the 
States, and on their having formed in this sovereign capacity 
a compact which is called the Constitution, from which, be- 
cause they made it, they have the right to secede. Both of 
these positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to 
prove them so have been anticipated. 

The States severally have not retained their entire sove- 
reignty. It has been shown that in becoming parts of a nation, 
not members of a league, they surrendered many of their es- 
sential parts of sovereignty. The right to make treaties- 
declare war— levy taxes — exercise exclusive judicial and 
legislative powers, were all of them functions of sovereign 
power. The States, then, for all these important purposes, 
were no longer sovereign. The allegiance of their citizens 
was transferred, in the first instance, to the Government of 
the United States — they became American citizens, and owed 
obedience to the Constitution of the United States, and to the 
laws made in conformity with the powers it vested in Con- 
gress. This last position has not been, and cannot be denied. 
How then can that State be said to be sovereign and inde- 
pendent, whose citizens owe obedience to laws not made by 
it, and whose magistrates are sworn to disregard those 
laws, when they come in conflict with those passed by ano- 
ther ? What shows conclusively that the States cannot be 
said to have»e"served an undivided sovereignty, is, that they 
expressly ceded the right to punish treason — not treason 
against their separate power — but treason against the United 
States. Treason is an offence against sovereignty, and sove- 
reignty must reside with the power to punish it. But the reser- 
ved rights of the States are not less sacred, because they 
have for their common interest made the General Govern- 
ment the depository of these powers. The unity of our po- 
litical character (as has been shown for another purpose) 
commenced with its very existence. Under the Royal Go- 
vernment we had no separate character — our opposition to 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. Hi 

its oppression began as United Colonies. We were the Uni- 
ted States under the confederation, and the name was per- 
petuated, and the Union rendered more perfect, by the 
Federal Constitution. In none of these stages did we con- 
sider ourselves in any other light than as forming one nation. 
Treaties and alliances were made in the name of all. Troops 
were raised for the joint defence. How, then, with all these 
proofs, that under all changes of our position we had, for 
designated purposes and with defined powers, created Na- 
tional Governments — how is it, that the most perfect of those 
several modes of union should now be considered as a mere 
league, that may be dissolved at pleasure? It is from an abuse 
of terms. Compact is used as synonymous with league, al- 
though the true term is not employed, because it would at 
once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It would not do to 
say that our Constitution was only a league ; but, it is labour- 
ed to prove it a compact, (which in one sense it is) and then 
to argue that as a league is a compact, every compact between 
nations must of course be a league, and from such an engage- 
ment every sovereign power has a right to recede. But it has 
been shown, that in this sense the States are not sovereign, 
and that even if they were, and the National Constitution had 
been formed by compact, there would be no right in any one 
State to exonerate itself from its obligations. 

So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession, that 
it is necessary only to allude to them. The Union was form- 
ed for the benefit of all. It was produced by mutual sacri- 
fices of interests and opinions. Can those sacrifices be re- 
called 1 Can the States who magnanimously surrendered 
their title to the Territories of the West, recall the grant? 
Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to pay the 
duties that may be imposed without their assent by those on 
the Atlantic or the Gulf, for their own benefits ? Shall there 
be a free port in one State, and onerous duties in another? 
No one believes that any right exists in a single State to in- 
volve all the others in these and countless other evils, contra- 
ry to the engagements solemnly made. Every one must 
see that the other States, in self-defence, mus* oppose at all 
hazards. 

These are the alternatives that are presented by the Con- 
vention — A repeal of all the acts for raising revenue, leaving 
the Government without the means of support ; or an a%|ui- 
escence in the dissolution of our Union by the secession of 
one of its members. When the first was proposed, it was 
known that it could not be listened to for a moment. It was 
known if force was applied to oppose the execution of the 
laws, that it must be repelled by force — that Congress could 
not, without involving itself in disgrace, and the country in 



112 ©LORY OF AMERICA. 

ruin, accede to the proposition ; and yet, if this is not done 
in a given day, or if any attempt is made to execute the 
laws, the State is, by the Ordinance, declared to be out of 
the Union. The majority of a Convention assembled for the 
purpose have dictated these terms, or rather this rejection of 
all terms, in the name of the people of South Carolina. It is 
true that the Governor of the State speaks of the submission 
of their grievances to a Convention of all the States ; which, 
he says, they "sincerely and anxiously seek and desire." 
Yet this obvious and constitutional mode of obtaining the 
sense of the other States on the construction of the federal 
compact, and amending it, if necessary, has never been 
attempted by those who have urged the State on to this de- 
structive measure. The State might have proposed the 
call for a General Convention to the other States ; and Con- 
gress, if a sufficient number of them concurred, must have 
called it. But the first Magistrate of South Carolina, when 
he expressed a hope that, " on a review by Congress and the 
functionaries of the General Government of the merits of 
the controversy," such a Convention will be accorded to 
them, must have known that neither Congress nor any func- 
tionary of the General Government has authority to call such 
a Convention, unless it be demanded by two thirds of the 
States. This suggestion, then, is another instance of the reck- 
less inattention to the provisions of the Constitution with 
which this crisis has been madly hurried on, or of the at- 
tempt to persuade the people that a constitutional remedy 
had been sought and refused. If the Legislature of South 
Carolina " anxiously desire" a General Convention to con- 
sider their complaints, why have they not made application 
for it in the way the Constitution points out? The assertion 
that they " earnestly seek" it is completely negatived by the 
omission. 

This, then, is the position in which we stand. A small ma- 
jority of the citizens of one State in the Union have elected 
delegates to a State Convention: that Convention has ordain- 
ed that all the revenue laws of the United States must be 
repealed, or that they are no longer a member of the Union. 
The Governor of the State has recommended to the Legisla- 
ture the raising of an army to carry the secession into effect, 
and that he may be empowered to give clearances to vessels 
in the name of the State. No act of violent opposition to the 
laws has yet been committed, but such a state of things is 
hourly apprehended, and it is the intent of this instrument to 
proclaim, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Con- 
stitution, " to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," 
shall be performed to the extent of the powers already invest- 
«d in me by law, or of such others as the wisdom of Congress 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 1 13 

shall devise, and entrust to me for the purpose ; but to warn 
the citizens of South Carolina, who have been deluded into 
an opposition to the laws, of the danger they incur by obe- 
dience to the illegal and disorganizing Ordinance of the 
Convention — to exhort those who have refused to support it 
to persevere in their determination to uphold the Constitution 
and laws of their country, and to point out to all, the perilous 
situation into which the good people of that State have been 
led— and that the course that they are urged to pursue is one 
of ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights they af- 
fect to support. 

Fellow citizens of my native State! — let me not only ad- 
monish you, as the first Magistrate of our common country, 
not to incur the penalties of its laws, but use the influence 
that a Father would over his i Iren whom he saw rushing 
to a certain ruin. In that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my 
countrymen, that you are deluded by men who are either de- 
ceived themselves, or wish to deceive you. Mark under what 
pretences you have been led on to the brink of insurrection 
and treason, on which you stand ! First a diminution of the 
value of your staple commodity, lowered by over production 
in other quarters, and the consequent diminution in the value 
of your lands, were the sole effect of the Tariff laws. The 
effect of those laws are confessedly injurious, but- the evil 
was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were 
taught to believe, that its burthens were in proportion to your 
exports, not to your consumption of imported articles. Your 
pride was roused by the assertion that a submission to those 
laws was a state of vassalage, and that resistance to them 
■was equal, in patriotic merit, to the opposition our fathers oA 
fered to the oppressive laws of Great Britain. You were told 
that this opposition might be peaceably — might be constitu- 
tionally made— that you might enjoy all the advantages of 
the Union, and bear none of its burthens. 

Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your state pride, to 
your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were used 
to prepare you for the period when the mask which conceal- 
ed the hideous features of disunion should be taken off. It fell, 
and you were made to look with complacency on objects 
which, not long since, you would have regarded with horror. 
Look back at the arts which have brought you to this state — 
look forward to the consequences to which it must inevitably 
lead ! Look back to what was first told you as an inducement 
to enter into this dangerous course. The great political truth 
was repeated to you, that you had the revolutionary right of 
resisting all laws that were palpably unconstitutional and in- 
tolerably oppressive ; it was added, that the right to nullify a 
law rested on the same principle, but that it was a peaceable 
10* 



114 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

remedy ! This character which was given to it, made you re- 
ceive, with too much confidence, the assertions that were 
made of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its oppressive 
effects. Mark, my fellow citizens, that by the admission of 
your leaders, the unconstitutionality must be palpable, or it 
will not justify either resistance or nullification ! What is the 
meaning of the word palpable, in the sense in which it is here 
used? that which is apparent to every one; that which no 
man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is the uncon- 
stitutionality of these laws of that description ? Let those 
among your leaders who once approved and advocated the 
principle of protective duties, answer the question; and let 
them choose whether they will be considered as incapable, 
then, of perceiving that which must have been apparent to 
every man of common understanding, or as imposing upon 
your confidence, and endeavouring to mislead you now. In 
either case, they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they 
urge you to tread. Ponder well on this circumstance, and 
you will know how to appreciate the exaggerated language 
they address to you. They are not champions of liberty, 
emulating the fame of our revolutionary fathers ; nor are 
you an oppressed people, contending, as they repeat to you, 
against worse than colonial vassalage. You are free mem- 
bers of a flourishing and happy Union. There is no settled 
design to oppress you. You nave indeed felt the unequal 
operation of laws which may have been unwisely, not un- 
constitutionally passed ; but that inequality must necessarily 
be removed. At the very moment when you were madly 
urged on to the unfortunate course you have begun, a change 
in public opinion had commenced. The nearly approaching 
payment of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of 
a diminution of duties, had already produced a considerable 
reduction, and that ton on some articles of general consump- 
tion in your state. The importance of this change was un- 
derrated, and you were authoritatively told, that no farther 
alleviation of your burthens was to be expected, at the very 
time when the condition of the country imperiously demand- 
ed such a modification of the duties as should reduce them 
to a just and equitable scale. But, as if apprehensive of the 
effect of this change in allaying your discontents, you were 
precipitated into the fearful state in which you now find 
yourselves. 

I have urged you to look back to the means that were used 
to hurry you on to the position you have now assumed, and 
forward to the consequences it will produce. Something more 
is necessary. Contemplate the condition of that country 
of which you still Covin an important port! Consider its 
government uniting in one bond of common interest and 



MEM0IB3 OF ANDREW JACKSON. 115 

general protection so many different States, giving to all 
their inhabitants the proud title of American Citizens, pro- 
tecting their commerce, securing their literature and the arts, 
facilitating their intercommunication, defending their fron- 
tiers, and making their name respected in the remotest parts 
of the earth ! Consider the extent of its territory, its increa- 
sing and happy population, its advance in arts, which render 
life agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the mind ! See 
education spreading the lights of religion, morality, and ge- 
neral information, into every cottage in this wide extent of 
our Territories and States ! Behold it as the asylum where 
the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support ! 
Look on this picture of happiness and honour, and say — we, 
too, are citizens of America : Carolina is one of these proud 
States : her arms have defended, her best blood has cemented 
this happy Union ! And then add, if you can, without horror 
and remorse, this happy Union we will dissolve — this picture 
of peace and prosperity we will deface— this free intercourse 
we will interrupt— these fertile fields we will deluge with 
blood — the protection of that glorious flag we renounce — the 
very name of Americans we discard — And for what, mistaken 
men ! — for what do you throw away these inestimable bless- 
ings — for what would you exchange your share in the ad- 
vantages and honour of the Union ? For the dream of a 
separate independence — a dream interrupted by bloody con- 
flicts with your neighbours, and a vile dependence on a 
foreign power. If your leaders could succeed in establishing 
a separation, what would be your situation ? Are you united 
at home — are you free from the apprehension of civil discord, 
with all its fearful consequences? Do our neighbouring re- 
publics, every day suffering some new revolution, or con- 
tending with some new insurrection — do they excite your 
envy ? But the dictates of a high duty oblige me solemnly to 
announce that you cannot succeed. 

The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no 
discretionary power on the subject — my duty is emphatically 
pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that 
you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you ; 
they could not have been deceived themselves. They know 
that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution 
of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be re- 
pelled. Their object is disunion; but be not deceived by 
names; disunion by armed force is treason. Are you really 
ready to incur its guilt? If 3^011 are, on the heads of the in- 
stigators of the act be the dreadful consequences — on their 
heads be the dishonour, but on yours may fall the punish- 
ment — on your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils 
of the conflict you foi ce upon the Government of your coun- 



116 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

try. It cannot accede to the mad project of disunion of which 
you would be the first victims — its first Magistrate cannot, if 
he would, avoid the performance of his duty — the conse- 
quence must be fearful for you, distressing to your fellow 
citizens here, and to the friends of good government through- 
out the world. Its enemies have beheld our prosperity, with 
a vexation they could not conceal — it was a standing refuta- 
tion of their slavish doctrines, and they will point to our dis- 
cord with a triumph of malignant joy. It is yet in your 
power to disappoint them. There is yet time to show that 
the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the Rutled- 
ges, and of the thousand other names which adorn the pages 
of your revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union, to 
support which, so many of them fought, and bled, and died. 
I adjure you, as you honour their memory — as you love the 
cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives — as you 
prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citizens, 
and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch from 
the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its Con- 
vention — bid its members to re-assemble and promulgate the 
decided expressions of your will to remain in the path which 
alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honour — tell 
them that compared to disunion, all other evils are light, be- 
cause that brings with it an accumulation of all — declare that 
you will never take the field unless the star spangled banner 
of your country shall float over you : that you will not be 
stigmatized when dead, and dishonoured and scorned, while 
you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution 
of your country ! — Its destroyers you cannot be. You may 
disturb its peace — you may interrupt the course of its pros- 
perity — you may cloud its reputation for stability — but its 
tranquillity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the 
stain upon its national character will be transferred, and re- 
main an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the 
disorder. 

Fellow Citizens of the United States! The threat of un- 
hallowed disunion — the names of those once respected, by 
whom it is uttered — the array of military force to support it — 
denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs on which the 
continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our political ex- 
istence, and perhaps that of all free governments, may depend. 
The conjunction demanded a free, a full, and explicit enun- 
ciation, not only of my intentions, but of my principles of 
action ; and as the claim was asserted of a right by a State 
to annul the laws of the Union, and even to secede from it at 
pleasure, a frank exposition of my opinions in relation to the 
origin and form of our government, and the construction I 
give to the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON". 117 

proper. Having the fullest confidence in the justness of the 
legal and constitutional opinion of my duties which has been 
expressed, I rely with equal confidence on your undivided 
support in my determination to execute the laws — to preserve 
the Union by all constitutional means — to arrest, if possible, 
by moderate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse 
to force ; and, if it be the will of heaven that the recurrence 
of its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a brother's 
blood should fall upon our land, that it be not called down 
by any offensive act on the part of the United States. 

Fellow Citizens ! The momentous case is before you. On 
your undivided support of your government depends the de- 
cision of the great question it involves, whether your sacred 
Union will be preserved, and the blessing it secures to us as 
one People shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the 
unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be 
such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, 
and that the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it 
will bring to their defence, will transmit them unimpaired and 
invigorated to our children. 

May the Great Ruler of Nations grant that the signal bless- 
ings with which he has favoured ours, may not, by the 
madness of party or personal ambition, be disregarded and 
lost : and may His wise Providence bring those who have pro- 
duced this crisis to see the folly, before they feel the misery of 
civil strife : and inspire a returning veneration for that Union 
which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, he has cho- 
sen as the only means of attaining the high destinies to which 
we may reasonably aspire. 

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United 
States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with 
my hand. 
Done at the City of Washington, this 10th day of December, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
thirty-two, and of the Independence of the United States 
the fifty-seventh. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 
By the President : 

Edw. Livingston, 
Secretary of State. 



118 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Transfer of the Treasury Funds. 

The following document, relating to a transfer of the 
funds of our government from the Bank of the United 
States, to the several State Banks, was first published in 
the Washington Globe, September 23d, 1833. The im- 
portance of this paper to the physical and moral interests 
of our citizens, is too obvious to require an apology for its 
insertion in these Memoirs. Indeed, the editor would 
justly incur censure, should he withhold any information 
within his reach, on a subject of such vast magnitude. 

The decision of the President is founded on a " Report 
of the Government Directors of the Bank of the United 
States, relative to the Printing Expenses of that institu- 
tion." The Report accompanied the paper from the Pre- 
sident, and most certainly justifies the stand which he has 
taken. Sustained, as the Report is, by H. D. Gilpin, John 
T. Sullivan, Peter Wager, and Hugh McElderry, we re- 
peat, that in our judgment, the Executive was fully justi- 
fied in the measures which he has adopted. 

It may be proper here to state, that Mr. Duane, Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, dissenting from the views of the 
President, very properly resigned, but, as is stated, without 
a breach of friendship or confidence between him and 
the President. His dissent, however, might arise from 
causes unconnected with any doubt as to the truth of the 
Report of the Government Directors. His place is said 
to have been immediately filled by Mr. Taney, late Attor- 
ney General. 

Admitting all which may be urged against the Presi- 
dent's decision in this case, that his hostility to the Bank 
has been embittered by the opposition of that institution to 
his re-election, still is the wisdom of the measure more 
than justified by the Report to which we have referred. 
But the question is reduced to a single point : — If the re- 
solutions noted in the Report passed the Board — if such 
Minis of money were squandered for such purposes — no 
intelligent, no honest man, will for a moment halt between 
two opinions, on the course which the President was bound 
to pursue. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON-. 119 



UNITED STATES BANK. 

Paper read to the Cabinet, September 18, 1833. 

Having carefully and anxiously considered all the facts 
and arguments, which have been submitted to him relative 
to a removal of the public deposites from the Bank of the 
United States, the President deems it his duty to communi- 
cate in this manner to his Cabinet, the final conclusions of 
his own mind, and the reasons on which they are founded, 
in order to put them in a durable form, and to prevent mis- 
conceptions. 

The President's convictions of the dangerous tendencies 
of the Bank of the United States, since signally illustrated by 
its own acts, were so overpowering when he entered upon 
the duties of Chief Magistrate, that he felt it his duty, notwith- 
standing the objections of the friends by whom he was sur- 
rounded, to avail himself of the first occasion to call the at- 
tention of Congress and the people to the question of its re* 
charter. The opinions expressed in his Annual Message of 
December, 1S29, were reiterated in those of December, 1830, 
and 1S31, and in that of 1S30 he threw out, for consideration, 
some suggestions in relation to a substitute. At the session 
of 1S31-2, an act was passed by a majority of both houses of 
Congress, re-chartering the present Bank, upon which the 
President felt it his duty to put his constitutional veto. In 
his message, returning that act, he repeated and enlarged 
upon the principles and views briefly asserted in his Annual 
Messages, declaring the Bank to be, in his opinion, both in- 
expedient and unconstitutional, and announcing to his coun- 
trymen, very unequivocally, his firm determination never to 
sanction, by his approval, the continuance of that institution, 
or the establishment of any other upon similar principles. 

There are strong reasons for believing that the motive of 
the Bank in asking for a re-charter at that session of con- 
gress, was to make it a leading question in the election of a 
president of the United States the ensuing November, and all 
steps deemed necessary were taken to procure from the peo- 
ple a reversal of the president's decision. 

Although the charter was approaching its termination, and 
the Bank was aware that it was the intention of the govern- 
ment to use the public deposite as fast as it accrued, in the 
payment of the public debt, yet did it extend its loans from 
January, 1831, to May, 1832, from $42,402,304 24 to $70,428,070 
72, being an increase of $28,025,766 48, in sixteen months. 
It is confidently believed, that the leading object of this im- 
mense extension of its loans, was to bring as large a portion 
ofthe people as possible under its power and influence : and 



120 fil.ollY OK AIUEiticA. 

it has been disclosed, that some of the largest sums were 
granted on very unusual terms to conductors of the public 
press. In some of these cases, the motive was made manifest 
by the nominal or insufficient security taken for the loans, 
by the large amounts discounted, by the extraordinary time 
allowed for payment, and especially by the subsequent con- 
duct of those receiving the accommodations. 

Having taken these preliminary steps to obtain control 
over public opinion, the Bank came into congress and asked 
a new charter. The object avowed by many of the advo- 
cates of the Bank, was to put the president to the test, that the 
country might know his final determination relative to the 
Bank, prior to the ensuing election. Many documents and 
articles were printed and circulated at the expense of the 
Bank, to bring the people to a favourable decision upon its 
pretensions. Those whom the Bank appears to have made 
its debtors for the special occasion, were warned of the ruin 
which awaited them, should the president be sustained ; and 
attempts were made to alarm the whole people by painting 
the depression in the price of property and produce, and the 
general loss, inconvenience, and distress, which it was repre- 
sented, would immediately follow the re-election of the presi- 
dent in opposition to the Bank. 

Can it now be said that the question of a re-charter of the 
Bank was not decided at the election which ensued? Had 
the veto been equivocal, or had it not covered the whole 
ground — if it had merely taken exceptions to the details of 
tlie Bill, or to the time of its passage — if it had not met the 
whole ground of constitutionality and expediency, then there 
might have been some plausibility for the allegation that the 
question was not decided by the people. It was to compel 
the president to take his stand that the question was brought 
forward at that particular time. He met the challenge, will- 
ingly took the position into which his adversaries sought to 
force him, and frankly declared. his unalterable opposition to 
the Bank, as being both unconstitutional and inexpedient. 
On that ground the case was argued to the people, and now 
the people have sustained the president, notwithstanding the 
array of influence and power which was brought to bear upon 
him, it is too late, he confidently thinks, to say that the ques- 
tion has not been decided. Whatever may be the opinion 
of others, the president considers his re-election as a decision 
of the people against the Bank. In the concluding paragraph 
of his veto message, he said : — 

" I have now done my duty to my country. If sustained 
by my fellow-citizens, I shall be grateful and happy ; if not, I 
shall find in the motives which impel me, ample grounds for 
contentment and peace." 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 121 

He was sustained by a just people, and he desires to evince 
his gratitude by carrying into effect their decision, so far as 
it depends upon him. 

Of ail the substitutes for the present Bank which have been 
suggested, none seems to have united any considerable por- 
tion of the public in its favour. Most of them are liable to 
the same constitutional objections for which the present. Bank 
has been condemned, and, perhaps, to all there are strong 
objections on the score of expediency. In ridding the coun- 
try of an irresponsible power which h* ; j attempted to con- 
trol the government, care must be taken not to unite the 
same power with the executive branch. To give a president 
the control over the currency and the power over individu- 
als now possessed by the Bank of the United States, even 
With the material difference that he is responsible to the peo- 
ple, would be as objectionable and as dangerous as to leave 
it as it is. Neither the one nor the other is necessary, and 
therefore ought not to be resorted to. 

On the whole, the president considers it as conclusively 
settled that the charter of the Bank of the United States will 
not be renewed, and he has no reasonable ground to believe 
that any substitute will be established. Being bound to regu- 
late his course by the laws as they exist, and not to anticipate 
the interference of the legislative power for the purpose of 
training new systems, it is proper for him seasonably to con- 
sider the means by which the services rendered by the Bank 
of the United States are to be performed after its charter 
shall expire. 

The existing laws declare, that "the deposites of the mo- 
ney of the United States, in places in which the said Bank 
and branches thereof may be established, shall be made in 
said bank and branches thereof, unless the Secretary of the 
Treasury shall at any time otherwise order and direct, in 
which case the Secretary of the Treasury shall immediately 
lay before congress, if in session, and if not, immediately af- 
ter the commencement of the next session, the reason of such 
order or direction." 

The power of the Secretary of the Treasury over the de- 
posites, is unqualified. The provision that he shall report his 
reasons to congress, is no limitation. Had it not been in- 
serted, he would have been responsible to congress, had he 
made a removal for any other than good reasons, and his 
responsibility now ceases, upon the rendition of sufficient 
ones to congress. The only object of the provision, is to 
make his reasons accessible to congress, and enable that 
body more readily to judge of their soundness and purity, 
and thereupon to make such farther provision bylaw as the 
legislative power may think proper in relation to the deposite 



122 GLORY Of AMERICA. 

of the public money. Those reasons may be very diversified. 
It was asserted by the Secretary of the Treasury without con- 
tradiction, as early as 1817, that he had power "to control 
the proceedings" of the Bank of the United States at any mo- 
ment, " by changing the deposites to the State Banks," should 
it pursue an illiberal course towards those institutions; that 
" the Secretary of the Treasury will always be disposed to 
support the credit of the State Banks, and will invariably di- 
rect transfers from the deposites of the public money in aid 
of their legitimate ^rertions to maintain their credit;" and 
he asserted a right to employ the State Banks, when the Bank 
of the United States should refuse to receive on deposite the 
notes of such State Banks as the public interest required 
should be received in payment of the public dues. In several 
instances, he did transfer the public deposites to State Banks, 
in the immediate vicinity of branches, for reasons connected 
only with the safety of those banks, the public convenience, 
and the interests of the Treasury. 

If it was lawful for Mr. Crawford, the Secretary of the 
Treasury at that time, to act on these principles, it will be 
difficult to discover any sound reasons against the application 
of^imilar principles in still stronger cases. And it is a mat- 
ter of surprise that a power which, in the infancy of the 
Bank, was freely asserted as one of the ordinary and fami- 
liar duties of the Secretary of the Treasury, should now be 
gravely questioned, and attempts made to excite and alarm 
the public mind, as if some new and unheard of power was 
about to be usurped by the Executive branch of the Govern- 
ment. 

It is but a little more than two and a half years to the ter- 
mination of the charter of the present Bank. It is consider- 
ed as the decision of the country that it shall then cease to 
exist, and no man, the President believes, has reasonable 
ground for expectation that any other Bank of the United 
States will be created by Congress. To the Treasury De- 
partment is intrusted the safe keeping and faithful applica- 
tion of the public money. A plan of collection different from 
the present, must therefore be introduced and put in com- 
plete operation before the dissolution of the present Bank. 
When shall it be commenced? Shall no step be taken in 
this essential concern until the charter expires, and the 
Treasury finds itself without an agent, its accounts in con- 
fusion, with no depository for its funds, and the whole bu- 
siness of the Covernmf,it deranged? or shall it be delayed 
until r-ix months, or a year, or two years, before the expira- 
tion of the charter ? It is obvious that am new system 
which may be substituted in the place of the Bank of the 
United States, could not suddenly be carried into effect on 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 123 

the termination of its existence, without serious inconve- 
nience to the Government and the people. Its vast amount 
of notes are then to be redeemed and withdrawn from circu- 
lation, and its immense debt collected. These operations 
must be gradual, otherwise much suffering and distress will 
be brought upon'the community. It ought to be not a work 
of months only, but of years, and the President thinks it can- 
not, with due attention to the interests of the people, be long- 
er postponed. It is safer to begin it too soon than to delay it 
too long. 

It is for the wisdom of Congress to decide upon the best 
substitute to be adopted in the place of the Bank of the Uni- 
ted States; and the President would have felt himself reliev- 
ed from a heavy and painful responsibility, if, in the charter 
of the Bank, Congress had reserved to itself the power of di- 
recting, at its pleasure, the public money to be elsewhere de- 
posited, and had not devolved that power exclusively on one 
of the Executive Departments. It is useless now to inquire 
why this high and important power was surrendered by those 
who are peculiarly and appropriately the guardians of the 
public money. Perhaps it was an oversight. But as the 
President presumes that the charter of the Bank is to be 
considered as a contract on the part of the Government, it 
is not now in the power of Congress to disregard its stipula- 
tions ; and by the terms of that contract the public money is 
to be deposited in the Bank, during the continuance of its 
charter, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall otherwise 
direct. Unless, therefore, the Secretary of the Treasury first 
acts, Congress have no power over the subject, for they can- 
not add a new clause to the charter, or strike one out of it, 
without the consent of the Bank ; and consequently, the pub- 
lic money must remain in that institution to the last hour of 
its existence, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall re- 
move it at an earlier day. The responsibility is thus thrown 
upon the Executive branch of the Government, of deciding 
how long before the expiration of the charter, the public inte- 
rest will require the depQgHes to be placed elsewhere. And 
although, according to the frame and principle of our gov- 
ernment, this decision would seem more properly to belong 
to the legislative power, yet as the law has imposed it upon 
the Executive Department, the duty ought to be faithfully 
and firmly met, and the decision made and executed upon 
the best lights that can be obtained, and the best judgment 
that can be formed. It would ill become the Executive branch 
of the Government to shrink from any duty which the law 
imposes on it, to fix upon others the responsibility which 
justly belongs to itself. And while the President anxiously 
V-ishes to abstain from the exercise of doubtful powers, and 



124 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

to avoid all interference with the rights and duties of others, 
he must yet, with unshaken constancy, discharge his own 
obligations; and cannot allow himself to turn aside, in order 
to avoid any responsibility which the high trust with which 
he has been honoured requires him to encounter ; and it being 
the duty of one of the Executive Departments to decide in 
the first instance, subject to the future action of the legisla- 
tive power, whether the public deposites shall remain in the 
Bank of the United States until the end of its existence, or be 
withdrawn some time before, the President has felt himself 
bound to examine the question carefully and deliberately, in 
order to make up his judgment on the subject; and in his 
opinion the near approach of the termination of the charter, 
and the public considerations heretofore mentioned, are of 
themselves amply sufficient to justify the removal of the de- 
posites, without reference to the conduct of the Bank, or their 
safety in its keeping. 

But in the conduct of the Bank maybe found other reasons 
very imperative in their character, and which require 
prompt action. Developments have been made from time 
to time of its faithlessness as a public agent, its misapplication 
of public funds, its interference in elections, its efforts, by the 
machinery of committees, to deprive the Government Direct- 
ors of a full knowledge of its concerns, and, above all, its fla- 
grant misconduct as recently and unexpectedly disclosed in 
placing all the funds of the Bank, including the money of the 
Government, at the disposition of the President of the Bank, 
as means of operating upon public opinion and procuring 
a new charter, without requiring him to render a voucher for 
their disbursement. A brief recapitulation of the facts which 
justify these charges, and which have come to the knowledge 
of the public and the President, will, he thinks, remove every 
doubt as to the course which it is now the duty of the Presi- 
dent to pursue. 

We have seen that in sixteen months, ending in May, 1S32, 
the Bank had extended its loans more than $2S, 000,000, al- 
though it knew the Government intended to appropriate most 
of its large deposites during that year in payment of the pub- 
lic debt. It was in May, 1832, that its loans arrived at the 
maximum, and in the preceding March, so sensible was the 
Bank that it would not be able to pay over the public depo- 
sites when it would be required by the Government, that it 
commenced a secret negotiation without the knowledge of 
the Government, with the agents, for about $2,700,000 of the 
three per cent, stocks held in Holland, with a view to induce 
them not to come forward for payment for one or more 
years after notice should be given by the Treasury Depart- 
ment. This arrangement would have enabled the Bank to 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 125 

keep and use, during that time, the public money set apart 
for the payment of these stocks. 

After this negotiation had commenced, the Secretary of 
the Treasury informed the Bank, that it was his intention to 
pay off one half of the three per cents on the first of the suc- 
ceeding July, which amounted to about $6,500,000. The 
President of the Bank, although the committee of investiga- 
tion was then looking into its affairs at Philadelphia, came 
immediately to Washington, and upon representing that the 
Bank was desirous of accommodating the importing mer- 
chants at New York, (which it failed to do,) and undertaking 
to pay the interest itself, procured the consent of the Secre- 
tary, after consultation with the President, to postpone the 
payment until the succeeding first of October. 

Conscious that at the end of that quarter the Bank would 
not be able to pay over the deposites, and that further indul- 
gence was not to be expected of the Government, an agent 
was despatched to England secretly to negotiate with the 
holders of the public debt in Europe, and induce them, by 
the offer of an equal or higher interest than that paid by the 
Government, to hold back their claims for one year, during 
which the Bank expected thus to retain the use of $5,000,000 
of public money, which the Government should set apart 
for the payment of that debt. The agent made an arrange- 
ment on terms, in part, which were in direct violation of the 
charter of the Bank, and when some incidents connected 
with this secret negotiation accidentally came to the know- 
ledge of the public and the Government, then, and not before, 
so much of it as was palpably in violation of the charter was 
disavowed ! A modification of the rest was attempted, with 
the view of getting the certificates without payment of the 
money, and thus absolving the Government from its liability 
to the holders. In this scheme the Bank was partially suc- 
cessful, but to this day the certificates of a portion of these 
stocks have not been paid, and the Bank retains the use of 
the money. 

This effort to thwart the Government in the payment of 
the public debt, that it might retain the public money to be 
used for their private interests, palliated by pretences noto- 
riously unfounded and insincere, would have justified the in- 
stant withdrawal of the public deposites. The negotiation 
itself rendered doubtful the ability of the Bank to meet the 
demands of the Treasury, and the misrepresentations by 
which it was attempted to be justified, proved that no reli- 
ance could be placed upon its allegations. 

If the question of a removal of the deposites presented it- 
self to the Executive in the same attitude that it appeared 
before the house of representatives at the r last session, their 
11* 



126 



(iLORY OF AMERICA. 



resolution in relation to the safety of the deposites would be 
entitled to more weight, although the decision of the question 
of removal has been confided by law to another department 
of the Government. But the question now occurs, attended 
by other circumstances and new disclosures of. the most seri- 
ous import. It is true that in the message of the President, 
which produced this inquiry and resolution on the part of 
the House of Representatives, it was his object to obtain the 
aid of that body in making a thorough examination into the 
conduct and condition of the bank and its branches, in order 
to enable the Executive Department to decide whether "the 
public money was longer safe in its hands. The limited 
power of the Secretary of the Treasury over the subject, dis- 
abled him from making the investigation as fully and satis- 
factorily as it could be clone by a committee of the House of 
Representatives, and hence the President desired the assist- 
ance of Congress to obtain for the Treasury Department a 
full knowledge of ail the facts which were necessary to guide 
his judgment. But it was not his purpose, as the language of 
his message will show, to ask the Representatives of 'the 'peo- 
ple to assume a responsibility which did not belong to them, 
and relieve the Executive branch of the Government from 
the duty which the law had imposed upon it. It is due to 
the President that his object in that proceeding should be 
distinctly understood, and that he should acquit himself of 
all suspicion of seeking to escape from the performance of 
his own duties, or of desiring to interpose another body be- 
tween himself and the people, in order to avoid a measure 
which he is called upon to meet. But although, as an act of 
justice to himself, he disclaims any design of soliciting the 
opinion of the House of Representatives in relation to his 
own duties, in order to shelter himself from responsibility 
under the sanction of their counsel, yet he is at all times ready 
to listen to the suggestions of the representatives of the people, 
whether given voluntarily or upon solicitation, and to con- 
sider them with the profound respect to which all will admit 
that they are justly entitled. Whatever may be the conse- 
quences, however, to himself, he must finally form his own 
judgment where the constitution and the law makes it his 
duty to decide, and must act accordingly ; and he is bound 
to suppose that such a course on his part will never be 
regarded by that elevated body as a mark of disrespect to 
itself; but that they will, on the contrary, esteem it the 
strongest evidence he can give of his fixed resolution consci- 
entiously to discharge his duty to them and the country. 

A new state of things has, however, arisen since the close 
of the last session of Congress, and evidence has since been 
laid before the President, which he is persuaded would have 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 127 

led the House of Representatives to a different conclusion, if 
it had come to their knowledge. The fact that the Bank 
controls, and in some cases substantially owns, and by its 
money supports some of the leading presses of the country, is 
now more clearly established. Editors to whom it loaned 
extravagant sums in 1831 and 1832, on unusual time and 
nominal security, have since turned out to be insolvent, and 
to others apparently in no better condition accommodations 
still more extravagant, on terms more unusual and sometimes 
without any security, have also been heedlessly granted. 

The allegation which has so often circulated through these 
channels, that the Treasury was bankrupt, and the Bank was 
sustaining it, when, for many years, there has not been less, 
on an average, than six millions of public money in that 
institution, might be passed over as a harmless misrepresen- 
tation ; but when it is attempted, by substantial acts, to impair 
the credit of the Government and tarnish the honour of 
the country, such charges require more serious attention. 
With six millions of public money in its vaults, after having 
had the use of from five to twelve millions for nine years, 
without interest, it became the purchaser of a bill drawn by 
our government on that of France for about 900,000 dollars, 
being the first instalment of the French indemnity. The 
purchase money was left in the use of the bank, being simply 
added to the Treasury deposites: The bank sold the bill in 
England, and the holder sent it to France for collection, and 
arrangements not having been made by the French govern- 
ment for its payment, it was taken up by the agents of the 
bank in Paris, with the funds of the bank in their hands. 
Under these circumstances, it has, through its organs, openly 
assailed the credit of the government; and has actually 
made, and persists in a demand of fifteen per cent, or 
$158,842 77 as damages, when no damage, or none beyond 
some trifling expense, has in fact been sustained, and when 
the bank had in its own possession, on deposite, several 
millions of the public money, which it was then using for its 
own profit. Is a fiscal agent to the government, which thus 
seeks to enrich itself at the expense of the public, worthy of 
farther trust? 

There are other important facts not in the contemplation 
of the House of Representatives, or not known to the mem- 
bers, at the time they voted for the resolution. 

Although the charter and the rules of the bank both declare 
that "not less than seven directors" shall be necessary to 
the transaction of business, yet the most important business, 
even that of granting discounts to any extent, is intrusted to 
a committee of five members, who do not report to the board. 
To cut off all means of communication with the govern- 



123 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ment in relation to its most important acts, at the commence- 
ment of the present year not one of the government directors 
was placed on any one committee. And although, since, by 
an unusual remodelling of those bodies, some of those direc- 
tors have been placed on some of the committees, they are 
yet entirely excluded from the committee of exchange, 
through which the greatest and most objectionable loans 
have been made. 

When the government directors made an effort to bring 
back the business of the bank to the board, in obedience to 
the charter and the existing regulations, the board not only 
overruled their attempt, but altered the rule so as to make 
it conform to the practice, in direct violation of one of the 
most important provisions of the charter which gave them 
existence. 

It has long been known that the President of the bank, by 
his single will, originates and executes many of the most 
important measures ."connected with the management and 
credit of the bank, and that the committee, as well as the 
board of directors,'are left in entire ignorance of many acts 
done and correspondence carried on, in their names, and 
apparently under their authority. The fact has been recently 
disclosed, that an unlimited discretion has been and now is 
vested in the President of the»bank, to expend its funds in 
payment for preparing and circulating articles and pur- 
chasing pamphlets and newspapers, calculated by their con- 
tents to operate on the elections and Secure a renewal of its 
charier. It appears from the official report of the public 
directors, that on the 30th of November, 1830, the President 
submitted to the board an article published in the American 
Q,uarterly*Review, containing favourable notices of the bank, 
and suggested the expediency of giving it a wider circulation 
at the expense of the bank ; whereupon the board passed the 
following resolution, viz. : 

"Resolved, That the President be authorized to take such 
measures in regard to the circulation of the contents of the 
said article, either in whole or in part, as he may deem most 
for the" interest of the bank." 

By an entry in the minutes of the bank, dated March 11th, 
1831, it appears that the President had not only caused a large 
edition of that a, tide to be issued, but had also, before the 
resolution of the 30th of November was adopted, procured to 
be printed and widely circulated, numerous copies of the 
Reports of General Smith and Mr. McDuffie in favour of the 
bank, and on that day he suggested the expediency of ex- 
tending his power to the printing of other articles which 
might subserve the purposes of the institution. Whereupon 
the following resolution was adopted, viz.: ' 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 129 

"Resolved, That the President is hereby authorized to 
cause to be prepared and circulated, such documents and 
papers as may communicate to (he people information in 
regard to the nature and operations of the bank." 

The expenditures purporting to have been made under the 
authority of these resolutions, during the year 1831 and 1832, 
were about SS0,000. For a portion of these expenditures 
vouchers were rendered, from which it appears that they 
were incurred in the purchase of some hundred thousand 
copies of newspapers, reports and speeches made in Con- 
gress, reviews of the veto message, and reviews of speeches 
against the bank, &c. For another large portion no vouchers 
whatever were rendered, but the various sums were paid on 
orders of the President of the bank, making reference to the 
resolution of the 11th of March, 1831. 

On ascertaining these facts, and perceiving that expendi- 
tures of a similar character were still continued, the govern- 
ment directors, a few weeks ago, offered a resolution in the 
board, calling for a specific account of these expenditures, 
showing the objects to which they had beeti applied, and the 
persons to whom the money had been paid. This reasonable 
proposition was voted down. 

They also offered a resolution rescinding the resolutions of 
November, 1S30, and March, 1S31. This also was rejected. 

Not content with thus refusing to recall the obnoxious 
power, and even to require such an account of the expendi- 
ture as would show whether the money of the bank had in 
fact been applied to the objects contemplated by those reso- 
lutions, as obnoxious as they were, the board renewed the 
power already conferred, and even enjoined renewed atten- 
tion to its exercise, by adopting the- following in lien of the 
proposition submitted by the government directors, viz.: 

" Resolved, That the board have confidence in the wisdom 
and integrity of the President, and in the propriety of the 
resolutions of the 30th of November, 1830, and 11th of March, 
1831, and entertain a full conviction of the necessity of a 
renewed attention to the object of those resolutions, and that 
the President be authorized and requested to continue his 
exertions for the promotion of said object.". 

Taken in connexion with the nature of the expenditures 
heretofore made, as recently disclosed, which the board not 
only tolerate, but approve, this resolution puts the funds of the 
bank at the disposition of the President for the purpose of 
employing the whole press of the country in the service of the 
bank, to hire writers and newspapers, and to payout such 
sums as he pleases, to what persons and for what services he 
pleases, without the responsibility of rendering any specific 
account. The bank is thus converted into a vast electioneer- 



130 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ing engine, with means to embroil the country in deadly 
feuds, and under cover of expenditures, in themselves im- 
proper, extend its corruption through all the ramifications 
of society. 

Some of the items for which accounts have been rendered 
show the construction which has been given to the resolu- 
tions, and the way in which the power they confer has been 
exerted. The money has not been expended merely in the 
publication and distribution of speeches, reports of commit- 
tees, or articles written for the purpose of showing the con- 
stitutionality or usefulness of the bank ; but publications have 
been prepared and extensively circulated, containing the 
grossest invectives against the officers of the government, 
and the money which belongs to the stockholders and to the 
public has been freely applied in efforts to degrade, in pub- 
lic estimation, those who were supposed to be instrumental in 
resisting the wishes of this grasping and dangerous institu- 
tion. As the President of the bank has not been required to 
settle his accounts, no one but himself yet knows how much 
more than the sum already mentioned may have been squan- 
dered, and for which a credit may hereafter be claimed in 
his account under this most extraordinary resolution. With 
these facts before us, can we be surprised at the torrent of 
abuse incessantly poured out against all who are supposed to 
stand in the way of the cupidity or ambition of the bank 
of the United States? Can we be surprised at sudden and un- 
expected changes of opinion in favour of an institution which 
has millions to lavish, and avows its determination not to 
spare its means, when they are necessary to accomplish its 
purposes? The refusal to render an account of the manner 
in which a part of the money expended has been applied, 
gives just cause for the suspicion that it has been used for 
purposes which it is not deemed prudent to expose to the eyes 
of an intelligent and virtuous people. Those who act justly 
do not shun the light, nor do they refuse explanations when 
the propriety of their conduct is brought into question. 

With these facts before him, in an official report from the 
government directors, the President would feel that he was 
not only responsible for all the abuses and corruptions the 
bank has committed, or may commit, but almost an accom- 
plice in a conspiracy against that government which he has 
sworn honestly to administer, if he did not take every step 
within his constitutional and legal power likely to be efficient 
in putting an end to these enormities. If it be possible, within 
the scope of human affairs, to find a reason for removing the 
government deposites, and leaving the bank to its own re- 
sources for the means of effecting its criminal designs, we 
have it here. Was it expected, when the money of the 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 131 

United States was directed to be placed in that bank, that it 
would be put under the control of one man, empowered to 
spend millions without rendering a voucher or specifying the 
object ? Can they be considered safe, with the evidence 
before us, that tens of thousands have been spent for highly 
improper, if not corrupt purposes, and that the same motives 
may lead to the expenditure of hundreds of thousands, and 
even millions more? And can we justify ourselves to the 
people by longer lending to it the money and power of the 
government, to be employed for such purposes? 

It has been alleged by some, as an objection to the removal 
of the deposites, that the bank has the power, and in that 
event will have the disposition, to destroy the state banks 
employed by the government, and bring distress upon the 
country. It has been the fortune of the President to en- 
counter dangers which were represented as equally alarming, 
and he has seen them vanish before resolution and energy. 
Pictures equally appalling were paraded before him when 
this bank came to demand a new charter. But what w r as 
the result ? Has the country been ruined, or even distressed ? 
Was it ever more prosperous than since that act? The 
President verily believes the bank has not the power to pro- 
duce the calamities its friends threaten. The funds of the 
government will not be annihilated by being transferred. 
They will immediately be issued for the benefit of trade, and 
if the bank of the United States curtails its loans, the state 
banks, strengthened by the public deposites, will extend theirs. 
What comes in through one bank, will go out through others ; 
and the equilibrium will be preserved. Should the bank, for 
the mere purpose of producing distress, press its debtors more 
heavily than some of them can bear, the consequences will 
recoil upon itself, and in the attempt to embarrass the country, 
it will only bring loss and ruin upon the holders of its own 
stock. But if the President believed the bank possessed all the 
power which has been attributed to it, his determination would 
only be rendered the more inflexible. If, indeed, this corpora- 
tion now holds in its hands the happiness and prosperity of 
the American people, it is high time to take the alarm. If the 
despotism be already upon us, and our only safety is in the 
mercy of the despot, recent developments in relation to his 
designs, and the means he employs, show how necessary it is 
to shake it off. The struggle can never come with less dis- 
tress to the people, or under more favourable auspices, than at 
the present moment. 

All doubt as to the willingness of the state banks to under- 
take the service of the government, to the same extent, and 
on the same terms, as it is now performed by the bank of the 
United States, is put to rest by the report of the agent recently 



132 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

employed to collect information ; and from that willingness, 
their own safety in the operation may be confidently inferred. 
Knowing their own resources better than they can be known 
by others, it is not to be supposed that they would be willing 
to place themselves in a situation which they cannot occupy 
without danger of annihilation or embarrassment. The only 
consideration applies to the sufety of the public funds, if 
deposited in these institutions. And when it is seen that the 
directors of many of them are not only willing to pledge the 
character and capital of the corporation in giving success to 
this measure, but also their own property and reputation, we 
cannot doubt that they, at least, believe the public depositee 
would be safe in their management. The President thinks 
that these facts and circumstances afford as strong a guar- 
antee as can be had in human affairs, for the safety of the 
public funds, and the practicability of a new system of collec- 
tion and disbursement through the agency of the state banks. 

From all these considerations, the President thinks that the 
state banks ought immediately to be employed in the collec- 
tion and disbursement of the public revenue, and the funds 
now in the bank of the United States drawn out with all con- 
venient despatch. The safety of the public money, if deposited 
in the state banks, must be secured beyond all reasonable 
doubts: but the extent and nature of the security, in addition 
to their capital, if any be deemed necessary, is a subject of 
detail to which the Treasury department will undoubtedly 
give its anxious attention. The banks to be. employed must 
remit the money of the government without charge, as the 
bank of the United States now does ; must render all the ser- 
vices which that bank now performs ; must keep the govern- 
ment advised of their situation by periodical retm~ns; in fine, 
in any arrangement with the state banks, the government must 
not, in any respect, be placed on a worse footing than it now 
is. The President is happy to perceive by the report of the 
agent, that the banks which he has consulted have, in general, 
consented to perform the service on these terms, and that 
those in New-York have further agreed to make payments 
in London, without other charge than the mere cost of the 
bills of exchange. 

It should also be enjoined on any banks which may be 
employed, that it will be expected of them to facilitate do- 
mestic exchanges for the benefit of internal commerce; to 
grant all reasonable facilities to the payers of the revenue; 
to exercise the utmost liberality towards the other state 
banks ; and do nothing uselessly to embarrass the bank of the 
United States. 

As one of the most serious objections to the bank of the 
United States is the power which it concentrates, care must 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 133 

be taken, in finding other agents for the service of the 
Treasury, not to raise up another power equally formidable. 
Although it would probably be impossible to produce such a 
result by any organization of the state banks which could be 
devised, yet it is desirable to avoid even the appearance. To 
this end, it would be expedient to assume no more power 
over them, and interfere no more in their affairs, than might 
be absolutely necessary to tiie security of the public deposites, 
and the faithful performance of their duties as agents of the 
Treasury. Any interference by them in the political contests 
of the country, with a view to influence elections, ought, in 
the opinion of the President, to be followed by an immediate 
discharge from the public service. 

It is the desire of the President that the control of the banks 
and the currency shall as far as possible be entirely separated 
from the political power of the country, as well as wrested 
from an institution which has already attempted to subject 
the government to its will. In his opinion, the action of the 
general government on this subject, ought not to extend 
beyond the grant in the constitution, which only authorizes 
Congress " to coin money and regulate the value thereof;" 
all else belongs to the states and the people, and must be 
regulated by public opinion, and the interests of trade. 

In conclusion, the President must be permitted to remark, 
that he looks upon the pending question as of higher consi- 
deration than the mere transfer of a sum of money from one 
bank to another. Its decision may affect the character of 
our government for ages to come. Should the bank be suf- 
fered longer to use the public money, in the accomplishment 
of its purposes, with the proofs of its faithlessness and cor- 
ruption before our eyes, the patriotic among our citizens will 
despair of success in struggling against its power, and we 
shall be responsible for entailing it upon our country for ever. 
Viewing it as a question of transcendent importance, both in 
the principles and consequences it involves, the President 
could not in justice to the responsibility which he owes to 
the country, refrain from pressing on the Secretary of the 
Treasury his view of the considerations which impel to 
immediate action. Upon him has been devolved by the con- 
stitution and the suffrages of the American people, the duty 
of superintending the operation of the Executive Depart- 
ments of the government, and seeing that the laws are faith- 
fully executed. In the performance of this high trust, it is 
his undoubted right to express to those whom the laws and 
his own choice have made his associates in the administra- 
tion of the government, his opinion of their duties under cir- 
cumstances as they arise. It is this right which he now 
exercises. Far be it from him to expect or require that any 
12 



134 GLORY OF AMERICA* 

member of the cabinet should, at his request, order, or dic- 
tation, do any act which he believes unlawful, or in his con- 
science condemns. From them, and from his fellow citizens 
in general, he desires only that aid and support which their 
reason approves, and their conscience sanctions; 

In the remarks that he has made on this all-important 
question, he trusts the Secretary of the Treasury will see only 
the frank and respectful declarations of the opinions which 
the President has formed on a measure of great national 
interest, deeply affecting the character and usefulness of his 
administration; and not a spirit of dictation, which the Pre- 
sident would be as careful to avoid, as ready to resist. 
Happy will he be, if the facts now disclosed produce unifor- 
mity of opinion, and unity of action, among the members of 
the administration. 

The President again repeats, that he begs his cabinet to 
consider the proposed measures as his own, in the support of 
which he shall require no one of them to make a Sacrifice of 
opinion or principle. Its responsibility has been assumed, 
after the most mature deliberation and reflection, as necessary 
to preserve the morals of the people, the freedom of the press, 
and the purity of the elective franchise, without which all 
will unite in saying that the blood and treasure expended by 
our forefathers in the establishment of our happy system of 
government, will have been vain and fruitless. Under these 
convictions, he feels that a measure so important to the 
American people cannot be commenced too soon; and he 
therefore names the first day of October next as a period 
proper for the change of the deposites, or sooner, provided 
the necessary arrangements with the state banks can be 
made. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

An opinion has been already given on the above docu- 
ment; That opinion is not changed by after and more 
mature consideration ; — but, this occurrence may give rise 
to the inquiry, whether the Secretary of the Treasury is, 
in all cases, the absolute dictator of the measures which 
shall be pursued, so far as the safety of the funds is con- 
cerned. As a member of the cabinet^ he is, or may be, a 
mere cipher, an instrument to be used by the Executive, 
for the gratification of his caprice, or for sinister purposes. 
The document speaks for itself ; — the whole that is known, 
is before a public capable of pronouncing a righteous de- 
cision. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 133 

Perhaps thveo pages can hardly be filled to better pur- 
pose, than by extracts from the Veto Message, comprising 
some of its more prominent facts and arguments. 

"The present corporate body, denominated the Presi- 
dent, Directors, and Company of the Bank of the United 
States, will have existed, at the time this act is intended to 
take effect, twenty years. It enjoys an exclusive privilege 
of banking under the authority of the General Govern- 
ment, a monopoly of its favour and support, and, as a 
necessary consequence, almost a monopoly of the foreign 
and domestic exchange. The powers, privileges, and 
favours bestowed upon it, in the original charter, by in- 
creasing the value of the stock far above its par value, 
operated as a gratuity of many millions to the stock- 
holders. 

"An apology may be found for the failure to guard 
against this result, in consideration that the effect of the 
original act of incorporation could not be certainly fore- 
seen at the time of its passage. The act before me pro- 
poses another gratuity to the holders of the same stock, 
and, in many cases, to the same men, of at least seven 
millions more. This donation finds no apology in any 
uncertainty as to the effect of the act. On all hands it is 
conceded that its passage will increase, at least twenty or 
thirty per cent, more, the market price of the stock, subject 
to the payment of the annuity of .$200,000 per year, 
secured by the act ; thus adding, in a moment, one fourth 
to its par value. It is not our own citizens only who are 
to receive the bounty of our government. More than eight 
millions of the stock of this bank are held by foreigners. 
By this act the American republic proposes virtually to 
make them a present of some millions of dollars. For 
these gratuities to foreigners, and to some of our own 
opulent citizens, the act secures no equivalent whatever. 
They are the certain gains of the present stockholders 
under the operation of this act, after making full allow- 
ance for the payment of the bonus. 

"Every monopoly, and all exclusive privileges, are 
granted at the expense of the public, which ought to re- 
ceive a fair equivalent, The many millions which this 



136 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

act proposes to bestow on the stockholders of the existing 
Bank, must come, directly or indirectly, out of the earn- 
ings of the American people. It is due to them, there- 
fore, if their government sell monopolies and exclusive 
privileges, that they should at least exact for them as 
much as they are worth in open market. The value of 
the monopoly in this case may be correctly ascertained. 
The twenty-eight millions of stock would probably be at 
an advance of fifty per cent., and command in market at 
least forty-two millions of dollars, subject to the payment 
of the present bonus. The present value of the mono- 
poly, therefore, is seventeen millions of dollars, and this 
the act proposes to sell for three millions, payable in fif- 
teen annual instalments of $200,000 each." 

"But this act does not permit competition in the purchase 
of this monopoly. It seems to be predicated on the erro- 
neous idea, that the present stockholders have a prescrip- 
tive right, not only to the favour, but to the bounty of 
government. It appears that more than a fourth part of 
the stock is held by foreigners, and the residue is held by 
a few hundred of our own citizens, chiefly of the richest 
class : for their benefit does this act exclude the whole 
American people from competition in the purchase of this 
monopoly, and dispose of it for many millions less than it 
is worth. This seems the less excusable, because some 
of our citizens, not now stockholders, petitioned that the 
door of competition might be opened, and offer to take a 
charter on terms much more favourable to the government 
and country. 

" But this proposition, although made by men whose ag- 
gregate wealth is believed to be equal to all die private 
stock in the existing Bank, has been set aside, and the 
bounty of our government is proposed to be again bestow- 
ed on the few who have been fortunate enough to secure 
the stock, and, at this moment, wield the power of the ex- 
isting institution. I cannot perceive the justice or policy 
of this course. If our government must sell monopolies, 
it would seem to be its duty to take nothing less than their 
foil value ; and if gratuities must be made once in fifteen 
or twenty years, let them not be bestowed on the subjects, 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 13/ 

of a foreign government nor upon a designated and fa- 
voured class of men in our own country. It is but justice 
and good policy, as far as the nature of the case will ad- 
mit, to confine our favours to our own fellow citizens, and 
let each in his turn enjoy an opportunity to profit by our 
bounty." 

"If a State Bank in Philadelphia, owe the Bank of the 
United States, and have notes issued by the St. Louis 
Branch, it can pay the debt with those notes ; but if a 
merchant, mechanic, or other private citizen, be in like 
circumstances, he cannot by law pay his debt with those 
notes, but must sell them at a discount, or send them to 
St. Louis to be cashed. This boon, conceded to the State 
Banks, though not unjust in itself, is most odious, because 
it does not measure out equal justice to the high and low, 
the rich and the poor. To the extent of its practical ef- 
fect, it is a bond of union among the banking establish- 
ments of the nation, erecting them into an interest, sepa- 
rate from that of the people, and its necessary tendency is 
to unite the Bank of the United States and the State Banks 
in any measure which may be thought conducive to their 
common interest." 
12* 



138 GLORY OF AMERICA. 



Tour of the President, in 1833. 

The travels of national executives, whether in Mo- 
narchical Europe, or Republican America, excite much 
attention, furnishing the subject matter of many columns 
in the public papers, and food for much private gossip. 
The sayings and doings of bodies corporate and incorpo- 
rate — the bills of expense — the replies to loyal and pom- 
pous addresses — the various travels, parades, and " moving 
accidents," serve to gratify curiosity, and " kill time," that 
ever vigilant enemy to the idle and thoughtless. That a 
tour of observation might, if properly conducted, be a 
source of much real benefit to our country, is freely ad- 
mitted ; but that a race against time, through crowds of 
soldiers, citizens, and bevies of females, can answer any 
valuable national purpose, is entirely beyond our feeble 
ken. 

We give below, a sketch of the travels of the President 
and his party, and a more particular detail of the events 
of his sojourn in New York, for obvious reasons. First, 
and all sufficient, we give as a reason, that six pages is all 
which we can occupy on this subject. Secondly, the sub- 
stance of all the honours paid him in his route, may be 
gathered from these particulars, if we except the diploma 
constituting him L. L. D. conferred on him by the Cam- 
bridge University. 

We could urge an objection against the increasing evil 
of aping the empty pageantry of eastern countries, but we 
leave to the good sense of our readers to gather the moral 
from the fact. 

Tin' whole route extended from Washington city to 
Concord, Massachusetts. On the 6th of June, he was 
received with every demonstration of respect by the consti- 
tuted authorities of Baltimore, thirty-six miles from Wash- 
ington. Of his reception in Philadelphia, the Pennsyiva- 
niaii thus speaks : — 

" Altogether, the reception of the President in this city, has 
been equal in enthusiasm to that of Lafayette in 1824. The 
fueling pervaded all classes; no coldness was manifest from 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 13'J 

any. There seemed to be a general effort to be foremost in 
rendering honour to him to whom honour is due. The hostility 
lately manifested against him and his patriotic efforts, has 
melted away like frost before the sun, and the people have 
proved, that although gratitude may have slumbered, it is not 
dead; that although they were temporarily misled, they are 
not to be kept from the right path." 

The following account is copied from a daily paper, 
published in New York : — 

RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT. 

THE DAY. 

Never, within our recollection, have we experienced more 
beautiful weather than yesterday. The previous rain had 
laid the dust, and the streets through which the procession 
was to pass, being swept, and in the best possible order, every 
thing conspired to facilitate the previous arrangements. The 
wind blew a gentle breeze, sufficient for the various craft 
under way to work lively, and the temperature was neither 
too hot nor too cold for comfort. 

THE SHIPPING. 

At sunrise the flags were displayed from the forests of 
masts that crowd our wharves: and from every liberty pole, 
the principal hotels, and flag staffs, the American flag was 
seen waving. A number of vessels in the stream were beau- 
tifully dressed with the flags of all nations. 

PREPARATIONS. 

The city appeared alive, from sunrise to sunset. The mili- 
tary were all under arms at 10 A. M., parading the streets ; 
crowds followed, and every thing had the appearance of a 
gala day. At noon, business was wholly suspended ; me- 
chanics, artisans, and labourers, all left their work. The 
Exchange and Wall street, was nearly deserted, and a large 
concourse were seen moving to the great centre, Broadway. 
The Battery, and Broadway to the Park, with all the wharves, 
vessels, tops and windows of houses, appeared black with 
the population of the city. Every carriage, cart, stage, 
wagon, and other vehicle, appeared to have got into Broad- 
way, both sides of which were lined to such a degree, that it 
appeared impossible to move. In the centre of the street a 
small line was kept open for the procession to pass. 

PROGRESS. 

The President with his escort reached Trenton at 10 
o'clock ; crowds of inhabitants flocked to see him : he then, 



140 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

accompanied by his suite, proceeded to Araboy, where the 
splendid Steamboat North America was in waiting to receive 
him. The Committee of the Corporation had accompanied 
the President from Philadelphia, but until he embarked on 
board the North America, he did not put himself under their 
charge. Here the various Committees received him, and 
they took their departure for New York, taking the outside 
passage down the Bay, and up through the Narrows. The 
Vice President, the city authorities, the foreign consuls to our 
port, and many distinguished citizens, embarked in the 
North America, to welcome the President on his arrival in 
this State. 

The Telegraph from the lower station announced from 
time to time their progress. 

The Steamboats Ohio, Ilufus King, and Hercules, filled 
with passengers, got under way at the same time, and accom- 
panied the North America to Amboy and back to the city. 

APPROACH TO THE CITY. 

As soon as the fleet of Steamboats and water craft passed 
the Narrows, they were in full view from the city. The North 
America, elegantly dressed with flags from stem to stern, led 
the van. The Ohio, dressed in the same manner, followed 
next, then a number of other Steamboats, Revenue Cutters, 
Pilot Boats, and a great number of small craft, all approached 
the city with a brisk breeze, and a favorable tide. As they 
passed the Narrows, Bedlow's and Governor's Islands, the 
salutes commenced. The two Dutch ships in the stream paid 
a similar compliment, and the President approached the city 
amid the roar of artillery. The scene was one of great 
beauty and splendour, and not surpassed in several years, 
except by the landing of General Lafayette. 

THE LANDING. 

At four o'clock precisely the Steamboat North America 
was placed alongside Castle Garden, and the General landed. 
He was accompanied by Governor Cass, Mr. Woodbury, 
Mr. McLean, Major Donaldson, and Colonel Earl. Castle 
Garden was well filled to receive him ; the battery, windows, 
houses, trees, wharves, and vessels, appeared a dense popu- 
lation. He was conducted by the delegated authorities to the 
Grand Saloon in the Garden, which had been tastefully and 
appropriately fitted up for the occasion. Shortly after, he 
appeared on the piazza in front, accompanied by the Mayor 
of the city. Here the acclamations of those present rent the 
air, whilst the President, by bowing and gestures," acknow-. 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 141 

ledged hissense of the enthusiasm which his presence excited. 

The different military corps were stationed on the Battery ; 
they mustered in such number, that the people, who claim 
the Battery as theirs by a kind of pre-emptive right, were 
almost excluded from it, or cramped up in so small a space, 
that they had but a poor opportunity to witness the arrival of 
the President. The approaches to Castle Garden were com- 
pletely closed, and hundreds of citizens and their families 
prevented obtaining admission there. 

About half an hour expired before the President left the 
Garden. 

THE ACCIDENT. 

When it was announced that the President had landed, 
some of the military on the Battery made a movement, by 
which the citizens who had assembled to witness his arrival, 
became completely wedged up — their escape was impossible, 
and for them to remain, intolerable. A large number, there- 
fore, for relief, took shelter in front of the entrance to Castle 
Garden Bridge, which had previously been kept compara- 
tively free ; and there they remained, until orders were given 
to clear the entrance, by opening to the right and left, for the 
purpose of affording an egress to the President and his suite. 
This was done in such a manner, that a number of persons, 
who had no other means of avoiding the cavalry to whom 
the duty was assigned, clambered up on the top of the ticket 
offices, which were slight erections, covering the end of the 
Castle Garden Bridge, contiguous to the Battery. Upon the 
appearance of the President on the bridge leading from the 
Castle, attended by his suite and a considerable number of citi- 
zens, the rush from without was such, that, with the accumula- 
ted weight of the whole, the string pieces extending from the 
fifth abutment of the bridge to the Battery wall gave way, 
precipitating those on the top of these slightly framed offices, 
upon the persons collected below. At this time the President 
had passed safe, though not more than his horse's length. 
Those in the rear were not so fortunate ; the end of the 
string pieces of the bridge slipping from the Battery wall, 
this entire part fell into the river, and with it a number of 
individuals. The water not being deep, in consequence of 
the filling up with stone to protect the wall from the effects 
of the current, none were in danger of being drowned, yet 
many were thrown into the water ; and several, though not 
severely, were materially injured. 

Among those who fell with the bridge, were Gov. Cass, 
Major Donaldson, and Colonel Earl. How it happened that 
no lives were lost, and no more injuries incurred, it is very 



142 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

difficult to im a ■ We have heard of several remarkable 

esc bridge two of our informants had a 

fuD - 3 senc " ent, The 

o be torn or and the people 

who crow. ipi- 

• d into I had the singula] 

presence of mini - crashing of 1 to 

ze hism - 

Ived with the crowd in tbt 
ras saved fi 
He 
to ; % against 

the . . 1 . - of 

iron, and most :." gre it weight 

■ " . - _ • _- 

him no further injury. H thing furl 

untl : 

^ under the command M ad51 .ton, 

wen 

mar re seen. 1 

the 1 

back. He 

of the occ - - _ 

t - 

- 

T :. . - 
The nan fie 

im: to a - Broa: $r to 

wagons, 
car. res stages.. 

the 
wa- 

as 
_ 
Pres lent, sun 

- progr- 
I 
Br r 

a crowd of some two ed 

to keep u. and who. to 

f through th< crowd 

ike a torrent. The uncovers as he 

passed, wa . 

;. raved : - ■ : lent 



MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 143 

constantly bowed on both sides. When the military reached 
St. Paul's, Broadway above was packed with horses, carts, 
fee. <Scc. ; not even force could clear a passage, and the proces- 
sion took the right, up Chatham Row, and entered the Park 
opposite Tammany Hall. 

CEREMONY AT THE HALL. 

On reaching the front of the City Hall, the Park and 
whole avenue, containing acres, was filled by a dense mass 
of people, all anxious to catch a glimpse of" the President, 
who was stationed in front of the Hall, and the whole military 

fiassed him in review; he repaired to the Balcony, where 
till fifty thousand persons had a view, although distant, of his 
person, which appeared to be the tallest on the balcony. 
He then repaired to the American Hotel, where splendid 
apartments were provided for his reception. From his apart- 
ments, there he again repeatedly greeted the surrounding 
crowd, and until night closed, was cheered by the huzzas of 
the people. In the evening, the theatres and other places of 
public amusement were brilliantly illuminated, and adorned 
with appropriate transparencies. 

On the 11th. the President left New York in a steamer, 
lor Bridgeport, Connecticut, sixty-three miles distant. 
Alter receiving the usual honours, he visited New Haveri> 
Hartford, Middletown, and other places of some note on 
his way to Boston, at which place he arrived on the 21st. 
Here, we need not add, he received a suitable and gratify- 
ing welcome. 

His ill health was the probable cause of a speedy return 
to Washington, where he arrived in the beginning of 
July. 

Black Hawk, his son, and the Prophet, captives retain- 
ed as hostages by the United States, since the war with the 
Sacs and Foxes, in 1S32, proceeded on the same route 
travelled by the President, as far as New York, whence 
they were conducted by way of Albany and Detroit, to 
their place of destination. 

Soon after the return of the President to Washington, 
the state of his health rendered a journey to the Rip-Raps 
advisable. He went. and. his health being restored, he 
returned to the seat of government, and now, •'•' Richard's 
himself again.*' 



RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON. 



When the memoirs of a benefactor to his country appear 
before the public, curiosity is excited relative to his birth 
and connexions, and the various circumstances of his 
early life, which have given a tone to his character, or an 
impulse to his conduct. This curiosity, though often ill 
defined, is laudable, and ought to be gratified. Its gratifi- 
cation frequently tends to that examination into the con- 
nexion between causes and effects, which is essentially 
requisite in the important inquiry, What is man? 

The subject of the present memoir was placed in cir- 
cumstances peculiarly favourable to the development of 
those traits of character, and that line of conduct, which 
have made him the favourite, not merely of his own state, 
but of the Union. 

His father, I <ol. Robert Johnson, a native of Virginia, 
had emigrated to that part of the state, which now forms 
Kentucky, during the revolutionary struggle. Exposed, 
as this portion of country then was, to the incursions of 
the aborigines, such was his known courage, discretion, 
and valorous conduct, that he was frequently found in the 
most conspicuous situations, jeopardizing his life for the 
safety of hio country. His commanding influence, the ef- 
fect of just principles and unshrinking integrity, was duly 
appreciated by his fellow citizens, who repeatedly returned 
him a member of the state legislature. When Kentucky 
was admitted into the union, he was a member of the 
convention which framed the constitution, and assisted in 
the revisal of that instrument. These, and several other 
offices, all emanating from the people, he filled with that 
honour which ensured him the thanks of a grateful public. 

Under the tuition of ..sue! 1 a father, and equally taught 
by precept and example, much might rationally be expect- 
ed, and expectation has not been disappointed. He now 
occupies the station of candidate for the presidential chair, 
an office which his whole life vouches that he is fully ca- 
13 



116 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

pable of filling with honour to himself and to the nation. 
He had an elder brother, Colonel James Johnson, of 
whom the most honourable mention has been made, as 
Lieutenant-Colonel of the mounted volunteers, whom we 
shall again have occasion to notice. 

The subject of this memoir was born in Kentucky, ill 
the latter part of the year 1781. The rudiments of an 
education he received at a country school. But, having 
resolved to qualify himself for one of the learned profes- 
sions, at fifteen years of age, he entered a grammar school, 
and afterwards joined the Transylvania University, at 
Lexington, where he acquired a sufficiency of classical 
■and scientific lore, to fit him, with his untiring industry, 
for the profession of the law. In this study he commenced 
his career under the teaching of the celebrated counsellor, 
Colonel Nicholas, of whose services he was soon depri- 
ved by death. He then placed himself under ;he pupilage 
of the Honourable James Brown, distinguished no less for 
his eloquence, than for his suavity of manners, legal ac- 
quirements, and gentlemanly conduct. With this gentle- 
man he closed his studies, fitted for practice in the profes- 
sion he had chosen. 

He Was now less than twenty years old, and though la- 
bouring under disadvantages as to the time and opportu- 
nities for a strictly classical education, his natural strength 
of mind, industry, and perseverance, overcame every im- 
pediment, and his incipient success excelled the warmest 
expectations of his most strenuous admirers. 

But if his brilliant attainments gained him partisans 
and admirers, the amiable and generous traits of charac- 
ter, proceeding from a benevolent heart, secured him the 
affection of friends, and the gratitude of the enlightened 
and virtuous members of society. In a newly settled 
country, the conflicting claims to landed titles, often ex- 
pose to embarrassment, and sometimes to ruin, the honest 
and the industrious settlers. As a friend to the poor, the in- 
dustrious, he could not, he would not witness in silence, 
injustice and oppression. Without inquiring the prospect 
of a recompense, he plead the cause of the" poor against 
the exactions of the rich and unprincipled, and hence 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 147 

gained, without attempting it, the esteem, the well merited 
approbation, of the most worthy citizens of the commu- 
nity of which he was a member. 

To the study of law, he added that of political economy, 
and the details of a free government, which early introdu- 
ced him into life as a legislator. He was elected to the 
legislature by the citizens of Scott county, and gave perfect 
satisfaction to his constituents in his representative cha- 
racter. After serving in this capacity two years, he^ was 
elected to act a more conspicuous part, in the councils of 
the nation. The time was one of highly excited feelings ; 
and the debates in which he engaged, and his manner of 
conducting them, evinced the greatness of his mind, and 
his firm attachment to principle. By distinguishing mea- 
sures from men — by retaining the most honourable self- 
respect, and proffering the hand of friendship to the noble- 
minded of both parties, he gained their confidence, and 
cemented their friendship. 

During the first term of his service, he was made chair- 
man of the committee of claims. While acting in this 
capacity, a case came before the committee which gave 
full scope to his patriotic feelings, and his conduct clearly 
evinced how much his sentiments were exalted above the 
mere grovelling of party spirit. It is well known that Ge- 
neral Alexander Hamilton received no emolument for his 
services during the revolutionary struggle. His sudden 
death left the amiable and accomplished widow, and se- 
veral children, with very inadequate means of support. 
She presented a claim to congress for a partial act of jus- 
tice. Colonel Johnson rendered an able report, favourable 
to the petitioner, which he advocated in a most able and 
feeling speech. This adds much to the honour of his 
name, as the General was the heart and soul of the fede- 
ral party, then ranged among the antagonists of Colonel 
Johnson. 

When congress met in the autumn of 1811, he was a 
member. In the succeeding summer, war was declared 
by the United States against Great Britain. This event 
opened to his active mind new scenes of usefulness. Na- 
turally dauntless, having been early trained to toils and 



148 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

dangers, his mind was disciplined to endure hardships, 
and meet perils. Believing-, however, that courage may 
be as useful in the cabinet as in the field, and knowing 
that to assume a military command under the United 
States, would be the virtual resignation of his seat in con- 
gress, he determined to act only in the capacity of a vo- 
lunteer. 

The session of congress closed soon after the declaration 
of war, and our hero returned to Kentucky. He saw the 
clouds rising which portended evil to the country. Ge- 
neral Hull, after invading Canada, planting the American 
standard at Sandwich, and publishing a flaming procla- 
mation, exhibited strong marks of indecision and imbe- 
cility. His needless delays, and temporizing expedients, 
lost him the confidence of his army. Under these evil 
omens, Colonel Johnson could ill brook his feelings, and 
he determined to repair to the scene of danger, with the 
number of volunteers which he could induce to join him. 
Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, called a council of war, 
to deliberate on the measures to be taken in this eventful 
crisis, of which the colonel was a member. His services 
were tendered to General Harrison, as aid, with the privi- 
lege of raising a regiment of mounted volunteers. Colonel 
Johnson made an immediate call on the patriotic citizens 
of Kentucky, and soon a large battalion enlisted under 
his banner. The corps was organized under three sepa- 
rate commands. One to be under the command of his 
brother, Colonel James Johnson, already mentioned ; an- 
other under Major John Arnold, and a third under Captain 
Charles Ward ; all distinguished no less for their bravery, 
than for their skill in the mode of Indian warfare, a most 
important requisite in the contemplated expedition. The 
mutual confidence which existed between the men and the 
officers they had chosen, made them what they were called, 
a Spartan band, a host of invincibles, which augured truly 
the anticipated result. 

The volunteers marched in time to reach St. Mary's, 
the head-quarters of the North-Western army, on the 8th 
of September, while the army was on the eve of marching 
to the relief of Fort Wayne, then threatened by a large 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 149 

body of savages. The fears for the fate of General Hull's 
army, were now realized, who had surrendered Detroit to 
the British. Mackinaw and Chicago had both been aban- 
doned by the American troops. After a fatiguing march 
to Fort Wayne and Elkhart, they returned to St. Mary's 
on the last of September, under the command of Colonel 
Johnson. This force was now increased by another bat- 
talion of mounted volunteers, commanded by M^jor Ros- 
sier. General Winchester was at Fort Defiance with the 
advance army, and threatened with an attack by a large 
force of British and savages, and the corps under Colonel 
Johnson was under marching orders for his speedy relief. 
Fort Wayne was already besieged by a superior force, and 
in approaching it, Colonel Johnson detailed a command, 
which was entrusted to Major Suggett, intended to reach 
the fort, and prevent the garrison from surrendering. This 
party met an equal number of the enemy, killed an Indian 
chief, and gave the greatest impulse to the courage of 
our troops, who were ardent for battle. The opportunity 
did not offer, and after a campaign of nearly two months, 
the Colonel returned home, in order to be in his place at 
Washington. 

Notwithstanding but little service of use to the nation 
had occurred during the past campaign, it was not with- 
out its benefits. A spirit of military discipline had been 
engendered, and the rudiments of military tactics had 
taken deep root. General Armstrong, then Secretary at 
War, authorized Colonel Johnson to organize, and hold in 
readiness, one thousand mounted volunteers, the officers 
of which were to bear commission under the state au- 
thority. 

When congress adjourned, which was in March, 1813, 
he prepared to put the plan he had matured while in con- 
gress into execution. His military skill and general po- 
pularity were favourable to the project he had undertaken. 
The regiment was soon organized ; and just at this epoch, 
Governor Shelby received information that Colonel Dud- 
ley had been defeated near Fort Meigs, on the Miami of 
the Lakes, and that the fort was besieged by a large force 
of British and Indians. It was determined that Colonel 
13* 



150 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Johnson should march to the relief of the fort, and for the 
defence of the frontier of Ohio. The Colonel immediately 
set out on the expedition, and by forced marches, soon 
drew near, in anticipation of a bloody contest. The colo- 
nel drew up. and harangued his men. in a strain well cal- 
culated to inspire them with resolution for the onset. The 
speech was received with acclamations, which echoed the 
sentiiuCIits of the commander. They encamped opposite 
to the fort thai night, but no enemy could be seen. 

About this time Colonel Johnson was placed in an awk- 
ward dilemma. An extra session of congress had been 
called, and as a representative, he was called to his post at 
Washington, while circumstances of peculiar interest to 
his feelings induced him to continue in the field. Our 
arms in the north and west had not been merely unsuc- 
cessful, but disgraced. He wished to retrieve the charac- 
ter of the army. He felt that he could not resign his seat 
in congress, and he would not leave his station as the com- 
mander of a corps he was leading to victory. He did 
neither, but marched on his way to Detroit. 
. After the successful defence of Port Stephenson, Gover- 
nor Shelby repaired to the scenes ot' warfare with four 
thousand mounted Kentuckians, to reinforce General Har- 
rison in the Michigan Territory. Governor Shelby's di- 
vision arrived at the head-quarters of the North- Western 
army on the 17th of September, 181'.}, shortly after Perry's 
victory. 

On the 30th of September, he arrived at Detroit, and 
immediately began to cross the river in boats. At this 
time, the British army was on its retreat up the river 
Thames, and Johnson's mounted regiment formed a part 
of the force selected to pursue it. 

Early on the morning of t he 3d of October, the General 
proceeded with Johnson's regiment, to prevent the destruc- 
tion of the bridges over the different streams that fall into 
lake St. Clair and the Thames. These streams are deep 
and muddy, and arc unfordable for a considerable distance 
into the country. A lieutenant of dragoons, and thirty 
privates, who had \v<'u scut back by General Proctor to 
destroy the bridges, were made prisoners near the mouth 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 151 

of the Thames ; from them llie General learnt that the 
enemy had no information of their advance. 

The baggage of the army was brought from Detroit in 
boats, protected by a part of Commodore Perry's squadron. 
In the evening the army arrived at Drake's farm, eight 
miles from the mouth of the Thames, and encamped. 
This river is a fine deep stream, navigable for vessels of 
considerable burthen, after the passage of the bar, at its 
mouth, over which there is generally seven feet water. 
The gun-boats could ascend as far as Dalson's, below 
which the country is one continued prairie, and at once 
favourable for cavalry movements, and for the co-opera- 
tion of the gun-boats. Above Dalson's, the aspect of the 
country changes ; the river, though still deep, is not more 
than seventy yards wide, and its banks high and woody. 

At Chatham, four miles from Dalson's, and sixteen miles 
from lake St. Clair, is a small deep creek, where the army 
found the bridge taken up, and the enemy disposed to dis- 
pute their passage; and on the arrival of the advance 
guard, commenced a heavy fire from the opposite bank, as 
well as a flank fire from the right bank of the river. The 
army halted and formed in order of battle. The bridge 
was repaired under the cover of a fire from two six poun- 
ders. The Indians did not relish the fire from our can- 
non, and retired. Colonel Johnson, being on the right, 
had seized the remains of a bridge at M'Gregor's mills, un- 
der a heavy fire from the Indians. He lost, on this oc- 
casion, two killed and four wounded. The enemy set fire 
to a house near the bridge, containing a considerable 
quantity of muskets ; the flames were extinguished and 
the arms saved. At the first farm above the "bridge, they 
found one of the enemy's vessels on fire, loaded with arms 
and ordnance stores. Four miles higher up, the army 
took a position for the night. Here they found two other 
vessels, and a large distillery, filled with ordnance and 
stores, to an immense amount, in flames. Two twenty- 
four pounders, with their carriages, were taken, and a 
large quantity of balls and shells, of various sizes. 

The army was put in motion early on the morning of 
the 5th. The General accompanied Colonel Johnson ; 



152 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

and Governor Shelby followed with the infantry. This 
morning the army captured two grin-boats and several 
batteaux loaded with provisions and ammunition. At 
nine, they reached Arnold's mills, where was a fording 
place, and the only one for a considerable distance. Here 
the army crossed to the right bank, the mounted regiment 
fording, and the infantry in the captured boats. The 
passage, though retarded for want of a sufficient number 
of boats, was completed by 12 o'clock. 

Eight miles above the ford, they passed the ground 
where the British force had encamped the previous night. 
The General directed the advance of Colonel Johnson's 
regiment to accelerate their march, for the purpose of as- 
certaining the distance of the enemy. The officer com- 
manding it. shortly after sent word back that his progress 
was stopped by the enemy, who were formed across our 
line of march. 

The army was now within three miles of the Moravian 
town, and within one mile of the enemy. The road pass- 
ed through a beach forest without any clearing, and for 
the first two miles, near to the bank of the river. At the dis- 
tance of fifty rods from the river, is a swamp running pa- 
rallel to it, and extending all the way to the Indian vil- 
lage. The intermediate ground dry, the surface level, the 
trees lofty and thick, with very little underwood to impede 
the progress of man or horse, except that part which bor- 
ders on the swamp. 

Across this narrow strip of land, the British force was 
drawn up in line to prevent the advance of the American 
army. Their left, resting on the river, was defended by 
four pieces of cannon ; near the centre were two other 
pieces. Near the swamp, the British line was covered by 
a large Indian force, who also lined the margin of the 
swamp to a considerable distance. The British troops 
amounted to six hundred ; the Indians probably to twelve 
hundred. 

As it was not practicable to turn the enemy in flank, it 
became necessary to attack them in front. General Har- 
rison did not long hesitate in his choice of the mode of at- 
tack. It was as novel as it was successful. 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 153 

The troops at his disposal might amount to three thou- 
sand men; yet, from the peculiar nature of the ground, 
one half of this force could not advantageously engage the 
enemy. 

About one hundred and fifty regulars, under Colonel 
Ball, occupied the narrow space between the road and ri- 
ver; they were ordered to advance and amuse the enemy; 
and if an opportunity offered, to seize his cannon. A small 
party of frbudly Indians was directed to move under the 
bank. Colonel Johnson's regiment was drawn up in close 
column, with its right a few yards distant from the road, 
with orders to charge at full speed as soon as the enemy 
delivered his fire. The Kentucky volunteers, under Ma- 
jor-General Henny, were formed in the rear of the mount- 
ed regiment, in three lines extending from the road to the 
swamp. General Desha's division covered the left of 
Johnson's regiment. Governor Shelby was at the crotch- 
et, formed at the front line and General Desha's division, 
This was an important point. General Cass and Commo- 
dore Perry volunteered as aids to General Harrison, who 
placed himself at the head of the front line of infantry, to 
direct the movements of the cavalry, and to give them the 
necessary support. Such was the order of battle. 

The army moved in this order till the mounted men re- 
ceived the fire of the enemy, at the distance of two hun- 
dred yards. The charge was beat, and in an instant one 
thousand horse were in motion at full speed ; the right, led 
on by Colonel Johnson, broke through the British lines, 
and formed in their rear. The enemy's pieces were not 
loaded ; their bayonets were not fixed, and they surrender- 
ed at discretion. The whole was the work of a minute, 
In breaking: through their ranks, our men killed twelve, 
and wounded thirty-seven of the British regulars. The 
shock was unexpected. They were not prepared to re-< 
sist it ; some were trampled under the feet of our horses ; 
others were cut down by the soldiers ; very few were shot, 
for the fire was not general. Had the enemy shown the 
least symptoms of resistance, after their lines were broken 
through, the greater part would have been destroyed ; but 
they were passive. Never was terror more strongly de- 



154 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

picted on the countenances of men. Even the officers 
were seen with uplifted hands, exclaiming, " quarters P 
There is no doubt but that they expected to be massacred, 
believing that the Kentuckians would retaliate the bloody 
scenes of Raisin and Miami. 

On the left the contest was more serious ; Colonel John- 
son, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, re- 
ceived a terrible fire from the Indians, which was kept up 
for some time. The Colonel led the head of his column 
into the hottest of the enemy's fire, and was personally op- 
posed to Tecumseh. At this point a condensed mass of 
savages had collected. Yet, regardless of danger, he rush- 
ed into the midst of them. So thick were the Indians, at 
this moment, that several might have reached him with 
their rifles. He rode a white horse, and was known to be 
an officer of rank ; a shower of balls was discharged at 
him, some of which took effect. His horse was shot un- 
der him, and his clothes, his saddle, and his person was 
pierced with bullets. At the moment his horse fell, Te- 
cumseh rushed towards him with an uplifted tomahawk, 
to give the fatal stroke ; but his presence of mind did not 
forsake him in this perilous predicament ; he drew a pis- 
tol from his holster, and laid his daring opponent dead at 
his feet. He was unable to do more, the loss of blood de- 
prived him of strength to stand. Fortunately, at the mo- 
ment of Tecumseh's fall, the enemy gave way, which se- 
cured him from the reach of their tomahawks. He receiv- 
ed five shots — three in the right thigh, and two in the left 
arm. Six Americans and twenty-two Indians fell within 
twenty yards of the spot where Tecumseh was killed, and 
the trains of blood almost covered the ground. 

The Indians continued a brisk fire from the margin of 
the swamp, which made some impression on a line of 
Kentucky volunteers ; but Governor Shelby brought up a 
regiment to its support, and their fire soon became too 
warm for the enemy. A part of Colonel Johnson's men 
having gained the rear of a part of the Indian line, the 
rout became general. A small party of Indians attempted 
to gain the village by running up the narrow strip of dry 
land, but they were soon overtaken and cut down, The 



RICHARD M. JOHNSOfc. 1 55 

Indians foughl bravely, and sustained a severe loss in 
killed and wounded. The death of Tecumseh was to 
them an irreparable loss.* 

The American army had fifteen killed, and thirty 
wounded. 

* The celebrated aboriginal warrior, Tecumseh, was in the 44th year of his 
age, when he fell at the hattle of (he Thames. He was of the Shawannoe 
tribe, five feet ten inches high, well formed for activity, and the endurance of 
fatigue, which he was capable of sustaining in a very extraordinary degree. 
His carriage was erect and lofty — his motions quick — his eyes penetrating — 
his visage stern, with an air of hauteur in his countenance, which arose from 
an elevated pride of soul— it did not leave him even in death. His elo- 
quence was nervous, concise, impressive, figurative, and sarcastic; being of 
a taciturn habit of speech, his words were few, but always to the purpose. 
His dress was plain— he was never known to indulge in gaudy decoration 
of his person, which is the general practice of the Indians. He wore on the 
day of his death, a dressed deer-skin coat and pantaloons. It is said he 
could read and write correctly; of this, however, it is doubtful, as he was the 
irreconcilable enemy to civilization, and of course would not be apt to relish the 
fine arts. He was in every respect a savage, the greatest, perhaps, since the 
days of Pontiac. His ruling maxim in war was to take no prisoners, and 
he strictly adhered to the sanguinary purposes of his soul — he neither gave 
nor accepted quarters. Yet, paradoxical as it may seem, to the prisoners 
made by other tribes, he was attentive and humane. Nay, in one instance, 
he is said to have buried his tomahawk in the head of a Chippeway chief, 
whom he found actively engaged in massacring some of Dudley's men, 
after they had been made prisoners by the British and Indians. It had long 
been a favourite maxim of this aspiring chief, to unite the northern, western, 
and southern Indians, for the purpose of regaining their country as far as the 
Ohio. Whether this grand idea originated in his own, or his brother's mind, 
or was suggested by the British, is not known : but this much is certain, he 
cherished the plan with enthusiasm, and actually visited the Creek Indians 
to prevail on them to join in the undertaking. He was always opposed to 
the sale of the Indian lands. In a council at Vincennes, in 1810, he was 
found equal to the insidious arts of a diplomatist. In one of his speeches he 
pronounced General Harrison a liar. He has been in almost every battle 
with the Americans, from the time of Harmer's defeat to that of the Thames. 
He has been several times wounded, and always sought the hottest of the 
fire. A few minutes before he received the fatal fire of Colonel Johnson, he 
had received a musket ball in his left arm, yet his efforts to conquer ceased 
only with life. When a youth, and before the treaty of Grenville, he had 
so often signalized himself, that he was reputed one of the boldest of the In- 
dian warriors. In the first settlement of Kentucky, he was peculiarly active 
in seizing boats going down the Ohio, killing the passengers, and carrying ofl 
their property. He made frequent incursions into Kentucky, where he would 
invariably murder some of the settlers, and escape with several horses, laden 
with plunder. He always eluded pursuit, and when too closely pressed, 
would retire to the Wabash. His ruling passion seems to have been glory — 
he was careless of wealth, and although his plunderings and subsidies must 
have amounted to a great sum, he preserved little for himself. After his fall 
on the fifth of October, his person was viewed with great interest by the offi- 
cers and soldiers of Harrison's army. It was some time before the identity 
of his person was sufficiently recognised to remove all doubts as to the cer- 
tainty of his death. There was a kind of ferocious pleasure, if the expres- 
sion may be allowed, in contemplating the contour of his features, which 
was majestic, even in death. Some of the Ken tuckians disgraced themselves 
by committing indignities on hiB dead body. He was scalped, and otherwise 
disfigured. 



150 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

General Proctor abandoned his army at the moment 
Johnson's regiment beat the charge, which was led by 
the brave Lieutenant Colonel James Johnson. He was 
supported in his flight by about fifty dragoons. Some of 
the mounted men who pursued him were, at one time, 
within one hundred yards of him, but were too weak to 
attack his guard. His carriage and papers were taken. 
So rapid was his retreating journey, that in twenty-four 
hours he found himself sixty-five miles distant from the 
field of contest. 

After this affair, a suspension of arms took place ; the 
Indians sued for peace, and Governor Shelby's forces 
were discharged. 

The patience and fortitude with which Colonel John- 
son endured the anguish of his wounds, and the incre- 
dible fatigues, severities, and privations of his passage 
from Detroit to Sandusky, and thence to Kentucky, 
surpassed, if possible, his courage on the field of battle. 
In the boisterous month of November, amid almost inces- 
sant rains — with five severe wounds which had barely 
begun to heal, he was conveyed from his lodgings in De- 
troit, to a boat but illy provided with hands, and with 
scarcely a covert from the chilling storms of the season. 

Finally, after ninety hours of unremitted exertion, the 
party arrived at Fort Stephenson — at midnight. 

Here the boat was abandoned — and he was placed on a 
litter, suspended between two horses — the rains recom- 
menced, but the route was continued — a dreary wilder- 
ness, streams unfordable, bad roads, numerous rivers, and 
a distance of 300 miles, separated the party from Ken- 
tucky. Yet all these formidable impediments were 
overcome with inflexible perseverance, with astonishing 
celerity. 

After spending eight or ten weeks in Kentucky, he 
was so far recovered from his wounds, that he repaired 
to the seat of government, and resumed his seat in con- 
gress. The fame of his exploits had preceded him ; and 
he was every where received with distinguished testimoni- 
als of respect and admiration. 

In August, 1814, Washington was taken by the enemy 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 157 

and the public offices burnt. Congress met in September, 
when a proposition was made for the removal of the seat 
of government. This was strenuously opposed by Colonel 
Johnson, on the principle that we ought not to yield a 
triumph which the enemy never claimed. He brought 
forward the motion to inquire into the causes of the cap- 
ture of Washington. A committee of investigation was 
chosen, of which he was chairman. He made a report, 
which is before the American public. 

After peace, the question of a military peace establish- 
ment was agitated. On this question, he voted for six 
thousand, the smallest number named, and he was in the 
majority- The American people are fully convinced of 
the prudence of this policy. 

Of all measures which were adopted by congress to pro- 
vide for the fatherless and widows of those who had fallen 
in their country's service, he was either the projector or 
the firm supporter. And, we may add, that more honour 
redounds to the country from these acts, than from all the 
victories achieved by our prowess. 

To Colonel Johnson, the indigent soldiers of the revolu- 
tion owe much. He brought into existence the measure 
for their relief, and advocated that measure in a strain of 
eloquence warm from the heart, and it reached the heart. 
The money thus paid, he considered a debt of gratitude, 
not a waste of public money on the ill-deserving. 

One, and we believe but one act of his public life, ex- 
posed him to censure. He originated the compensation 
law, giving $1500 the year to members of congress, in 
lieu of $6 the day. The reason of this proposition was as 
follows, though at the time but little understood. He had 
observed the snail's pace with which business had been 
transacted by congress, at the commencement of each ses- 
sion in particular, and the amount of unfinished business 
at each adjournment. He judged, and rightly too, that 
the compensation law would obviate these difficulties. It 
produced much excitement, and it nearly cost him his 
seat in congress. Respecting his next election, the fol- 
lowing anecdote is told, which is well worthy preservation. 
A candidate was brought forward to oppose him. Ad- 
14 



158 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

dressing the people, Colonel Johnson observed : — " Admit- 
ting this measure to be as injurious as some represent it ; 
if you owned a rifle which had never missed fire — if with 
it you had shot a hundred deer, and twenty of your coun- 
try's enemies — but on one unfortunate occasion it should 
miss fire, would you throw it away ? or would you pick 
the flint, and try it again ?" " Stop there." interrupted a 
veteran warrior, "stop there — Do you admit it to be a 
snap ?" " A snap," answered the Colonel. " Then," re- 
plied he, amidst the shouts of the people — " then we will 
pick the flint, and try the old rifle again." What the effect 
of this pithy anecdote was on the populace, is not a riddle. 
The rifle — the faint allusion to his services on the battle 
ground — his integrity, were triumphant pleaders. He was 
elected by a majority of nearly a thousand votes. At the 
next session of Congress he moved for a repeal of that 
law — it was repealed, and the excitement subsided. 

During this session, Colonel Johnson resolved on retire- 
ment. His country was prosperous and happy, and her 
independence placed beyond the danger of subversion. He 
had faithfully served his constituents during twelve years 
in congress, and in 1819 he retired to private life, honour- 
ed by congress with a sword for his valour and conduct 
in the field ; and happy in the confidence of constituents 
who had so long sustained him by their votes. 

But the citizens of his state lodged a detainer against 
him, and for a while defeated his dreams of retirement. 
He was again elected a member of the state legislature, 
and that body elected him to the senate of the United 
States. Much as he wished, he hardly could, — he did not 
resist the will of the people who considered him their 
benefactor. 

His efforts to abolish the worse than barbarous system 
of imprisonment for debt, are worthy the soundest head, 
the most benevolent heart. For this he has laboured 
faithfully and fearlessly, and the indications of success 
are brightening. But we shall not attempt a synopsis of 
his arguments. The subjoined report speaks for itself, 
and should be deeply impressed on the mind of every 
American. 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 159 

TVie Committee, to whom was referred so much of the message 
of the President of the United States, as respects Imprison- 
ment for Debt, report: 

That, acting under a constitution of limited powers, dele- 
gated by the people of the several states, an act of Congress 
to abolish imprisonment for debt, can have effect only in cases 
belonging to the federal courts. The primary and only legi- 
timate object of government is to secure to each individual 
the enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 
These cannot be forfeited without crime. It is essential to 
the preservation of liberty, that crime should be denned, and 
its punishment determined by law. To protect the citizen 
from acts of tyranny, the constitution secures, in all cases, to 
the accused, the right of trial by an impartial jury. The vio- 
lation of this principle is the essence of* despotism, If insol- 
vency is fraud, and if that fraud is a crime which justly de- 
prives the insolvent of his liberty, the law should define it as 
such, and fix its punishment. The trial should be, like that 
of other crimes, by an impartial jury, in the state and district 
where the crime is committed ; and the punishment should be 
pronounced by the court, subject, as in other convictions, to 
the pardoning power, in the discretion of the executive. In 
the punishment of debtors all these sacred principles are sub- 
verted. The citizen is deprived of his liberty, without the 
accusation of a crime, without a criminal prosecution, and 
without a jury to decide upon his guilt ; and his punishment 
is submitted to the sole discretion of an individual creditor. 

In all the catalogue of human crimes, there is none which 
more imperiously requires definition, than that of fraud. To 
punish a crime which is not well defined by law, is always 
more injurious to society, because of the abuse of power to 
which it subjects the accused, than to suffer it with impunity, 
Why does not the law define and punish ingratitude, a crime 
which is marked with universal execration"? Because of the 
difficulty of giving to it such a precise definition as would 
separate the innocent from the guilty. By omitting to punish 
this vice, we avoid a greater evil. So, in abolishing impri- 
sonment for debt, absolutely and without condition or reser- 
vation, we shall avoid an evil infinitely greater than can be 
obviated by any restriction. Our constitution denounces pri- 
vileged orders. The warning voice of history, bearing, like 
peals of thunder, the cries of the oppressed from ancient and 
modern nations, where these orders have existed, and still 
exist, demanded this security for the citizens of our own 
country. But to give to the creditor, in any case whatever, 
power over the body of his debtor, is a violation of this prin- 
ciple. It subjects the liberty of the great mass of our most 



160 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

useful, because most enterprising and industrious, citizens, to 
the caprice, the vengeance, or forbearance, of the wealthy 
and the more fortunate. Why do we reprobate the act which 
crowded so many human beings in the black hole of Calcutta, 
where mortal pestilence was inhaled from the infected atmos- 
phere? Because it was an act of cruelty; and it is the same 
abhorrence that elicits this popular cry, which has become 
almost universal against imprisonment for debt. 

Yet legislators, the majority of whom have generally been 
of the wealthier class, or at least free from pecuniary difficul- 
ties, have so complicated the system, that it has become in- 
volved in a labyrinth of mystery ; and to secure its existence 
they have surrounded it with such dark suspicions of fraud, 
that the subject can scarcely be approached without embar- 
rassment. Thus, like all other systems of despotism, it has 
imposed on the minds of men, with some shadow of plausi- 
bility, the idea of necessity ; till, by long habit, they have gra- 
dually become, in some degree, reconciled to the oppression. 
The victim is cut off from society; and because he pines in 
solitude, where his miseries are not seen, nor his complaints 
heard, his case is passed over, as an instance of individual 
misfortune, for which there is no remedy, and which is scarce- 
ly worthy of observation. But if all of these victims of op- 
pression were presented to our view in one congregated mass, 
with all the train of wives, children, and friends, involved in 
the same ruin, they would exhibit a spectacle, at which hu- 
manity would shudder. It was a remark of one of the sages 
of antiquity, that the best government is that where an injury 
to one citizen is resented as an injury to the whole. Here, in 
our own free and happy country, many thousands of our fel- 
low citizens are suffering annually the deepest injury. Child- 
ren are deprived of their natural guardians, families of their 
support, and freemen of their liberty, by a remnant of barba- 
rism, which requires nothing but the voice of legislation to 
blot it out for ever. From the earliest dawn of civilization, 
it has been a subject of the severest censure, and of the most 
unqualified denunciation. 

But history teaches us that men, accustomed to bondage, 
may contract a fondness for the chains that bind them. The 
subjects of monarchs become attached to their aristocratic 
establishments ; and are hardly persuaded to forego the splen- 
dours of royalty, for the simplicity of republican government. 
So in relation to this vestige of despotism amongst us; the 
most obstinate prejudices are enlisted in its favour, sustained 
by all the cupidity of sordid minds. The injustice and cru- 
elty of the system are generally conceded; but the wisest 
head;: and purest hearts have found some insurmountable 
difficulty in devising a remedy, which will at once eradicate 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 161 

the evil, and guard against imaginary dangers, that the pre- 
servation of personal liberty must be regarded as hopeless, 
upon any other principle than that of the total and absolute 
abolition of imprisonment for debt. For ages past, the com- 
mon rights of humanity have been violated upon the pretext 
that, in some cases, fraud may exist, and to such a degree 
as may justly deprive a citizen of his liberty. The committee 
are aware that such cases may exist; but can there be no 
other remedy provided than that of submitting it to the arbi- 
trary will of the creditor, to punish at discretion the innocent 
and the guilty? Shall ninety-nine innocent victims of misfor- 
tune be cut off from their families and the world, that one 
fraudulent debtor may be punished without trial, and without 
proof of guilt? It is inconsistent with the whole spirit of our 
institutions, to urge, as arguments in favour of the system, 
that creditors are seldom vindictive against honest debtors ; 
or that fraudulent debtors are more numerous than cruel 
creditors ; or that public sentiment will correct the disposition 
to act with severity. 

The acts are often the reverse. Creditors are often relent- 
less. It is doubtful whether fraud is not as common on the 
part of the creditor, as on that of the debtor; {and cruelty more 
common than either ;) and public sentiment has but little in- 
fluence over an avaricious mind. The system originated in 
cupidity. It is a confirmation of power in the few against 
the many ; the fortunate against the unfortunate ; the Patri- 
cian against the Plebeian; and it is doubtful whether that 
civilized community ever existed, which would tolerate this 
system, if the sentiments of all could be known and faithfully 
represented. But we learn, from long habit, to endure, and 
even to advocate, what becomes most execrable to us when 
the fetter is broken. So long as a solitary benefit is known 
to result from any established custom, however oppressive or 
absurd in its general tendency, still there is a reluctance to 
change. The Spanish Inquisition, now the abhorrence of all 
enlightened minds, was long sustained in many countries, by 
the tyrant's plea of necessity for restraining vice; and its 
cruelties were long tolerated, upon the principle that some 
solitary benefit might result. Even in this country, and to 
the present day, the force of ancient prejudice is so strong 
that persons are found who are fearful for the interest of re- 
ligion, if undefined and unprotected by legislative acts; and, 
in support of the principle, some instance may be cited, in 
which this interference may have restrained licentiousness. 
In the burning a thousand heretics, the world may have been 
delivered from one dangerous citizen. In the destruction of 
a thousand sorcerers, convicted of witchcraft, one knave may 
have perished. The benefit of clergy, which secured from 
14* 



162 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

capital punishment, for petty offences, all who could read and 
write, while the more ignorant were doomed to death for the 
same crimes, may have saved some useful lives, when a mild- 
er and more equitable administration of justice would have 
saved many. A despot, clothed with unlimited power, govern- 
ing without law, may have punished some offenders, who 
would have escaped under our republican institutions. 

All these cruelties have been legalized; and while bleeding 
humanity was sinking under the burthen of oppression, the 
few instances of apparent benefit sustained the whole system 
of tyrann y ; and the world became so reconciled to the bond-- 
age, thru -very reformation has been effected by violence, 
and toil, ind blood. Of a similar character is this remain- 
ing vestige of barbarity, which dooms the victim of misfor- 
tune to the culprit's destiny. It is sustained upon the same 
principle. In the imprisonment of a hundred debtors, one 
may have deserved the punishment for fraud ; and in this so-, 
litary case of just retribution, the cries of the ninety-nine in-> 
nocent sufferers are unheard or unregarded. The obligation 
of a contract is sacred. The committee would not recom- 
mend a measure calculated to impair it. The property of the 
debtor is made liable for its discharge, in all well regulated 
societies, with such reservations as are deemed necessary by 
the sovereign power, such as giving immediate relief to the 
wife and children, together with such implements as will en- 
able the husbandman and mechanic to pursue their useful 
vocations. These reservations were made in the early ages 
of the Grecian Republics ; and the principle has been held 
sacred by municipal law, by common law, by civil law. 
It is a regulation which the prosperity of the commonwealth 
requires, because industry is the life of the country. 

A nation may exist without professional men, without a 
moneyed capital ; but it cannot exist, in a civilized state, with- 
out agriculturists and artisans. But it is of little avail to 
reserve their implements of labour, and imprison their per- 
sons. The state sustains a loss, the families are ruined, and 
the creditors are not benefited. When the effects of the 
debtor are exhausted, and his debts remain unliquidated, the 
world has been divided in sentiment as to the extent of a pe- 
cuniary obligation against the personal liberty of the debtor. 
In ancient Greece, the power of creditors over the persons 
of their debtors was absolute; and as in all cases where de- 
spotic control is tolerated, their rapacity was boundless. They 
compelled the insolvent debtors to cultivate their lands like 
cattle, to perform the service of beasts of burthen, and to 
transfer to them their sons and daughters, whom they export- 
ed as slaves to foreign countries. 

These acts of cruelty were tolerated in Athens during her 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. l63 

more-barbarous state, and in perfect consonance with the 
character of a people, who could elevate a Draco, and bow 
to his mandates registered in blood. But the wisdom of So- 
lon corrected the evil. Athens felt die benefit of the reform, 
and the pen of the historian has recorded the name of her 
lawgiver, as the benefactor of man. In ancient Rome, the con- 
dition of the unfortunate poor was still more abject. The cru- 
elty of the Twelve Tables against insolvent debtors, should be 
held up as a beacon of warning to all modern nations. After 
judgment was obtained, thirty days of grace were allow 7 ed, be- 
fore a Roman was delivered into the power of his creditor. Af- 
a ter this period, he was retained in a private prison, with twelve 
ounces of rice for his daily sustenance. He might be bound 
with a chain of fifteen pounds weight; and his misery was 
three times exposed in the market place, to excite the com- 
passion of his friends. At the expiration of sixty days, the 
debt was discharged by the loss of liberty or life. The in- 
solvent debtor was either put to death, or sold in foreign sla- 
very beyond the Tiber. But if several creditors were alike 
obstinate and unrelenting, they might legally dismember his 
body, and satiate their revenge by this horrid partition. 
Though the refinements of modern criticisms have endea- 
voured to divest this ancient cruelty of its horrors, the faithful 
Gibbon, who is not remarkable for his partiality to the poorer 
class, preferring the liberal sense of antiquity, draws this dark 
picture of the effect of giving the creditor power over the 
person of the debtor. No sooner was the Roman Empire 
subverted, than the delusion of Roman perfection began to 
vanish; and then the absurdity and cruelty of this system be- 
gan to be exploded : a system which convulsed Greece and 
Rome, and filled the world with misery ; and without one re- 
deeming benefit, could no longer be endured ; and, to the 
honour of humanity, for about one thousand years during the 
middle ages, imprisonment for debt w T as generally abolished. 
They seemed to have understood what, in more modern 
times, we are less ready to comprehend ; that power, in any 
degree, over the person of the debtor, is the same in princi- 
ple, varying only in degree, whether it be to imprison, to en- 
slave, to brand, to dismember, or to divide his body. But as 
the lapse of time removed to a great distance the cruelties 
which had been suffered, the cupidity of the affluent found 
means again to introduce the system ; but by such slow gra- 
dations, that the unsuspecting poor were scarcely conscious 
of the change. The history of English jurisprudence fur- 
nishes the remarkable fact, that, for many centuries, personal 
liberty could not be violated for debt. Property alone could 
be taken to satisfy a pecuniary demand. It was not until the 
reign of Henry III., in the thirteenth century, that the princi- 



164 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

pie of imprisonment for debt was recognised in the land of 
our ancestors, and that was in favour of the barons alone; 
the nobility against their bailiffs, who had received their 
rents, and had appropriated them to their own use. Here 
was the shadow of a pretext. The g'reat objection to the 
punishment was, that it was inflicted at the pleasure of the 
baron without a trial; an evil incident to aristocracies, but 
obnoxious to republics. The courts, under the pretext of 
imputed crime, or constructive violence on the part of the 
debtor, soon began to extend the principle, but without legis- 
lative sanction. In the eleventh year of the reign of Edward 
I., the immediate successor of Henry, the right of imprisoning 
debtors was extended to merchants — Jewish merchants ex- 
cepted, on account of their heterodoxy in religion — and was 
exercised with great severity. This extension was an act 
of policy on the part of the monarch. The ascendency ob- 
tained by the barons menaced the power of the throne ; and, 
to counteract their influence, the merchants, a numerous and 
wealthy class, were selected by the monarch, and invested 
with the same authority over their debtors. But England was 
not yet prepared for the yoke. She could endure a heredi- 
tary nobility; she could tolerate a monarchy ; but she could 
not yet resign her unfortunate sons, indiscriminately, to the 
prison. The barons and the merchants had gained the power 
over their victims ; yet more than sixty years elapsed, before 
Parliament dared to venture another act, recognising the 
principle. During this period, imprisonment for debt had, 
in some degree, lost its novelty. The incarceration of the 
debtor began to make the impression, that fraud, and not 
misfortune, had brought on his catastrophe, and that he was, 
therefore, unworthy of the protection of the law, and too de- 
graded for the society of the world. Parliament then ven- 
tured, in the reign of Edward III., in the fourteenth century, 
to extend the principle to two other cases ; debt and detinue. 
This measure opened the door for impositions which were 
gradually introduced by judicial usurpation, and have result- 
ed in the most cruel oppression. Parliment, for one hundred 
and fifty years afterwards, did not venture to outrage the 
sentiments of an injured and indignant people, by extending 
the power to ordinary creditors. But they had laid the foun- 
dation, and an irresponsible judiciary reared the superstruc- 
ture. From the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Edward 
III., to the nineteenth of Henry VIII., the subject slumbered in 
Parliament. In the mean time, all the ingenuity of the court 
was employed, by the introduction of artificial forms and le- 
gal fictions, to extend the power of imprisonment for debt in 
cases not provided for by statute. The jurisdiction of the 
court called the King's Bench, extended to all crimes or dia^ 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 165 

turbances against the peace. Under this court of criminal 
jurisdiction, the debtor was arrested by what was called the 
writ of Middlesex, upon a supposed trespass or outrage 
against the peace and dignity of the crown. Thus, by a fic- 
titious construction, the person who owed his neighbour was 
supposed to be, what every one knew him not to be, a viola- 
tor of the peace, and an offender against the dignity of the 
crown ; and while his body was held in custody for this crime, 
he was proceeded against in a civil action, for which he was 
not liable to arrest under statute. The jurisdiction of the 
court of common pleas, extended to civil actions arising be- 
tween individuals upon private transactions. To sustain its 
importance upon a scale equal with that of its rival, this court 
also adopted its fictions, and extended its power upon artifi- 
cial construction, quite as far beyond its statutory preroga- 
tive ; and upon the fictitious plea of trespass, constituting a 
legal supposition of outrage against the peace ol the kingdom, 
authorized the writ of capias, and subsequent imprisonment, 
in cases where a summons only was warranted by law. The 
court of exchequer was designed to protect the king's revenue, 
and had no legal jurisdiction, except in cases of debtors to 
the public. The ingenuity of this court found means to ex- 
tend its jurisdiction to all cases of debt between individuals, 
upon the fictitious plea that the plaintiff", who instituted the 
suit, was a debtor to the king, and rendered the less able to 
discharge the debt by the default of the defendant. Upon 
this artificial pretext, that the defendant was debtor to the 
king's debtor, the court of exchequer, to secure the king's 
revenue, usurped the power of arraigning and imprisoning 
debtors of every description. Thus "these rival courts, each 
ambitious to sustain its relative importance, and extend its ju- 
risdiction, introd uced, as legal facts, the most palpable fictions, 
and sustained the most absurd solecisms as legal syllogisms. 

Where the person of the debtor was, by statute, held sacred, 
the courts devised the means of construing the demand of a 
debt into the supposition of a crime, for Which he was subject 
to arrest on mesne process; and the evidence of debt, into 
the conviction of a crime against the peace of the kingdom, 
for which he was deprived of his liberty at the pleasure of the 
offended party. These practices of the courts obtained by 
regular gradation. Each act of usurpation was a precedent 
for similar outrages, until the system became general, and at 
length received the sanction of Parliament. The spirit of 
avarice finally gained a complete triumph over personal li- 
berty. The sacred claims of misfortune were disregarded; 
and, to the iron grasp of poverty, were added, the degrada- 
tion of infamy, and the misery of the dungeon. 

Parliament appeared sometimes to relent, and made sevo- 



166 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ral efforts to correct the abuses ; but the influence of creditors, 
and the power of the courts, were too formidable for Parlia- 
ment itself; and while a vestige of the system remains, the 
oppression will never terminate. The time was, when per- 
sonal liberty in England was so highly valued, that before the 
institution of a suit against an individual, the plaintiff was re- 
quired to give real and responsible pledges, to prosecute the 
suit with effect; and if the action proved to be groundless, or 
malicious, he was subjected to damages. But ultimately, the 
courts, without the authority of statute, broke this common 
law barrier against oppression, and for real pledges substi- 
tuted fictitious names, as John Doe and Richard Roe ; while, 
upon the mere suggestion or oath of the plaintiff, the defend- 
ant may be arrested and imprisoned, before the debt is pro- 
ven ; unless he can procure bail for his appearance. Thus 
was the whole artifice of the learned benches of England, 
with all the authority of the aristocracy, employed for centu- 
ries to introduce, by the most gradual measures, imprisonment 
for debt, even before a people, accustomed to all the abuses 
of hereditary power, could be brought under its control. 
But when it was established, our ancestors, with the whole 
system of British jurisprudence, brought it with them to this 
new world. It has been long endured, and its miseries have 
been extensively felt. It is this day depriving our country of 
the industry of many of her citizens, and carrying distress 
into their numerous families, But there is evidently a spirit 
of reformation awakened in the public mind, and the redeem- 
ing voice of the people demands the change. 

Public sentiment, like the general tendency of our laws, is 
in favour of the unfortunate debtor. It speaks for liberty, and 
gives it an estimate above the value of gold. If there is a 
country on earth, in which personal liberty has a claim to the 
protection of the law, paramount to every other claim, it is 
found on these western shores. But while the body, under 
any circumstances, is liable to arrest on mesne process, or af- 
ter judgment is obtained, whether to coerce a surrender of 
property, or to punish for real insolvency, there is no secu^ 
rity for liberty. Till the destinies of fortune shall be subject 
to human control, no citizen, however meritorious, is certain 
to close his days without being immured in the walls of a 
prison. If stolen goods are secreted, the oath of suspicion is 
necessary to procure a search-warrant; and then the person 
suspected is free from arrest, till the property is found in his 
possession. But in case of debt, the person is liable to be ar- 
rested and to be held in custody, even under the mildest in- 
solvent laws, till the debtor shall, on oath, make a surrender 
of his effects. The plea of necessary coercion furnishes a 
poor apology. Man, held in confinement one hour, by the 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 107* 

lawful authority of his fellow citizens, is degraded in the 
estimation of society, and is liable to lose respect for himself. 
The spirit of freedom, which achieved, and which still sus- 
tains our independence, is broken; and he often sinks into a 
state of ruinous despondency; or is urged on to acts of des- 
peration. The only safe course is, to destroy the capias ad 
satisfaciendum, the writ which takes the body upon a judg- 
ment, and as experience may point the necessity of other 
measures to secure the surrender of the property, time will 
perfect them. The power of the state legislatures is ample, 
and they will not fail to provide the remedy; and the com- 
mittee believe it will be most wise to leave that power with 
the states. Whatever may be the theory of legislation, the 
true character of a system is demonstrated by its effects. If 
it renders society more free and happy, it should be retained: 
but if it augments the sufferings of the community, without 
producing benefits which will more than countervail the evils, 
it ought to be abandoned. The spurious origin of this system 
is not the leading point on which the committee would dwell; 
nor even the generous sympathies which its victims excite. 
Its ruinous consequences to society, without benefit even to 
the creditor, show the necessity of its abolition. 

The power of the creditor is generally exerted under feel- 
ings of irritation, and to satiate a spirit of revenge. The Ame- 
rican citizen, who has bled for his country, or whose penury 
has resulted from his father's sacrifices in the cause of inde- 
pendence, is reduced to a condition in which he cannot meet, 
with punctuality, the claims against him. What is the con- 
sequence? From that moment his liberty is forfeited to the 
discretion of his creditor. His patriotism, his integrity of 
character, avail him nothing. If he is permitted, in his daily 
exercise, to pass the bounds of a prison wall, it is by the for- 
bearance of another. He is liable to be held in degrading 
custody, even under the mildest laws of insolvency, till he 
shall have taken the oath prescribed ; and then, like the cul- 
prit who has received punishment for his crime, he is dis- 
charged from prison. This is the liberty which Americans 
enjoy, under the system of imprisonment for debt. Even the 
illustrious Jefferson, that patriarch of liberty, and the virtuous 
and patriotic Monroe, whose lives were devoted to their 
country in its darkest hours, enjoyed their freedom, during 
the shades of retirement, not by the protection of the law, but 
by the forbearance of their creditors. A citizen cannot, by 
contract, consign himself to bondage. He may fix his signet 
to the indenture that purports to bind him, but the law will 
break the fetter. A man may forfeit his liberty by the com- 
mission of crime ; the safety of society may require that he 
shall be locked out from the world ; but the debtor is not con- 



168 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

victed of a crime: his liberty is not dangerous to society; 
yet, by technical implication, he may be consigned to prison. 

The slave, while he toils for his master, contributes to the 
nation's wealth, and to the benefit of society. The resources 
of a nation consist principally in the industry of its citizens; 
and labour, by whatever hands performed, is a contribution 
to the public weal. But he who pines a day in prison, drags 
out that portion of his life in useless indolence ; starving in 
misery, or living upon another's labour, while society is de- 
prived of his own. The miseries of the debtor's prison pre- 
sent a picture of wretchedness which fancy could scarcely 
draw. These miseries are not confined to the prisoner's cell. 
They extend, in all their horror, to the humble dwelling of his 
family. The broken-hearted wife, surrounded with helpless, 
suffering children, weeping for the return of an affectionate 
father, innocent and ignorant of the fell destiny which dooms 
them to a state of untimely orphanage, is driven to despond- 
ency, and sometimes to acts of infamy. Nor is the evil ob- 
viated by the argument that the mildness of the insolvent 
laws furnishes an easy release from confinement. The mo- 
ment a citizen enters a prison, at the command of his fellow 
citizen, his mind is humbled; and the principle is the same, 
whatever may be the duration, whether it can deprive him of 
his liberty for a day, a month, a year, or three score years 
and ten. Notwithstanding all the boasting of the mildness of 
our insolvent laws, our jails are crowded with debtors ; thou- 
sands are annually imprisoned for debt in these United States. 
These facts amply demonstrate that the existing insolvent 
laws do not furnish a remedy for the evil. It must be eradi- 
cated by an entire and total abolition. 

In the courts of the United States, no security can be de- 
manded against groundless or malicious actions, except the 
legal costs of suit. But by general practice under the laws, 
the simple affidavit of the plaintiff that the defendant is in- 
debted to him, is sufficient to consign the defendant to prison, 
unless some responsible person will befriend him by becoming 
his bail. He is not required to state that the obligation was 
incurred by false pretences, nor that the defendant was sus- 
pected of an intention to secrete his property, or to withdraw 
his person, or to entertain any fraudulent design. Nothing 
is required but the plaintiff's oath of debt, to place the liberty 
of the defendant beyond the protection of law, and subject 
him to the favour of an individual to save him from prison. 
It is difficult to ascertain any fixed principle upon which im- 
prisonment for debt is advocated. It is regarded by some as 
a punishment for a crime ; by others, a mode of coercion ; 
by some, a fulfilment of an implied contract; by others, 
again, a matter of public policy. If it is a crime, the object 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 169 

of punishment should be the reformation of the offender, and 
the prevention of future offences. An offence is against 
society ; the guilt of the offender should be ascertained by a 
jury ; the penalty should be fixed by law, according to the 
degree of guilt, and pronounced by the court without con- 
sulting the pleasure of an individual. (But in imprisonment 
for debt, there is no reformation.) Society is not disturbed 
by a criminal act. No guilt is imputed to the debtor. The 
law furnishes no penalty. The court pronounces no sentence. 
There are no grades of offence. All is left to the discretion 
of an individual, and the law operates indiscriminately upon 
the fraudulent and unfortunate. If it be a means of coer- 
cion, it is inefficacious. It cannot compel the honest man to 
pay what he has no means of paying. It places him beyond 
the possibility of procuring those means. The dishonest man 
will devise a method of placing his property beyond the 
reach of his creditors, by preparing himself in anticipation 
of the result. He will triumph in the impotence of the laws. 
The innocent are always degraded, and often ruined, while 
the guilty escape the punishment which their crimes deserve. 
It is not the fulfilment of a contract. No fair construction, 
even under all the fictions of law, can justify the conclusion 
that a debtor agrees to forfeit his personal liberty to the will 
of his creditor. The debtor, as a citizen and free man, is in 
all respects equal to his creditor. No contract could deprive 
him of personal independence ; and in contracting a debt, he 
has no intention to compromise his freedom. A contract upon 
such a principle, would be void, both in law and in equity. 
In contracting a debt there is a mutual agreement between 
the parties, in which both are interested. If a loan, it is for 
usury ; if a sale, it is for profit ; if an act of friendship, grati- 
tude is the safest pledge for its return, when circumstances 
will permit. But in all cases, the ability of the debtor, from 
the property which he holds, or may acquire, is the only pro- 
per means of payment ; and it is the only legitimate resource 
which the creditor can honourably and lawfully anticipate. 
If his object is to obtain power over the liberty of the debtor, 
it is dark, designing, dishonourable in the extreme, and ut- 
terly unworthy the sanction of law. If his dependence is 
upon the friends of the debtor, by exciting their commissera- 
tion, through cruelty, it deserves public reprobation. Lord 
Mansfield justly observes, if any near relation is induced to 
pay the debt for the insolvent to keep him out of prison, it is 
taking an unfair advantage. No credit is desirable in a free 
country, predicated upon the imprisonment of the debtor, 
and it ought not to be granted upon such considerations. 

In a country without a uniform bankrupt law, the cruelty 
of the system is beyond the endurance of freemen. As a 
15 



170 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

matter of policy, the committee cannot discover either the 
wisdom or the justice of the system. To oppress the poor 
may well enough consist with the policy of despots; but to 
an American citizen, whose birthright is liberty, it must be 
odious. The wealth and prosperity of a nation, the comforts 
of society, and the happiness of families, depend upon active 
industry, combined with well directed enterprise. Our laws 
and institutions recognise no classes. Farmers, mechanics, 
merchants, professional men, and the capitalist, are all peers. 
The revolutions in property, and distinctions resulting from 
industry, virtue, and talent alone, are as certain as the revo- 
lutions of the seasons. They cannot be perpetuated in one 
family, nor excluded from another. The poor may become 
wealthy, and the rich poor. 

The prospect of success invigorates the hands of industry, 
and gives them impetus to the noblest enterprise. To these 
exertions, every encouragement should be given ; but when 
the cloud of misfortune lowers, to consign its victim to the 
prison, is to blast his future prospects, and to fix on his family 
the mark of degradation. To maintain that confidence 
which is necessary to a fair and reasonable credit, effectual 
remedies should be provided against the property of the 
debtor, always reserving from execution such articles as are 
necessary for the pursuit of his calling ; but that he may 
retain the spirit of useful enterprise, for the benefit of both his 
family and the community, those reservations should be care- 
fully guarded, and the freedom of his person always secured. 
It cannot be denied that great calamities, both public and 
private, have arisen from too much credit — seldom or never, 
from too little ; and it is equally certain that the excess of 
credit as frequently proceeds from him who gives, as from 
him who receives it. 

If imprisonment for debt shall be totally abolished, the 
parties will understand the proper legitimate resource for the 
fulfilment of a contract. It will then rest upon its proper 
basis. The person granting credit will confide in the ability 
of the debtor to meet the claim, or he will require satisfactory 
pledges. Whatever censure may attach to the abuse of 
credit, it is but just to divide it between them. It is frequently 
as injurious to the one as to the other ; and without the volun- 
tary consent of both, it cannot exist. In the present state of 
society, the injury of the system may be seen and felt in a 
limited degree, and persons not accustomed to visit the abodes 
of misery, will scarcely be convinced of its dangerous ten- 
dency. But as population becomes more dense, the diiiiculty 
of procuring the comforts of life must be increased. Then, 
if the power of the creditor over the personal liberty of his 
debtor shall remain, it will be exercised with unrelenting se- 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 171 

verity. Though our republican forms may be preserved, 
their essence may be destroyed. The country will be divided 
into two great classes, creditors and debtors; between whom 
the most obstinate hostilities will exist; and, as in Greece 
and Rome, society may be convulsed, confidence destroyed, 
and liberty endangered. 

We should legislate with a view to posterity; that, with our 
fair inheritance, we may transmit to them a harmonious sys- 
tem, calculated to sustain their rights, and perpetuate the 
blessings of freedom. 

While imprisonment for debt is sanctioned, the threats of 
the creditor are a source of perpetual distress to the depend- 
ant, friendless debtor, holding his liberty by sufferance alone. 
Temptations to oppression are constantly in view. The 
means of injustice are always at hand ; and even helpless 
females are not exempted from the barbarous practice. In a 
land of liberty, enjoying in all other respects the freest and 
happiest government with which the world was ever blessed, 
it is a matter of astonishment that this cruel custom, so ano- 
malous to all our institutions, inflicting so much misery upon 
society, should have been so long endured. It is at variance 
with the settled character of our population. Whenever ob- 
jects of charity present themselves, all of our sympathies are 
called into action. There is scarcely a hamlet in our country, 
where benevolent societies do not exist — often extending their 
munificence to families deprived of their support by this op- 
pressive system. We have not only expended our treasure 
to enlighten the sons of the forest, but we have sought out the 
victims of misfortune in foreign regions. The isles of the 
Pacific, the burning climes of Africa, the children of 
wretchedness in Europe and in Asia, even the land of Pa- 
lestine, have enj'03'ed the fruits of American benevolence, 
obtained by voluntary contribution, while the cries of the 
unfortunate debtor, among us, are unheard and unrequited. 
Public sentiment demands his release, but avarice pleads the 
cause of oppression, and prejudice rivets the chain. 

The committee ask leave to report a bill. 

The following extract, taken from the Report of the Visiters 
and Governors of the Jail of Baltimore county, and which 
is appended to the Report, is the result of one county in Ma- 
ryland, and under mild and humane insolvent laws. 

EXTRACT.. 

" It appears that during the year, ending on the 26th of 
November, 1S31. 959 of our fellow citizens have been deprived 
of their liberty, for this cause, (imprisonment for debt,) more 



172 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

than half of them for debts under $10, and only thirty-four 
of the whole number for debts exceeding $100. More than 
half have been discharged from prison, by taking the benefit 
of the insolvent laws, or by the creditor declining to pay 
maintenance money ; and the records of the prison present 
only eighty-one as having been discharged by paying their 
debts. The expense of boarding these debtors is $1,430 41 
cents, and the amount of debts paid in jail, $466 6 cents." 

" The inference we draw from this statement, is, that little 
money is recovered by imprisonment for debt, and that any 
advantages which may possibly result from the practice, are 
greatly overbalanced by the loss which the community suffers 
in being deprived of the services of its members; amounting, 
during the past year, to 7657 days, which would have been 
appropriated to productive labour, in paying for their sup- 
port, while imprisoned, and in the baneful effects which im- 
prisonment is calculated to produce on the individuals who 
are its subjects." 

Again, " number of debtors for 1 dollar, and less, 53 
For more than 1, and less than 5, 306 

more than 5, and less than 10, 219 

more than 10, and less than 20, 179 

more than 20, and less than 100, 168 

more than 100, 34 

959" 
Having omitted to state in its proper place a particular 
fact, exhibiting the generous interest which impels this 
philanthropist to action, it shall be here recorded. The 
intimate acquaintance which he cultivated with the Indian 
character, and his full knowledge of their condition, led 
him to devise means, which, in his estimation, promised 
more to ameliorate their miseries, and humanize their feel- 
ings, than any which had hitherto been adopted. This 
was to afford them an education among the whites. His 
first effort failed for want of proper aid, probably induced 
by a lack of confidence in its ultimate success. But it 
gained him the confidence of the rude foresters, who now 
deemed him their friend and benefactor. A treaty after- 
wards made with the Choctaws, provided for the expendi- 
ture of a large sum for the education of their Indian youth. 
The Indians requested that the young men might be pla- 
ced among the whites, and under the protection of Colonel 
Johnson. An establishment was located on his farm, 



RICHARD St. JOHNSON. 173 

called the Choctaw Academy. The number of pupils 
has increased to near a hundred, and we learn that other 
nations of the west have a desire to place their youth 
under the same means of instruction. 

We have purposely omitted to notice two of the most 
important public acts of the public life of Colonel Johnson, 
not because they occurred last in the order of time, nor 
because they are of the least importance. We allude to 
his masterly reports on the Sunday Mail question. — The 
fact is beyond the pale of disputation, that while the Fe- 
deral Constitution was in progress, and since its adoption, 
an overweening aristocracy, a considerable number — have 
striven to link their interest with our political institutions. 
That they have succeeded in causing laws to be passed 
with a special eye to their own interests as a privileged 
class ; that they have almost monopolized the offices for 
teaching youth in academies,. colleges, and universities; 
that the influence which they have by these and other 
methods obtained over the public mind, has been great ; 
and that this influence has tended to one grand object, the 
honest and well informed will by no means dispute. To 
secure, extend, and perpetuate this influence, the import- 
ance of which they duly appreciated, one step remained 
still to be taken — it required to be legalized by the na- 
tional legislature. But to do this, congress must first 
trample on the constitution. The Sunday Mail question 
was chosen as the entering wedge to sunder this master- 
piece of wisdom. It was well chosen, for on no other 
subject could so many christians of various sects, be per- 
suaded to act in concert. The arguments of the petition- 
ers were specious, and the number and standing of the 
signers elated them with the anticipated prospect of a suc- 
cess proportioned to their industry and zeal. 

Acting under these circumstances, the committee was 
burdened with a most delicate, but dread responsibility. 
Duty to their country pointed them to the explicit decla- 
rations of the constitution. l ? ear, had they been intimi- 
dated by the expected loss of popularity among the reli- 
gious classes, would have pointed another way, and their 
eyes would have remained closed to the letter and spirit 
15* 



174 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

of this magna charta of our liberties. The moral courage 
with which they investigated the subject, and the firmness 
of purpose which runs through these reports, is conspicu- 
ous in each and every paragraph, and demands the hearty 
thanks, the lasting gratitude, of every free-minded Ameri- 
can. A knowledge of one fact is sufficient to settle the 
value of these reports ; and of this fact, perhaps no states- 
man in the union was better apprized, than the chairman 
of the two committees : — Whenever and wherever one sect 
of Christians has predominated, having the political power 
under control, persecution has been the result. 

Bnt the reader, who perchance may never have read 
these master strains of argument, shall no longer be de- 
nied the privilege ; and when read, may they never — 
never be forgotten. 

The Committee to whom was referred the several Petitions on 
the subject of Mails, on the Sabbath, or first day of the week, 
report — 

That some respite is required from the ordinary vocations 
oflife, is an established principle, sanctioned by the usages of 
all nations, whether Christian or Pagan. One day in seven 
has also been determined upon as the proportion of time; 
and, in conformity with the wishes of a great majority of the 
citizens of this country, the first day of the week, commonly 
called Sunday, has been set apart to that object. The prin- 
ciple has received the sanction of the national legislature, so 
far as to admit a suspension of all public business on that day, 
except in cases of absolute necessity, or of great public utility. 
This principle the committee would not wish to disturb. If 
kept within its legitimate sphere of action, no injury can re- 
sult from its observance. It should, however, be kept in mind, 
that the proper object of government is, to protect all persons 
in the enjoyment of their religious as well as civil rights ; and 
not to determine for any, whether they shall esteem one day 
above another, or esteem all days alike holy. 

We are aware, that a variety of sentiment exists among 
the good citizens of this nation, on the subject of the sabbath 
day ; and our government is designed for the protection of 
one, as much as of another. The Jews, who, in this country, 
are as free as Christians, and entitled to the same protection 
from the laws, derive their obligation to keep the sabbath day 
from the fourth commandment of the decalogue, and, in con- 
formity with that injunction, pay religious homage to the se- 
venth day of the week, which we call Saturday. One deno- 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 175 

ruination of Christians among us, justly celebrated for their 
piety, and certainly as good citizens as any other class, agree 
with the Jews in the moral obligation of the sabbath, and ob- 
serve the same day. There are also many Christians among 
us, who derive not their obligations to observe the sabbath 
from the decalogue, but regard the Jewish sabbath as abro- 
gated. From the example of the apostles of Christ, they have 
chosen the first day of the week, instead of that set apart in 
the decalogue, for their religious devotions. These have ge- 
nerally regarded the observance of the day as a devotional 
exercise, and would not more readily enforce it upon others 
than they would enforce secret prayer or devout meditations. 
Urging the fact, that neither their Lord, nor his disciples, 
though often censured by their accusers for a violation of 
the sabbath, ever enjoined its observance ; they regard it as 
a subject on which every person should be fully persuaded 
in his own mind, and not coerce others to act upon his per- 
suasion. Many Christians, again, differ from these, profess- 
ing to derive their obligation to observe the sabbath from 
the fourth commandment of the Jewish decalogue, and bring 
the example of the apostles, who appear to have held their 
public meetings for worship on the first day of the week, as 
authority for so far changing the decalogue, as to substitute 
that day for the seventh. The Jewish government was a the- 
ocracy, which enforced religious observances ; and though 
the committee would hope that no portion of the citizens of 
our country would willingly introduce a system of religious 
coercion in our civil institutions, the example of other nations 
should admonish us to watch carefully against its earliest in- 
dications. 

With these different religious views, the committee are of 
opinion, that congress cannot interfere. It is not the legiti- 
mate province of the legislature to determine what religion 
is true, or what false. Our government is a civil, not a re- 
ligious institution. Our constitution recognises, in every 
person, the right to choose his own religion, and to enjoy it 
freely, without molestation. Whatever may be the religious 
sentiments of citizens, and however variant, they are alike 
entitled to protection from the government, so long as they 
do not invade the rights of others. 

The transportation of the mail on the first day of the week, 
it is believed, does not interfere with the rights of conscience. 
The petitioners for its discontinuance, appear to be actuated 
by a religious zeal, which may be commendable, if confined 
to its proper sphere ; but they assume a position better suited 
to an ecclesiastical, than to a civil institution. They appear, 
in many instances, to lay it down as an axiom, that the prac- 
tice is a violation of the law of God. Should congress, in 



176 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

-vV 

their legislative capacity, adopt the sentiment, it would esta- 
blish the principle, that the legislature is a proper tribunal to 
determine what are the laWs of God. 

It would involve a legislative decision in a religious con- 
troversy ; and, on a point in which good citizens may honest- 
ly differ in opinion, without disturbing the peace of society, 
or endangering its liberties. If this principle is once intro- 
duced, it will be impossible to define its bounds. Among all 
the religious persecutions with which almost every page of 
modern history is stained, no victim ever suffered, but for the 
violation of what government denominated the law of God. 
To prevent a similar train of evils in this country, the consti- 
tution has wisely withheld from our government the power 
of defining the divine law. It is a right reserved to each 
citizen; and while he respects the equal rights of others, he 
cannot be held amenable to any human tribunal for his con 1 
elusions. 

Extensive religious combinations, to effect a political ob- 
ject, are, in the opinion of the committee, always dangerous. 
This first effort of the kind, calls for the establishment of a 
principle, which, in the opinion of the committee, would lay 
the foundation for dangerous innovations upon the spirit of 
the constitution, and upon the religious rights of the citizens. 
If admitted, it may be justly apprehended that the future mea- 
sures of government will be strongly marked, if not eventu- 
ally controlled, by the same influence. Ail religious despot- 
ism commences by combination and influence; and, when 
that influence begins to operate upon the political institutions 
of a country, the civil power soon bends under it; and the 
catastrophe of other nations furnishes an awful warning of 
the consequences* 

Under the present regulations of the post office department, 
the rights of conscience are not invaded. Every agent en- 
ters voluntarily, and, it is presumed, conscientiously, into the 
discharge of his duties, without intermeddling with the con* 
science of another. Post offices are so regulated, as that but 
a small proportion of the first day of the week is required to 
be occupied in official business. In the transportation of the 
mail on that day, no one agent is employed many hours. Re- 
ligious persons enter into the business without violating their 
own conscience, or imposing any restraints upon others. 
Passengers in the mail stages are free to rest during the first 
day of the week, or to pursue their journeys at their own 
pleasure. While the mail is transported on Saturday, the 
Jew and the Sabbatarian may abstain from any agency in 
carrying it, from conscientious scruples. While it is trans- 
ported on the first day of the week, another class may abstain 
from the same religious scruples. The obligation of covenv- 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 171 

ment is the same to both these classes ; and the committee 
can discover no principle, on which the claims of one should 
be more respected than those of the other, unless it should be 
admitted that the consciences of the minority are less sacred 
than those of the majority. 

It is the opinion of the committee, that the subject should 
be regarded simply as a question of expediency, irrespective 
of its religious bearing. In this light it has, hitherto, been 
considered. Congress have never legislated upon the subject. 
It rests, as it ever has done, in the legal discretion of the post 
master general, under the repeated refusals of congress to 
discontinue the sabbath mails. His knowledge and judgment;, 
in all the concerns of that department, will not be questioned. 
His immense labours and assiduity have resulted in the high- 
est improvement of every branch of his department. It is 
practised only on the great leading mail routes, and such 
others as are necessary to maintain their connexion. T i 
prevent this, would, in the opinion of the committee, be pro- 
ductive of immense injury, both in its commercial, politica > 
and in its moral bearings. 

The various departments of government require, frequent 
ly in peace, always in war, the speediest intercourse with tht- 
remotest parts of the country ; and one important object o." 
the mail establishment is, to furnish the greatest and mos^ 
economical facilities for such intercourse. The delay of the 
mails one day in seven, would require the employment a' 
special expresses, at great expense, and sometimes with grea u 
uncertainty. 

The commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural interests 
of our country, are so intimately connected, as to require a 
constant and most expeditious correspondence between all 
sea-ports, and between them and the most interior settlements 
The delay of the mails during the Sunday, would give oc- 
casion to the employment of private expresses, to such an 
amount, that probably ten riders would be employed where 
one mail stage is now running on that day ; thus diverting 
the revenue of that department into another channel, and 
sinking the establishment into a state of pusillanimity, incom 
patible with the dignity of the government of which it is a 
department. 

Passengers in the mail stages, if the mails are not permitted 
to proceed on Sunday, will be expected to spend that day at 
a tavern upon the road, generally under circumstances not 
friendly to devotion, and at an expense which many are but 
poorly able to encounter. To obviate these difficulties, many 
will employ extra carriages for their conveyance, and be- 
come the bearers of correspondence, as more expeditious 
than the majl. The stage proprietors will themselves often 




J 78 GLORY OF AMERICA- 

furnish the travellers with those means of conveyance ; so 
that the effect will ultimately be only to stop the mail, while 
the vehicle which conveys it will continue, and its passen- 
gers become the special. messengers for conveying a consi 
derable proportion of what would, otherwise, constitute the 
contents of the mail. 

Nor can the committee discover where the system could 
consistently end. If the observance of holidays becomes in- 
corporated in our institutions, shall we not forbid the move- 
ment of an army ; prohibit an assault in time of war ; and lay 
an injunction upon our naval officers to lie in the wind upon 
the ocean on that day ? Consistency would seem to require 
it. Nor is it certain that we should stop here. If the princi- 
ple is once established, that religion, or religious observances, 
shall be interwoven with our legislative acts, we must pursue 
it to its ultimatum. We shall, if consistent, provide for the 
erection of edifices for the worship of the Creator, and for 
the support of Christian ministers, if we believe such mea- 
sures will promote the interests of Christianity. It is the set- 
tled conviction of the committee, that the only method ot 
avoiding these consequences, with their attendant train of 
evils, is to adhere strictly to the spirit of the constitution, 
which regards the general government in no other light than 
that of a civil institution, wholly destitute of religious authority. 

What other nations call religious toleration, we call reli- 
gious rights. They are not exercised in virtue of government- 
al indulgence, but as rights, of which government cannot 
deprive any portion of her citizens, however small. Despotic 
power may invade those rights, but justice still confirms them. 
Let the national legislature once perform an act which in- 
volves the decision of a religious controversy, and it will 
have passed its legitimate bounds. The precedent will then 
be established, and the foundation laid, for that usurpation of 
divine prerogative in this country, which has been the deso- 
lating scourge to the fairest portions of the world. Our con- 
stitution recognises no other power than that of persuasion, 
for enforcing religious observances. Let the professors of 
Christianity recommend their religion by deeds of benevo- 
lence — by Christian meekness — by lives of temperance and 
holiness. Let them combine their efforts to instruct -the ig- 
norant — to relieve the widow and the orphan — to promulgate 
to the world the gospel of the Saviour, recommending its 
precepts by their habitual example: government will find its 
legitimate object in protecting them. It cannot oppose them, 
and they will not need its aid. Their moral influence wilt 
then do infinitely more to advance the true interests of reli- 
gion, than any measure which they may call on congress to 
enacl 



U1CUARD M. JOHNSON. 1^ 

■The petitioners clo not complain of any infringement upon 
their own rights. They enjoy all that Christians ought to 
ask at the hand of any government — protection from moles- 
tation in the exercise of their religious sentiments. 

Resolved, That the committee be discharged from the far- 
ther consideration of the subject. 

The Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, to whom the 
Memorials were referred for prohibiting the transportation 
of the Mails, and the opening of Post Offices, on Sundays, 
report : — 

That the memorialists regard the first day of the week as a 
day set apart by the Creator for religious exercises ; and con- 
sider the transportation of the mail, and the opening of the post 
offices, on that day. the violation of a religious duty, and call 
for a suppression of the practice. Others, by counter memo- 
rials, are known to entertain a different sentiment, believing 
that no one day of the week is holier than another. Others, 
holding the universality and immutability of the Jewish deca- 
logue, believe in the sanctity of the seventh day of the week 
as a day of religious devotion ; and by their memorial now 
before the committee, they also request that it may be set 
apart for religious purposes. Each has hitherto been left to 
the exercise of his own opinion ; and it has been regarded as 
the proper business of government to protect all, and deter- 
mine for none. But the attempt is now made to bring about 
a greater uniformity, at least, in practice; and, as argument 
has failed, the government has been called upon to interpose 
its authority to settle the controversy. 

Congress acts under a constitution of delegated and limited 
powers. The committee look in vain to that instrument for 
a delegation of power authorizing this body to inquire and 
determine what part of time, or whether any, has been set 
apart by the Almighty for religious exercises. On the con- 
trary, among the few prohibitions which it contains; is one 
that prohibits a religious test; and another, which declares 
that congress shall pass no law respecting an establishment 
of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The com- 
mittee might here rest the argument, upon the ground that 
the question referred to them, does not come within the cog- 
nizance of congress ; but the perseverance and zeal with 
which the memorialists pursue their object^ seems to require 
a farther elucidation of the subject. And, as the opposers of 
Sunday mails disclaim all intention to unite church and state, 
the committee do not feel disposed to impugn their motives ; 
and whatever may be advanced in opposition to the measure, 
will arise from the fears entertained of its fatal tendency to 
the peace and happiness of the nation. The catastrophe of 



180 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

other nations furnished the framers of the constitution a bea* 
con of awful warning, and they have evinced the greatest 
possible care in guarding against the same evil. 

The law, as it now exists, makes no distinction as to the 
days of the week, but it is imperative that the post masters 
shall attend at all reasonable hours, in every day, to perform 
the duties of their offices; and the post master general has 
given his instructions to all post masters, that, at post offices, 
where the mail arrives on Sunday, the office is to be kept 
open one hour, or more, after the arrival and assorting the 
mail; but in case that would interfere with the hours of pub- 
lic worship, the office is to be kept open for one hour after 
the usual time of dissolving the meeting. This liberal con- 
struction of the law does not satisfy the memorialists. But 
the committee believe that there is no just ground of com- 
plaint, unless it be conceded that they have a controlling 
power over the consciences of others. If congress shall, by 
the authority of law, sanction the measure recommended, it 
would constitute a legislative decision of a religious contro- 
versy, in which even Christians themselves are at issue. How- 
ever suited such a decision may be to an ecclesiastical coun- 
cil, it is incompatible with a republican legislature, which is 
purely for political, and not religious purposes. 

In our individual character, we all entertain opinions, and 
pursue a corresponding practice, upon the subject of religion. 
However diversified these may be, we all harmonize as citi- 
zens, while each is willing that the other shall enjoy the same 
liberty which he claims for himself. But in our representa- 
tive character, our individual character is lost. The indivi- 
dual acts for himself; the representative, for his constituents. 
He is chosen to represent their political, and not their reli- 
gious views — to guard the rights of man ; not to restrict the 
rights of conscience. Despots may regard their subjects as 
their property, and usurp the divine prerogative of prescri- 
bing their religious faith. But the history of the world fur- 
nishes the melancholy demonstration, that the disposition of 
one man to coerce the religious homage of another, springs 
from an unchastened ambition, rather than a sincere devo- 
tion to any religion. The principles of our government do 
not recognise in the majority, any authority over the minor- 
ity, except in matters which regard the conduct of man to 
his fellow man. A Jewish monarch, by grasping the holy 
censer, lost both his sceptre and his freedom ; a destiny as 
little to be envied, may be the lot of the American people, who 
hold the sovereignty of power, if they, in the person of their 
representatives, shall attempt to unite, in the remotest degree, 
church and state. 

From the earliest period of time, religious teachers have 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 



181 



attained great ascendency over the minds of the people ; and 
in every nation, ancient or modern, whether pagan, Maho- 
metan, or Christian, have succeeded in the incorporation of 
their religious tenets wifh the political institutions of their 
country. " The Persian idols, the Grecian oracles, the Roman 
auguries, and the modern priesthood of Europe, have all, in 
their turn, been the subject of popular adulation, and the 
agents of political deception. If the measures recommended 
should be adopted, it would be difficult for human sagacity 
to foresee how rapid would be the succession, or how nume- 
rous the train of measures which might follow, involving the 
dearest rights of all— the rights of conscience. It is, perhaps, 
fortunatelfor our country, that the proposition should have 
been made at this early period, while the spirit of the revolu- 
tion yet exists in full vigour. Religious zeal enlists the strong- 
est prejudices of the human mind: and, when misdirected, 
excites the worst passions of our nature, under the delusive 
pretext of doing God service. Nothing so infuriates the heart 
to deeds of rapine and blood ; nothing is so incessant in its 
toils — so persevering in its determination— so appalling in its 
course — or so dan in its consequences. The equality 

of rights secured by the constitution, may bid defiance to 
mere political tyrants; but the robe of sanctity too often glit- 
ters to deceive. The constitution regards the conscience of 
the Jew as sacred as that of the Christian; and gives no more 
authority to adopt a measure affecting the conscience of a 
solitary individual, than that of a whole community. That 
representative who would violate this principle, would lose 
his delegated character, and forfeit the confidence of his con- 
stituents. If congress shall declare the first day of the week 
holy, it will not convince the Jew nor the Sabbatarian. It 
will dissatisfy both ; and, consequently, convert neither. Hu- 
man power may extort vain sacrifices; but Deity alone can 
command the affections of the heart. It must be recollected 
that, in the earliest settlement of this country, the spirit of 
persecution which drove the pilgrims from their native home, 
was brought with them to their new habitations; and that 
some Christians were scourged, and others put to death, for 
no other crime than dissenting from the dogmas of their rulers. 

With these facts before us, it must be a subject of deep 
regret, that a question should be brought before congress, 
which involves the dearest privileges of the constitution, and 
even by those who enjoy its choicest blessings. We should 
all recollect that Catiline, a professed patriot, was a traitor 
to Rome ; Arnold, a professed whig, was a traitor to Ameri- 
ca ; and Judas, a professed disciple, was a traitor to his 
divine master. 

With the exception of the United States, the whole human 
16 



182 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

race, consisting, it is supposed, of eight hundred millions of 
rational beings, is in religious bondage ; and, in reviewing 
the scenes of persecution which history every where presents, 
unless the committee could believe that the cries of the burn- 
ing victim, and the flames by which he is consumed, bear to 
heaven a grateful incense, the conclusion is inevitable, that 
the line cannot be too strongly drawn between church and 
state. If a solemn act of legislation shall, in one point, define 
the law of God, or point out to the citizen one religious duty, 
it may, with equal propriety, proceed to define every part of 
divine revelation; and enforce every religious obligation, 
even to the forms and ceremonies of worship; the endow- 
ment of the church, and the support of the clergy. 

It was with a kiss that Judas betrayed his divine master, 
and we should all be admonished, — no matter what our faith 
may be, — that the rights of conscience cannot be so success- 
fully assailed, as under the pretext of holiness. The Chris- 
tian religion made its way into the world in opposition to all 
human governments. Banishment, tortures, and death, were 
inflicted in vain to stop its progress. But many of its pro- 
fessors, as soon as clothed with political power, lost the meek 
spirit which their creed inculcated, and began to inflict on 
other religions, and on dissenting sects of their own religion, 
persecutions more aggravated than those which their own 
apostles had endured. The ten persecutions of pagan empe- 
rors, were exceeded in atrocity by the massacres and mur- 
ders perpetrated by Christian hands; and in vain shall we 
examine the records of imperial tyranny for an engine of 
cruelty equal to the holy inquisition. Every religious sect, 
however meek in its origin, commenced the work of perse- 
cution as soon as it acquired political power. The framers 
of the constitution recognised the eternal principle, that 
man's relation with his God is above human legislation, and 
his rights of conscience unalienable. Reasoning was not 
necessary to establish this truth ; we are conscious of it in 
our own bosoms. It is this consciousness which, in defiance 
of human laws, has sustained so many martyrs in tortures 
and in flames. T 'hey felt that their duty to God was superior 
to human enactments, and that man could exercise no au- 
thority over their consciences : it is an inborn principle 
which nothing can eradicate. 

The bigot, in the pride of his authority, may lose sight of 
it — but strip him of his power ; prescribe a faith to him which 
his conscience rejects ; threaten him in turn with the dungeon 
and the fagot; and the spirit which God has implanted in 
him, rises up in rebellion and defies you. Did the primitive 
Christians ask that government should recognise and observe 
their religious institutions ? All they asked was toleration; 



« 
RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 183 

all they complained of, was persecution. What did the pro- 
testants of Germany, or the Huguenots of France, ask of their 
Catholic superiors? Toleration. What do the persecuted 
Catholics of Ireland ask of their oppressors? Toleration. 

Do not all men in this country enjoy every religious right 
which martyrs and saints ever asked ? Whence, then, the 
voice of complaint ? Who is it, that, in the full enjoyment 
of every principle which human laws can secure, wishes to 
wrest a portion of these principles from his neighbour? Do 
the petitio -rs allege that they cannot conscientiously parti- 
cipate in the profits of the mail contracts and post offices, 
because the mail is carried on Sunday? If this be their mo- 
tive, then it is worldly gain which stimulates to action, and 
not virtue or religion. Do they complain that men, less 
conscientious in relation to the sabbath, obtain advantages 
over them, by receiving their letters and attending to their 
contents? Still their motive is worldly and selfish. But, if 
their motive be to induce congress to sanction, by law, their 
religious opinions and observances, then their efforts are to be 
resisted, as in their tendency fatal, both to religious and po- 
litical freedom. Why have the petitioners confined their 
prayer to the mails ? Why have they not requested that the 
government be required to suspend all its executive functions 
on that day ? Why do they not require us to enact that our 
ships shall not sail? that our armies shall not march ? that 
officers of justice shall not seize the suspected, or guard the 
convicted? They seem to forget that government is as ne- 
cessary on Sunday as on any other day of the week. The 
spirit of evil does not rest on that day. It is the government, 
ever active in its functions, which enables us all, even the pe- 
titioners, to worship in our churches in peace. Our govern- 
ment furnishes very few blessings like our mails. They bear 
from the centre of our republic to its distant extremes, the 
acts of our legislative bodies, the decisions of the judiciary, 
and the orders of the executive. Their speed is often essen- 
tial to the defence of the country, the suppression of crime, 
and the dearest interests of the people. Were they suppress- 
ed one day of the week, their al nee must be often supplied 
by public expresses ; and, besides, while the mail bags might 
rest, the mail coaches would pursue their journey with the 
passengers. The mail bears, from one extreme of the Union 
to the other, letters of relatives and friends, preserving a 
communion of heart between those far separated, and in- 
creasing the most pure and refined pleasures of our exist- 
ence ; also, the letters of commercial men convey the state 
of the markets, prevent ruinous speculations, and promote 
general, as well as individual, interest : they bear innumera- 
ble religious letters, newspapers, magazines, and tracts, 



184 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

which reach almost every house throughout this wide repub- 
lic. Is the conveyance of these a violation of the sabbath? 
The advance of the human race in intelligence, in virtue, 
and religion itself, depends in part upon the speed with which 
a knowledge of the past is disseminated. Without an inter- 
change between one country and another, and between dif- 
ferent sections of the same country, every improvement in 
moral or political science, and the arts of life, would be con- 
fined to the neighbourhood where it originated. The more 
rapid and the more frequent this interchange, the more rapid 
will be the march of intellect, and the progress of improve- 
ment. The mail is the chief means by which intellectual 
light irradiates to the extremes of the republic. Stop it one 
day in seven, and you retard one seventh the advancement 
of our country. So far from stopping the mail on Sunday, 
the committee would recommend the use of all reasonable 
means to give it a greater expedition and a greater extension. 
What would be the elevation of our country, if every new 
conception could be made to strike every mind in the Union 
at the same time ? It is not the distance of a province or 
state from the seat of government, which endangers its se- 
paration ; but it is the difficulty and unfrequency of inter- 
course between them. Our mails reach Missouri and Arkan- 
sas in less time than they reached Kentucky and Ohio in the 
infancy of their settlements ; and now, when there are three 
millions of people extending a thousand miles west of the 
Alleghany, we hear less of discontent, than when there were 
a few thousand scattered along their western base. 

To stop the mails one clay in seven would be to thrust the 
whole western country, and other distant parts of the repub- 
lic, one day's journey from the seat of government. But, 
were it expedient to put an end to the transmission of letters 
and newspapers on Sunday, because it violates the law of 
God, have not the petitioners begun wrong in their efforts? 
If ttie arm of government be necessary to compel men to re- 
spect and obey the laws of God, do not the state governments 
possess infinitely more power in this respect? Let the peti- 
tioners turn to them, and see if they can induce the passage 
of laws to respect the observance of the sabbath : for, if it be 
sinful for the mail to carry letters on Sunday, it must be 
equally sinful for individuals to write, carry, receive, or read 
them. It would seem to require that these acts should be 
made penal, to complete the system. Travelling on business 
or recreation, except to and from church ; all printing, carry- 
ing, receiving, and reading of newspapers; all conversations 
and social intercourse, except upon religious subjects, must 
necessarily be punished to suppress the evil. Would it not 
rUo follow, as an inevitable consequence, that every man, 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 185 

Woman, and child, should be compelled to attend meeting? 
and, as only one sect, in the opinion of some, can be deemed 
orthodox, must it not be determined, by law, which that is, 
and compel all to hear those teachers, and contribute to 
their support ? If minor punishments would not restrain the 
Jew, or the Sabbatarian, or the infidel, who believes Saturday 
to be the sabbath, or disbelieves the whole, would not the same 
system require that we should resort to imprisonment, banish- 
ment, the rack, and the fagot, to force men to violate their 
own consciences, or compel them to listen to doctrines which 
they abhor ? When the state governments shall have yield- 
ed to these measures, it will be time enough for congress to 
declare that the rattling of the mail coaches shall no longer 
break the silence of this despotism, it is the duty of this 
government to afford to all — to the Jew or gentile, pagan or 
Christian, the protection and advantages of our benignant 
institutions, on Sunday, as well as every other day of the 
week. Although this government will not convert itself into 
an ecclesiastical tribunal, it will practice upon the maxim laid 
down by the founder of Christianity — that is lawful to do 
good on the sabbath day. If the Almighty has set apart the 
first day of the week as time which man is bound to keep 
holy, and devote exclusively to his worship, would it not be 
more congenial to the precepts of Christians, to appeal ex- 
clusively to the great lawgiver of the universe to aid them in 
making men better, in correcting their practices by purifying 
their hearts? Government will protect them in their efforts. 
When they shall have so instructed the public mind, and a^ li- 
kened the consciences of individuals, as to make them oe- 
Jieve that it is a violation of God's law to carry the mail, open 
post offices, or receive letters, on Sunday, the evil of which 
they complain will cease of itself, without any exertion of tho 
strong arm of civil power. When man undertakes to be God ft 
avenger, he becomes a demon. Driven by the frenzy of a reli- 
gious zeal, he loses every gentle feeling ; forgets the most sacred 
precepts of his creed ; and becomes ferocious and unrelenting. 

Our fathers did not wait to be oppressed, when the mother 
country asserted and exercised an unconstitutional power 
over them. To have acquiesced in the tax of three pence 
upon a pound of tea, would have led the way to the most 
cruel exactions ; they took a bold stand against the principle, 
and liberty and independence were the result. The petition- 
ers have not requested congress to suppress Sunday mails 
upon the ground of political expediency, but because they 
violate the sanctity of the first day of the week. 

This being the fact, and the petitioners having indignantly 
disclaimed even the wish to unite politics and religion, may 
pot the committee reasonably cherish the hope, that they will 

18* 



186 «LORY OF AMERICA. 

feel reconciled to its decision, in the case ; especially, as it is 
also a fact, that the counter memorials, equally respectable, 
oppose the interference -of congress, upon the ground that it 
would be legislating upon a religious subject, and therefore 
unconstitutional. 

Resolved, That the committee be discharged from the far- 
ther consideration of the subject. 

The last words of the preceding memoir were hardly 
dry, when we had the pleasure of reading the following 
correspondence, copied from the Louisville Advertiser of 
the present July. The pleasure derived from this source 
is partly occasioned by the fact, that more than four years 
have elapsed since the writing of the first, and more than 
three since the publication of the second Report. This 
correspondence proves that these particular services are 
not forgotten, but duly remembered and appreciated. It 
also exhibits two facts, of some importance in this affair ; 
viz. the entire unanimity of one committee, and the full 
eonsent of the other, with a single dissenting voice. 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 187 

Baton Rouge, La. July 10, 1833. 
Col. R. M. Johnson, Scott Count)/, Ky. 

Dear Sir — A portion of your fellow citizens, of all po- 
litical parties, residing in this place and neighbourhood, 
deeply sensible that on the maintenance of the principles 
so successfully advocated in your Report on Sunday Mails, 
must continue to rest the stability of this government, the 
happiness and prosperity of the people, and the indissolu- 
bility of our common country, request you will accept the 
accompanying Silver Goblet, as an acknowledgment of 
their thanks tor your invaluable services in saving this 
Union from that bane of freedom, enterprise, and liberali- 
ty, a union of Church and State. 

The United States occupy the front rank in dissemina- 
ting liberal principles, in fostering individual enterprise, 
and securing, without hindrance or molestation, the great- 
est of earthly blessings, liberty of conscience, the abolition 
of the most intolerant of scourges, Theological Domina- 
tion, and the right of worshipping God in our own way, 
and at our own times. 

It is evident the Almighty has not neglected any thing* 
that should have been done ; and if He has left it to the 
option of his creatures, each for himself, to select which 
day of the week he may think proper in which to do him 
homage, shall a minority of these same creatures attempt 
to improve upon his works, by dictating which day shall 
be called the sabbath ? We trust the matter has been put 
to rest for ever. 

With sentiments of respect, and wishes for your welfare 
and happiness, we, for and in behalf of those associated 
with us, subscribe ourselves, 

Your obedient servants, 

Hugh Alexander, 
Charles Tessier, 
James M'Caljb. 

Great Crossings, June, 1833. 
Gentlemen — Your highly esteemed favour of the 10th 
July, 1833, has just been received, presenting to me a 
Silver Goblet, in consequence of my Sunday Mail Reports, 



188 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

I had received the elegant present, a few days previously, 
through the kind agency of Mr. Osbourne ; my answer to 
him I enclose. For years before these reports were made, 
I had observed the great effort which was making to stop 
the mail on Sunday, on religious grounds, with deep sor- 
row and melancholy regret. When by a joint effort, which 
embraced the whole Union, near twenty thousand peti- 
tioners made this request of congress, I was a member of 
the senate, and chairman of the post office committee, to 
whom the petitions were referred. I discovered that the 
same printed memorial had come to us from every part 
of the Union. Under these circumstances, I felt it my 
duty to make an effort to awaken public sentiment to the 
danger of such a measure, and presented my first report, 
sanctioned by the whole committee. 

My term of service having expired, I was elected to the 
house of representatives, and was made the chairman of 
the same committee. The request to stop the mails on 
Sunday was renewed by about half the number of the pre- 
ceding session, and it again devolved upon me to make 
my second report, with the approbation of the whole com- 
mittee, with one dissenting voice ; since which, the appli- 
cation has not been renewed. And I am glad to concur 
with you in the belief that it is abandoned for ever, leaving 
every individual to keep the first day of the week precisely 
as his own faith and conscience may dictate. Thousands, 
I am happy to believe, signed the memorials without due 
consideration, who are more than satisfied with the result. 
I have never had a doubt but what the movement origi- 
nated principally in misguided zeal. I felt confident that 
I should be sustained by public sentiment. But I did not 
anticipate or expect the high honour which your present 
implies. It was a painful duty I had to discharge, against 
such a formidable array of numbers, respectability, and in- 
fluence. 

There is no man living who is under more obligations 
than I am to the professors of religion, of every denomi- 
nation, for his political elevation, and for personal and so- 
cial happiness ; and I was fearful that my language and 
my motives might be misunderstood. My single object 



niCITARD M. JOHNSON. 1SCJ 

was to prevent, as far as depended upon me, a measure 
which, in my opinion, would have been a palpable viola- 
tion of the federal constitution, and having a tendency to 
concentrate, in congress, ecclesiastical as well as political 
power. The persecutions under the reign of Mary, Queen 
of England, daughter of Henry the eighth ; the revocation 
of the edict of Nantz, and the expulsion of the Huguenots 
from France ; the persecutions which drove the pilgrims 
to Plymouth, on our own happy shores, and the trials for 
witchcraft in our own country, in olden times, all admo- 
nish us to keep church and state disunited. 

Please convey to my fellow citizens of Baton Rouge and 
its vicinity, of all political parties associated with you, the 
profound respect and grateful acknowledgments with 
which I accept their present. 

Wishing each of you prosperity and happiness, I remain 
sincerely your friend and fellow citizen, R. M. Johnson. 

Messrs. Hugh Alexander, 
Chas. Tessier, 
James M'Calb, Baton Rouge, La. 

n , T , Louisville, Ky. June 5, 1833. 

Col. Johnson, ' 

Sir — With this, you will receive a box forwarded from 
Baton Rouge, La. ; and here permit me to say, that it af- 
fords me much pleasure in being in any way instrumental 
in promoting the personal or political welfare of Col. 
Johnson. 

Your services to your country, and the sacrifices you 
have made for the public good, demand, as I hope they 
will receive, the grateful acknowledgment of every friend 
of civil and religious liberty. 

For your hospitality and friendly attention to me, and 
the high estimation in which I hold your political opinions 
and practice during the last quarter of a century, be pleased 
to accept my most respectful and friendly consideration, 
until a time shall arrive when I can give more substantial 
proofs of both. Samuel M. Osbourne. 

Great Crossings, 8th June, 1833. 
Sir— I have received your esteemed favour of the 5th, 
accompanied by the box containing the beautiful silver 




190« GLORY OF AMERICA. 

goblet " presented to me by the citizens of Baton Rouge, 
La., as a tribute of respect for my Reports on Sunday 
Mails," for which I return to them, through you, the sin- 
cere regard and acknowledgments of a heart overflowing 
with gratitude. It shall ever be retained by me, as a me- 
morial of their friendship and of my affectionate devotion 
to them ; and preserved, that I may ever be reminded ot 
my duty to my country in any crisis in which may be in- 
volved the civil, political, or religious freedom of our hap- 
py country. 

This token of the approbation of my fellow- citizens of 
Baton Rouge is unexpected, and I regret that I have not 
done more to deserve it. 

It shall stimulate me on all occasions to discharge my 
public duty faithfully to the extent of my abilities, confi- 
dent of the support of my fellow citizens. In presenting 
that Report, I was extremely anxious to avoid casting cen- 
sure or reproach upon any, while I felt it my duty at every 
hazard to vindicate the freedom of religion to our fellow 
citizens, universally, and to denounce, in pointed terms, 
any interference of government on that subject. I am hap- 
py to believe that the case is viewed in its true light, and 
that all concur in the sentiment, that the measure contem- 
plated will never again be seriously renewed. Religion 
can be a blessing only when every one is left to be per- 
suaded in his own mind, without legal restraint or coercion. 
For the kind manner in which you have forwarded the 
highly valued present, accept my thanks ; and wishing you 
the enjoyment of every blessing, I remain truly and sin- 
cerely your friend and fellow citizen, Rh. M. Johnson. 

Saml. M. Osbourne, Esq. 

Colonel Johnson has lately been re-elected to congress 
by a vast majority of his district, say four of every five 
voters, and is yearly becoming a more popular favourite. 
Meetings have lately been called in approbation of his mail 
reports. 



COMMODORE STEPHEN DECATUR.* 



In recording the events of a life, the major part of 
which was devoted to the service of his country, the 
writer is aware that the space which it must occupy is 
too circumscribed to render complete justice to the subject. 
The space which his fame occupied in the public estima- 
tion, and the scenes in which he took an active part, are 
enstamped on the minds of his contemporaries, and inse- 
parable from the history of our national glory. Nothing 
remains for the compiler, but to select with discretion, and 
condense with judgment, those events which are indisso- 
lubly connected with the progress and achievements of 
the American navy. 

Little as some may imagine the circumstances of birth 
and education are connected with the events of adult life, 
certain it is, that to these we may often refer as the impe- 
tus by which the man is either propelled or induced to 
action in later years. The father of our hero, though of 
French descent, was born in Rhode Island. When but a 
young man, he removed to Philadelphia, where he married 
a Miss Pine, of Irish extraction. He was bred to the sea, 
and commanded a merchant vessel out of the port of 
Philadelphia until the establishment of the Navy, when 
he was appointed to command the Delaware sloop of war. 
He continued in her until the frigate Philadelphia was 
built, when the command of that ship was given to him, 
at the particular request of the merchants who had built 
her by subscription. In this situation he remained until 
peace was made with France, when he resigned his com- 
mission, and retired to his residence a few miles from 

* Commodore is not a title in the navy, distinguishing a grade in office, 
but merely seniority of commission ; the oldest captain in a squadron, on 
taking the command, is entitled to it as a distinguishing appellation. Post 
captain is the highest title yet given to our naval officers. 

V 



192 GLORY OF AMERICA; 

Philadelphia, where he resided until his death which 
happened in November, 1S08. 

His son, Stephen Decatur, was born on the 5th January, 
1779, on the eastern shore of Maryland, whither his 
parents had retired while the British weie in possession 
of Philadelphia. They returned to that city when he 
was a few months old, where he was educated. 

It is not a little remarkable, that as .the father first com- 
manded the noble ship Philadelphia, so the son, when she 
was in possession of a Barbary power, risked his life in 
the astonishingly hazardous enterprise of destroying her, 
iu the harbour, and under the very guns of the enemy. 

He received a midshipman's warrant in March, 1798, 
and joined the frigate United States, under the command 
of Commodore Barry, who had obtained it for him. He 
continued for some time with that officer, and was pro- 
moted to the rank of Lieutenant. The United States at 
that time requiring some repairs, he requested an order to 
join the brig Norfolk, then bound to the Spanish main. 
He performed one cruise in her as first Lieutenant, and 
theii resumed his station on board of the United States, 
where he remained until the affairs with France were 
settled. 

During most of the time in which young Decatur was 
in the United States, that ship was engaged in the duty of 
convoying and protecting American merchantmen, and 
chastising or destroying the literal swarms of French and 
Spanish picaroons which infested the Atlantic ocean. 
Constitutionally ardent, and panting for naval glory, no 
wonder the lessons and examples of his father had their 
effect on his conduct ; nor need we wonder that so able a 
commander as Commodore Barry, should encourage the 
noble bud of promise for future usefulness, which he could 
not observe but with the utmost satisfaction. It may not 
be amiss here to remark, that of this ship, in which he 
rose from midshipman to lieutenant, he captured, fourteen 
years afterwards, one of the finest frigates belonging to 
the British navy. 

He was then ordered to the Essex, as first Lieutenant, 
and Sailed with Commodore Dale's squadron to the Medi- 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 193 

terranean. Commodore Dale, having accomplished the 
object for which he was despatched with his squadron to 
the Mediterranean, returned with it to America. Lieu- 
tenant Decatur returned in the Essex; and was received 
by his friends and countrymen with those demonstrations 
of respect which might be expected from the character he 
had previously established. 

Decatur, if not already in his glory, clearly saw the 
shining path that led to it. He had not that untutored 
and blustering courage which sometimes, by fortunate 
circumstances, crowns a rash fool with laurels, but had 
that cool, regulated, and scientific fortitude, which almost 
invariably carries forward a great man to temporal fame. 
If a hackneyed expression is admissible on a subject so 
elevated, it might be said that Decatur was born to achieve 
victories " secundem artemP He did not wish to leave to 
the uncertain and variable fortune of war, those conquests 
which are to be obtained by systematic, and regulated 
courage. Assiduously employed as he was, in preparing 
the Essex for the first important armed expedition from 
the new to the old world, he thus addressed the whole- 
souled tars of the ship: — "Comrades — We are now 
about to embark on an expedition, which may terminate 
in our sudden deaths, our perpetual slavery, or our im- 
mortal glory. The event is left for futurity to determine. 
The first quality of a good seaman, is, personal courage, — 
the second, obedience to orders, — the third, fortitude under 
sufferings; to these may be added, an ardent love of 
country. I need say no more — I am confident you pos- 
sess them all." Such an address as this, from such a man 
as Lieutenant Decatur, to such men as American seamen, 
some of whom had recently been led to victory by Trux- 
ton, and all panting for fame, must have operated like a 
shock of electricity. What were in reality its effects, will 
no longer be problematical to those who learn what he 
accomplished by the valour and good conduct of those 
whom he commanded. 

Since the year 1805, expeditions to the Mediterranean 
have become familiar ; and, by our officers and seamen, 
rather considered as pastime and amusemenr, than as 
17 



194 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

entering into a hazardous and doubtful contest ; but until 
1801 no American armed ship or squadron had ever 
passed the straits into that sea, which had so long been 
infested by barbarian corsairs — let it also be remembered 
that Stephen Decatur, was one of those who led the 
van in the acquisition of the fame which has since shone 
so conspicuously upon the American navy in the Medi- 
terranean. It might then, although in a minor station, be 
said of Decatur as it was said of one of the first heroes 
of the revolution : — " He dared to lead, where any 
dared to follow." 

When he returned to the United States he was ordered 
to take command of the Argus, and proceeded in her to 
join Commodore Preble's squadron, then in the Mediter^ 
raneaii) and on his arrival there, to resign the command 
of the Argus to Lieutenant Hull, and take the schooner 
Enterprise, then commanded by that officer. After mak- 
ing that exchange, he proceeded to Syracuse, where the 
squadron was to rendezvous. On his arrival at that port 
he was informed of the fate of the frigate Philadelphia, 
which had run aground on the Barbary coast, and had 
fallen into the hands of the Tripolitans. The idea imme- 
diately presented itself to his mind of attempting her re- 
capture or destruction. On Commodore Preble's arrival, 
a few days afterwards, he proposed to him a plan for the 
purpose, and volunteered his services to execute it. That 
officer at first disapproved an enterprise so full of peril ; 
but the risks and difficulties that surrounded it, only sti- 
mulated the ardour of Decatur, and imparted to it an air 
of adventure, fascinating to his imagination. 

The consent of the Commodore having been obtained, 
Lieutenant Decatur selected for the expedition the ketch 
Intrepid, which he had captured a few weeks before from 
the enemy, and manned her with seventy volunteers, 
mostly his own crew. He sailed from Syracuse, on the 
third of February, 1804, accompanied by the United 
States' brig Syren, Lieutenant Stewart, who was to aid 
with his boats and to receive the crew of the ketch, in 
case it should be found expedient to use her as a fire ship. 

After fifteen days of very tempestuous weather, they 



STEPHEN DECATUtt. 195 

arrived off Tripoli a little before sunset. It had been ar- 
ranged between Lieutenants Decatur, and Stewart, that 
the ketch should enter the harbour about ten o'clock that 
night, attended by the boats of the Syren. On arriving 
off the port, the Syren, in consequence of a change of 
wind, had been thrown six or eight miles without the In- 
trepid. The wind at this time was fair, but fast declining, 
and Lieutenant Decatur apprehended that, should he wait 
for the Syren's boats to come up, it might be too late to 
make the attack that night. Such delay might be fatal to 
the enterprise, as they could not remain longer on the 
coast, their provisions being nearly exhausted. For these 
reasons he determined to adventure into the harbour 
alone, which he did about eight o'clock. 

An idea may be formed of the extreme hazard of this 
enterprise from the situation of the frigate. She was 
moored within half gun shot of the Bashaw's castle, and 
of the principal battery. Two of the enemy's cruisers 
lay within two cables' length, on the starboard quarter, 
and their gunboats within half gun-shot on the starboard 
bow. All the guns of the frigate were mounted and 
loaded. Such were the immediate perils that he ventured 
to encounter with a single ketch, besides the other dangers 
that abound in that strongly fortified harbour. 

Although from the entrance to the place where the fri- 
gate lay was only three miles, yet in consequence of the 
lightness of the wind, they did not get within hail of her 
until eleven o'clock. When they had approached within 
two hundred yards, they were hailed and ordered to 
anchor, or the enemy would fire. Lieutenant Decatur 
ordered a Maltese pilot, who was on board the ketch, to 
answer that they had lost their anchors in a gale of wind 
on the coast, and therefore could not comply with their 
request. By this time it had become perfectly calm, and 
they were about fifty yards from the frigate. Lieutenant 
Decatur ordered a small boat that was alongside of the 
ketch, to take a rope and make it fast to the frigate's fore- 
chains. This being done, they began to warp the ketch 
alongside. It was not until this moment that the enemy 
suspected the character of their visiter, and great confu- 



196 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

sion immediately ensued. This enabled our adventurers 
to go alongside of the frigate, when Decatur immediately 
sprang aboard, followed by Mr. Charles Morris, midship- 
man. These two were nearly a minute on the deck be- 
fore their companions could succeed in mounting the side. 
Fortunately, the Turks had not sufficiently recovered from 
their surprise to take advantage of this delay. They were 
crowded together on the quarter-deck, perfectly astonished 
and aghast, without making any attempt to oppose the 
assailing party. As soon as a sufficient number of his 
men had gained the deck, to form a front equal to that of 
the enemy, they rushed on them. The Turks stood the 
assault but a short time, and were completely overpower- 
ed. About twenty were killed on the spot, many jumped 
overboard, and the rest fled to the main-deck, whither 
they were pursued and driven to the hold. 

After entire possession of the ship had been gained, and 
every thing prepared to set fire to her, a number of 
launches were seen rowing about the harbour. This de- 
termined Lieutenant Decatur to remain in the frigate, 
whence a better defence could be made than on board the 
ketch. The enemy had already commenced firing upon 
them from their batteries and castle, and from two corsairs 
that were lying near. Perceiving that the launches did 
not attempt to approach, he ordered that the ship should 
be set on fire, which was done, at the same time, in differ- 
ent parts. As soon as this was completely effected, they 
left her, and such was the rapidity of the flames, that it 
was with the utmost difficulty they preserved the ketch. 
At this critical moment, a most propitious breeze sprung 
up, blowing directly out of the harbour, which, in a few 
minutes, carried them beyond the reach of the enemy's 
guns, and they made good their retreat without the loss 
of a single man, and with but four wounded. 

For this gallant and romantic achievement, Lieutenant 
Decatur was made post-captain, there being no interme- 
diate grade. This promotion was done with the consent 
of the officers over whose heads he was raised. 

In the ensuing spring, it being determined to make an 
attack on Tripoli, Commodore Preble obtained from the 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 197 

king of Naples the loan of six gun-boats and two bom- 
bards, which he formed into two divisions, and gave the 
command of one of them to Captain Decatur, the other 
to Lieutenant Somers. The squadron sailed from Syra- 
cuse, consisting of the frigate Constitution, the brig Syren, 
the schooners Nautilus and \ ixen, and the gun-boats. 

Having arrived on the coast of Barbary, they were for 
some days prevented from making the attack, by adverse 
wind and weather ; at length, on the morning of the 2d 
of 'August, the weather being favourable, the signal was 
made from the Commodore's ship to prepare for action, 
the light vessels towing the gun-boats to windward. At 
nine o'clock the signal was made for bombarding the town 
and the enemy's vessels. The gun-boats were cast off, 
and advanced in a line ahead, led on by Captain Decatur, 
and covered by the frigate Constitution, and the brigs and 
schooners. The enemy's gun-boats were moored along 
the mouth of the harbour under the batteries, and within 
musket shot. Their sails had been taken away from them, 
and they were ordered to sink rather than abandon their 
position. They were aided and covered likewise by a 
brig of sixteen, and a schooner of ten guns. 

Before entering into close action, Captain Decatur went 
alongside each of his boats, and ordered them to unship 
their bowsprits and loll him, as it was his intention to 
follow the enemy's boats. Lieutenant James Decatur com- 
manded one of the boats be longing to Lieutenant Somers' 
division, but being farther to windward than the rest of 
his division, he joined and took orders from his brother. 

When Captain Decatur, who was in the leading boat, 
came within range of the fire from the batteries, a heavy 
fire was opened "on him from them and from the gun- 
boats. He returned their fire, and continued advancing 
until he came in contact with the boats. At this time 
Commodore Preble, seeing Decatur approaching nearer 
than he thought prudent, ordered the signal to be made 
for a retreat, but it wasTound that in making out signals 
for the boats, one for a retreat had been omitted. The 
enemy's boats had about forty men each ; his an equal 
number, twenty-seven of whom were American, and thir- 
17* 



198 CLORY OF AMERICA. 

teen Neapolitans. Decatur, on boarding the enemy, was 
instantly followed by his countrymen, but the Neapolitans 
remained behind. The Turks did not sustain the com- 
bat, hand to hand, with that firmness for which they had 
gained a reputation ; in ten minutes the deck was cleared ; 
eight of them sought refuge in the hold ; and of the rest, 
some fell on the deck, and others jumped into the sea, 
Only three of the Americans were wounded. • 

As Decatur was about to proceed out with his prize, the 
boat which had been commanded by his brother came 
under his stern, and informed him that they had engaged 
and captured one of the enemy ; but that her commander, 
after surrendering, had treacherously shot Lieutenant 
James Decatur, and pushed off with the boat, and was 
then making for the harbour. 

The feelings of the gallant Decatur, on receiving this 
intelligence, may more easily be imagined than described. 
Every consideration of prudence and safety was lost in 
his eagerness to punish so dastardly an act, and to avenge 
the death of a brother so basely murdered. He pushed 
within the enemy's line with his single boat, and having 
succeeded in getting alongside his retreating foe, boarded 
her at the head of eleven men, who were all the Ameri- 
cans he had left. 

The fate of this contest was extremely doubtful for 
twenty minutes. All the Americans except four were now 
severely wounded. Decatur now singled out the com- 
mander as the peculiar object of his vengeance. The 
Turk was armed with an espontoon, Decatur with a cut- 
lass ; attmepting to cut off the head of the weapon, his 
sword struck on the iron, and broke close to the hilt. The 
Turk at this moment made a push, which slightly wound- 
ed him in the right arm and breast. He immediately 
seized the spear, and closed with him. A fierce struggle 
ensued, and both fell, Decatur uppermost. By this time 
the Turk had drawn a dagger from his belt, and was about 
to plunge it into the body of his foe, when Decatur caught 
his arm, and shot him with a pistol, which he had taken 
from his pocket. During the time they were struggling 
on the deck, the crews rushed to the aid of their com* 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 199 

manders, and a most sanguinary conflict took place, inso- 
much that when Decatur had despatched his adversary, it 
was with the greatest difficulty he could extricate himself 
from the killed and wounded that had fallen around him. 

During the early part of Decatur's struggle with the 
Turk, he was assailed in the rear by one of the enemy, 
who had just aimed a blow at his head with his sabre, 
which must have been fatal ; at this fearful juncture a 
sailor, who had been so badly wounded as to lose the use 
of his hands, seeing no other means of saving his com- 
mander, rushed between him and the uplifted sabre, and 
received the blow on his own head, which fractured his 
skull. This generous fellow survived, and received a 
pension from government. 

Decatur succeeded in getting with both of his prizes to 
rhe squadron, and the next day received the highest com- 
mendation, in a general order, from Commodore Preble. 
When that able officer was superseded in the command 
of the squadron, he gave the Constitution to Captain De- 
catur, who had, some time before, received his commission. 
From that ship he was removed to the Congress, and re- 
turned home, as a passenger, in the Chesapeake, when 
peace was concluded with Tripoli. On his return to the 
United States, he was employed in superintending gun- 
boats, until the affair of the Chesapeake, when he was or- 
dered to supersede Commodore Barron in the command 
of that ship. About which time, he married Miss Wheeler, 
of Norfolk, Va. When the United States was again put 
in commission, he was removed from the Chesapeake to 
that frigate. 

The late war with Great Britain gave Commodore De- 
catur another opportunity of adding to the laurels he had 
won. On the 25th of October, 1812, in lat. 29 N., long, 
29 30 W. he fell in with his Britannic Majesty's ship Ma- 
cedonian, mounting forty-nine carriage guns. This was 
one of the finest frigates in the British navy, and com- 
manded by Captain S. Garden, one of .the ablest officers. 
She was in prime order, two years old, and but four months 
out of dock. The enemy, being to windward, had the 
advantage of choosing his own distance ; and, supposing 



200 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the United States to be the Essex, (which only mounted 
canonades,) kept at first at long shot, and did not at any 
moment come within the complete effect of the musketry 
and grape. After the frigates had come to close action, 
the battle was terminated in a very short period by the 
enemy's surrender. The whole engagement lasted for 
an hour and a half, being prolonged by the distance at 
which the early part of it v as fought, and by a heavy 
swell of the sea. The superior gunnery of the Americans 
was apparent in this, as in all their other actions. The 
Macedonian lost her mizen-mast, fore and main top-masts 
and main yard, and was much cut in the hull. Her loss 
was thirty-six killed, and sixty-eight wounded. The da- 
mage of the United States was comparatively trivial, four 
killed, and seven wounded : and she suffered so little in 
her hull and rigging, that she might have continued her 
cruise, had not Commodore Decatur thought it important 
to convoy his prize into port. His reception of Captain 
Garden on board of the United States was truly charac- 
teristic. On presenting his sword, Decatur observed that 
he could not think of taking the sword of an officer who 
had defended his ship so gallantly, but he should be happy 
to take him by the hand. 

Commodore Decatur convoyed his prize, in her shat- 
tered condition, across a vast extent of ocean, swarming 
with foes, and conducted her triumphantly into port ; thus 
placing immediately before the eyes of his countrymen a 
noble trophy of skill and national prowess. 

The crew of the United States, on deck, were amused 
at this time by an odd occurrence. An old negro on board 
this ship, who had formerly sailed under Carden, and had 
frequently heard him express a wish to meet in contest a 
yankee ship of war, had posted himself at the companion 
door, and as Captain Decatur was escorting his captive 
guest to the cabin, the old negro accosted the captain of 
the Macedonian with — " Egad, massa, you glad you see 
yankee now ?" It \v«".s with much ado that the Commo- 
dore could restrain ihe risible muscles of his countenance. 
He ordered the black to begone, and the old fellow \rent 
off continuing the repetition of the odd phrase, to the 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 201 

no small amusement of the American tars who had just 
achieved this conquest. 

After the action, the Macedonian was brought into New- 
port, (R. I.) under the command of Lieutenant William 
H. Allen, where she was partially repaired. From New- 
port, she proceeded to New York, where the command 
was given to Captain Jacob Jones, and that of the Argus 
to Mr. Allen. The United States had previously arrived 
at that port, and both ships were put in a condition to^ 
proceed to sea. Accordingly, in the latter part of May, 
1813, they, in company with the Hornet, sloop of war, 
Lieutenant Biddle, sailed from New York, down Long 
Island Sound, for the purpose of avoiding the British squad- 
ron off New York, and proceeding to sea by the east end 
of Long Island. On the first of June, the appearance off 
Montaug Point of a seventy-four, two frigates, and some 
other vessels, part of a large British force, then in the vi- 
cinity, in a hostile attitude, induced Commodore Decatur 
to put into New London harbour ; the British squadron 
following closely, but without effect. In the evening, the 
ships were drawn up abreast of New London fort, extend- 
ing across the harbour ; the United States in the centre, 
the Macedonian on the right, and the Hornet on the left, 
in expectation of an attack. For a long time, the squad- 
ron remained in the harbour of New London, vigilantly 
blockaded by a British force, under the command of Sir 
Thomas Hardy, of the Ramilies, seventy-four, composed 
from time to time of different ships, and subsequently un- 
der different commanders. Attempts were made by the 
one party to escape, and demonstrations were exhibited 
by the other, of attack ; but after the removal of the for- 
mer, to an interior and safer place, the intention of esca- 
ping, and the expectation of attack, no longer existed. 
Although, during this blockade, the objects for which the 
squadron was equipped were rendered hopeless, yet the 
masterly dispositions of the Commodore, forbade all ap- 
prehensions for its safety : and although much had been 
expected, from such a force, under such commanders, yet 
the spirit of the country was not depressed by the disap- 
pointment, nor was the well earned reputation of those 



202 ©LORY OP AMERICA. 

officers impaired, by an event which was justly considered 
to be unavoidable. The government of the United States, 
unwilling to employ the activity and talents of Commo- 
dore Decatur, in merely superintending an inactive, and 
comparatively secure portion of its navy, appointed him 
to the ship President, recently under the command of 
Commodore Rodgers, and then at New York. In this 
situation, Commodore Decatur was still watched, but un- 
der circumstances which favoured the hope of bringing 
his powers into action. 

On the fourteenth day of January, 1815, it was suppo- 
sed that the opportunity long waited for, of giving scope 
to the capabilities of the ship President, and exercise to 
the talents of her commander, presented itself. She got 
under way in the morning, and anchored again within 
the Hook. After getting again under way, she struck the 
ground, injured her false keel, and sustained other damage: 
but being still tight, she stood away to the eastward, with 
a stiff breeze from the north-west. At five o'clock in the 
morning of the fifteenth, a large sail was discovered nearly 
ahead ; the ship immediately hauled up in the wind, when 
three more sail were discovered, in chase. At day-light, 
the nearest ship, which was a razee, commenced firing 
from her bow gun, but without effect, the shot falling short; 
and it was soon found that the President had distanced 
the razee. The wind at this time growing light, the other 
ships evidently gained on her, particularly one ship, a 
heavy frigate, neared her fast. As the only alternative, 
the Commodore ordered the ship to be lightened ; provi- 
sions were thrown overboard, water started, and every 
exertion made that could facilitate her sailing ; and the 
sails kept constantly wet. At ten o'clock another sail ap- 
peared, on the weather beam ; she was a sloop of war, and 
was standing down for the President. At three o'clock, 
the nearest ship was within gun-shot, and commenced, 
and kept up a constant fire, from her bow guns, which 
was immediately returned, but with little effect on either 
side, there being a high, irregular sea. Every hope of 
escape, as the wind then was, without coming to close 
action, had vanished. The gallant Commodore then con-* 



STEPHEN DECATl tfc. 2l)3 

Ceived the bold design of closing and boarding the enemy ; 
the boarders were called, and all hands greeted him with 
three hearty cheers. 

" It was truly astonishing (says an eye-witness on board) 
to see the cool, deliberate courage and cheerfulness, that 
prevailed among the officers and crew, in the face of an 
enemy more than four times their force. From this you 
may conceive what we would have done, had we any thing 
like an equal force to contend with. Every arrangement 
was now made, to close with the leading ship, which had 
at this time ranged up nearly within pistol shot ; our brave 
commodore placing himself at the head of the boarders. 
At five P. M. we wore short round, with the intention of 
laying him on board — but, as if he had anticipated our 
design, he immediately wore, and hauled to the wind, 
fearing to close, although the whole squadron were coming 
up fast : he having the wind, it was impossible to close 
for boarding ; we then opened our fire, and in fifteen mi- 
nutes his sails were very much cut ; both ships now fall- 
ing off, continued engaging before the wind, for an hour 
and a half; in which time his spars, sails, and rigging 
were literally cut to pieces, and his fire nearly silenced, 
only firing single guns at long intervals. We now quit 
him, and in hauling up, had to expose ourselves to a 
raking fire, but he was so much cut up that he could not 
avail himself of the advantage^ and only fired three or four 
shot ; we then, astonishing to relate, went out of action 
with every sail set, and soon left our antagonist out • of 
sight. We were now going off, with every thing set, our 
damage but trifling ; sails all wet again, and began almost 
to flatter ourselves on the probability of escaping. Had 
thick weather set in, of which there was every appearance, 
no doubt but we should have succeeded ; on the contrary, it 
continued fine, and the three other ships plainly discernible, 
making their night signals, two in particular, nearing us 
fast, as the concussion of our guns had destroyed the wind, 
whereas they were bringing up the breeze with them. 

'• About two hours from the time we left the ship we 
had engaged, one of the enemy had approached within 
half gun shot, the other taking a raking position : being 



204 ©LORY OF AMERICA. 

now assailed by so superior a force, without any proba- 
bility of escape, our brave commodore, with great reluc- 
tance, being dictated by motives of humanity, ordered a 
signal of surrender to be made ; notwithstanding, they 
Continued to fire into us for more than fifteen minutes, 
through mistake. We were now taken possession of by 
the Pomone and Tenedos of 38, and Majestic razee of 62 
guns ; and found the ship we had engaged was the En- 
dymion, mounting 51 guns, long 24 pounders, on her gun 
deck. Our loss, as you may suppose from the length of 
the action, was very great ; as near as I could learn, we 
had twenty-four lulled and fifty-four wounded. Commo- 
dore Decatur received a severe contusion on the breast. 
Among our killed, were our first, fourth, and fifth lieute- 
nants. The first, Mr. Babbit, was killed early in the action ; 
he was an officer of the greatest merit and bravery, in whom 
the service lost one of its brightest ornaments. Messrs. Ha- 
milton and Howell were also officers of great merit. Among 
the wounded, was the master, and one midshipman. 

" The loss of the enemy has been very severe : from 
their endeavours to conceal it, I have not been able to 
learn the number, though some of our officers state, who 
were taken on board the Endymion, that ten men were 
thrown overboard the night after the action, from that ship. 
The day after the action was remarkably fine, and gave 
them an excellent opportunity to secure the masts ; but 
they being so elated with their success, it was in a manner 
neglected. At ten that night, there came on a most vio- 
lent gale of wind, and continued with unabated fury for 
thirty hours. Next morning all our masts went by the 
board within an hour of each other. Our situation now 
became truly alarming — the wreck of the masts beating 
against the ship's bottom — very few of the guns secured — 
some loose going from side to side — the ship rolling gang- 
ways under, lying in the trough of the sea, which at times 
was making free passage over her, and seven feet water 
in the hold. The crew were nearly worn out, and quite 
disheartened ; but by the exertions of a few of our crew, 
who were left on board to take care of the sick, the wreck 
of the masts was with great difficulty cleared away. The 



STEPHEN DECATUR, 205 

ship then lay much easier, and by fresh exertions at the 
pumps, we had the joy to find we gained on the leak, and 
by night had the pleasure of finding the pumps to suck. 
Notwithstanding it continued to blow excessively hard, we 
began to have confidence that she would weather the sale. 
Our poor wounded men suffered very much ; some, from 
the nature of their wounds, were not able to lie in their 
hammocks, and were tossed from side to side with the vio- 
lent rolling of the ship, which hastened the death of several. 
The gale moderating next day, they commenced setting up 
jurymasts, and in ten days arrived at Bermuda, where we 
found the Pomone and Endymion ; the latter had lost all 
her masts and bowsprit, had hove all her upper deck guns 
overboard in the gale, and was very near foundering." 

Commodore Decatur arrived at New London in fourteen 
days from Bermuda, on the twenty-second day of Febru- 
ary, in the Narcissus frigate, Captain Gordon. On his 
landing, the populace placed him in a carriage, and drew 
him through the principal streets of New London, amidst 
the shouts of thousands of the citizens of that town and the 
vicinity. On setting him down at Brown's Hotel, the Com- 
modore attempted to address the multitude, but the accla- 
mations were so loud and incessant, that he could not be 
heard. In the evening, Commodore Decatur, Commodore 
Shaw, and other officers of the United States' navy, and 
of the army, together with Captain Garland of the Superb, 
Captain Gordon of the Narcissus, and upwards of forty 
other officers of the British squadron off New London, at- 
tended an elegant ball, which was given in celebration of 
peace and the birth-day of Washington. 

The affairs of the United States with Algiers assuming 
a hostile appearance, the commodore was despatched in 
the summer of 1815, with a squadron, to the Mediterra- 
nean, to reduce that regency to a more pacific disposition. 
He was to be succeeded by another squadron under Com- 
modore Bainbridge. Panting for glory, Decatur hoisted 
his flag on board the United States' frigate Guerriere, and 
sailed with his squadron from New York on the 18th of 
May, for his destination, with all possible despatch ; in 
order to settle affairs with the Algerines before the arrival 
IS 



206 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

of the second squadron, and thus secure to himself the ho- 
nours which would otherwise entwine another's brow. 
On his passage thither, he had the good fortune to fall in 
with the Algerine Admiral Rais Hammida, who was cruis- 
ing against the Americans. Finding it impossible to escape, 
the Turk determined to defend his ship to the last ; nor 
was the crescent lowered, until her gallant commander was 
no more. This ship was called the Mazouda, of 46 guns, 
and between four and five hundred men, and struck in 
twenty-five minutes after the action begun. The number 
of prisoners were four hundred and six, and upwards of 
thirty killed. The action was fought off Cape de Gatt, oh 
the 17th of June, 1815. On the 19th of the same month, 
off Cape Palos, after a chase of three hours, he captured 
an Algerine brig of twenty-two guns, and one hundred and 
eighty men ; one hundred of whom escaped in their boats 
prior to the capture of the brig. 

Commodore Decatur arrived before Algiers on the 29th 
June, and hoisted a flag of truce on board the Guerriere, 
with the Swedish flag at the main. A boat came off with 
Mr. Norderling, Consul of Sweden, and the Captain of the 
portj to whom the capture of the frigate and brig was com- 
municated, and to whom Commodore Decatur and Wil- 
liam Shaler, Esq., acting as commissioners to negotiate a 
peace, delivered a letter for the Dey, from the President of 
the United States ; and also a note from themselves, of 
which the following is a copy : 

" The American Commissioners to the Dey of Algiers. 

" The undersigned have the honour to inform his High- 
ness the Dey of Algiers, that they have been appointed by 
the President of the United States of America, commis- 
sioners plenipotentiary to treat of peace with his Highness, 
and that, pursuant to their instructions, they are ready to 
open a negotiation for the restoration of peace and har- 
mony between the two countries, on terms just and ho- 
nourable to both parties ; and they feel it incumbent on 
them to state explicitly to his Highness, that they are in- 
structed to treat upon no other principle than that of per- 
fect equality, and on the terms of the most favoured na- 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 207 

tions : no stipulation for paying any tribute to Algiers, un- 
der any form whatever, will be agreed to. 

" The undersigned have the honour to transmit here- 
with, a letter from the President of the United States, and 
they avail themselves of this occasion to assure his High- 
ness of their high consideration and profound respect." 

The captain of the port then requested that hostilities 
should cease preceding the negotiation, and that persons 
might be sent ashore to treat. Both propositions were re- 
jected, the American commissioners declaring that the ne^ 
gotiations must be carried on on board the fleet, and that 
hostilities, as respected vessels, should not cease. On the 
following day, the Swedish consul and the captain of the 
port came on board with full powers to negotiate. The 
American commissioners produced the model of a treaty 
which they declared would not be departed from in sub- 
stance. Every attempt on the part of Algiers, to obtain a 
modification of it, proved fruitless ; even the restoration of 
the captured vessels was positively refused. Upon consi- 
deration, however, the American commissioners resolved 
to restore the captured vessels as a. favour, and not as mat- 
ter of treaty, giving the Algerine to understand, that even 
this would depend on the signing of the treaty as presented. 
The Algerine captain then proposed a truce, to deliberate 
on the proposed terms ; the reply was, " not a minute ; if 
your squadron appears in sight before the treaty is actually 
signed by the Dey, and the prisoners sent off, ours would 
capture them I 1 ' It was finally agreed, that hostilities should 
cease when the Algerine boat should be perceived coming 
off with a white flag hoisted, the Swedish consul pledging 
his word of honour not to hoist it unless the treaty was 
signed, and the prisoners in the boat. The Swedish con- 
sul and Algerine captain returned on shore, and although 
the distance was full five miles, they came back within 
three hours, with the treaty signed, and having with them 
the prisoners who were to be released from captivity by 
the terms of the treaty. 

Commodore Decatur despatched the United States' brig 
Epervier, Lieutenant Shubrick, with the pleasing informa- 
tion to the American government, This vessel was lost, 



208 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

and supposed to have foundered at sea, with the prisoners 
on board, as nothing was ever heard of her since. 

After having visited the other Barbary ports of Tunis 
and Tripoli, Commodore Decatur landed at Messina eight 
Neapolitan captives, whose release he obtained in his ne- 
gotiations with the Dey of Algiers. This fact was com- 
municated to the minister of foreign affairs of the kinff of 
the Two Sicilies, at Naples, on the 8th of September, 1815, 
and received a flattering and friendly answer. Decatur 
returned to the United States in the Guerriere, on the 12th 
of November of the same year. 

Commodore Decatur had been absent from America one 
hundred and eighty-seven days. It may afford gratifica- 
tion, as it surely must excite astonishment, to the reader, 
to recapitulate, in few words, the service performed, and 
the deeds achieved by the squadron under his command, 
during this period — the time in which a single merchant- 
man usually makes a voyage from an American to an Eu- 
ropean port, and back again. In this little period of time, 
Commodore Decatur 

1. Made a voyage from America to Europe in squadron. 

2. Captured an Algerine frigate in the Mediterranean, kill- 
ed the Algerine admiral with 30 of his crew, and took 
406 prisoners. 

3. Captured a large Algerine brig of war, with 170 pri- 
soners, and sent her to a neutral port. 

4. Negotiated a most advantageous treaty with the Dey of 
Algiers — obtained indemnification for captures of Ame- 
rican merchantmen, &c. &c, and released a Spanish 
consul and merchant from bondage. 

5. Demanded and obtained indemnification from the king- 
dom of Tunis, for suffering the British to violate the 
neutrality of their port by taking American vessels. 

6. Demanded and obtained from the kingdom of Tripoli 
indemnification for the same cause, and the release of 
ten European Christian slaves in bondage. 

7. Repaired the American squadron in a Neapolitan 
port. 

8. Restored to the king of the Two Sicilies eight of his 
subjects rescued from Turkish bondage — received his 



UTEPIIEN DECATUR. SOD 

grateful acknowledgments and assurances of favour to 
the " brave American nation." 

9. Sailed down the Mediterranean, and surrendered his 
squadron, (except the Guerriere,) in prime order, to 
Commodore Bainbridge. 

10. Made a voyage from Europe to America in the Guer- 
riere. 

Mr. Secretary Hamilton, Jones, and Crowninshield, and 
the most distinguished post captains, all concurred in the 
opinion of the indispensable necessity of creating a board 
of navy commissioners. The great and diversified duties 
of the navy department had so accumulated, that it be- 
came wholly impracticable for the most capable and labo- 
rious secretary to discharge the duties of it with honour to 
himself and advantage to the nation. The naval commit- 
tee of 1815 discovered alarming abuses in the navy, from, 
to use their language— 

1st. The excessive "and laborious duty of the Secretary, 
2d. The want of sufficient checks upon, and the conse- 
quent irresponsibility of, subordinate agents. 
3d. The great latitude allowed commanders in altering, 

repairing, and finishing their ships. 

Congress, in the session of 1815, established the board 
of navy commissioners, and the president, by and with the 
advice of the senate, appointed Commodore Rogers, and Cap- 
tains Hull and Porter, to the high and important duties of 
the office. Never was there a more judicious selection of 
officers. They were all veterans of the " Mediterranean 
school." 

Upon the return of Commodore Decatur from the Medi- 
terranean, and the retirement of Captain Hull, he succeed- 
ed him as a navy commissioner. 

As it regards his capability of discharging the highly 
important and very responsible duties of this station, I need 
say nothing to those who have had the patience to peruse 
these imperfect sketches of his life. 

The duties of the board of navy commissioners are as 
multifarious as the vast variety of naval concerns ; and al- 
though the president of the United States, and the secre- 
tary of the navy, have a paramount authority, yet, through 
18* 



810 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

this board, almost every important measure originates. 
From voluminous reports and documents the following 
brief outline is collected. The board 

1. Determine the various classes of ships to be built, qua- 
lity of materials, models, &c. 

2. Establish regulations for the necessary expenditures, 
and the correct accounting for them. 

3. Regulations for ascertaining the actual state of decayed, 
damaged, or defective vessels, and the disposition of them. 

4. Regulations for the naval service, at sea and upon the 
lakes. 

5. Regulations for flotillas, and for every species of har- 
bour defence. 

6. Regulations for navy yards, arsenals, depot of stores, 
materials, &c. 

7. Regulations for cruising ships, ships in port, for the re- 
cruiting service, officers on duty, on shore, and on fur- 
lough. 

8. A system for hospitals, and the medical department. 

9. Regulations for the conduct of pursers, fixing their emo- 
lument — mode of accounting, and securing seamen from 
undue advantages. 

10. Regulations for the examination of the officers of the 
navy below master commandant — classing them in the 
scale of merit — determining pro/notions, and the appli- 
cations for warrant appointments. 

These important duties, with all their various ramifica- 
tions, surely must need the most comprehensive views, and 
the most minute acquaintance with naval science. They 
also require the most unceasing vigilance and application. 
No wonder that abuses should have crept into the navy, 
and that a succession of secretaries should have urged an 
establishment of such a board. These abuses have been 
corrected, and the pecuniary affairs of the navy are now 
as accurately adjusted as the accounts of an educated 
merchant. 

Commodore Decatur brought into this board his whole 
experience, his whole vigilance, and his unspotted inte- 
grity. In his brother commissioners, he found men like 
himself, devoted to the best interest of the navy and the 



STKPHRN DECATUR. 21 i 

country. A new era commenced in our growing naval 
establishment. Order was brought out of confusion, and 
system was substituted for derangement. They were to 
the navy, what the unequalled Hamilton once was to the 
Treasury. 

But while Commodore Decatur was thus engaged in 
advancing the permanent force of the American Navy, 
temporary relaxations from the intensity of application to 
his official duties, enabled him to participate in the capti- 
vating enjoyments of accomplished society, besides that 
which the metropolis afforded. 

Three states lay in their claim to him as a citizen, — 
Maryland, because he was born in it — Pennsylvania, 
because he adopted it — and Virginia, because she furnish- 
ed him with the source of his most exquisite enjoyment, 
a lovely, dignified, and accomplished bosom companion. 
It is not necessary to decide which state has the best claim 
to citizenship ; suffice it to say, each of them strived to 
outvie each other in civility to him, whenever his short 
excursions led him into them. His entry into their larger 
towns, although in the most unostentatious style, called 
forth every possible demonstration of esteem, respect, and 
admiration. It was not the unmeaning and idolatrous 
veneration which a degraded and humiliated people pay- 
to monarchs and princes who have no claim upon their 
affection, and which proceeds more from fear than attach- 
ment — it was the voluntary effusion of the heart, proceed- 
ing from a knowledge of his inestimable worth, and an 
acknowledgment of the incalculable services he had ren- 
dered the Republic. 

The refilled and patriotic citizens of Baltimore, ever 
prompt in serving their country, and equally ready to 
manifest their respect for those who have served it, present- 
ed Commodore Decatur with a superb service of plat© 
upon each piece of which was this inscription: — 
" The Citizens of Baltimore to Comm. Decatur." 
" Rebus gestis insigni — ob virtutes dilecto." 

Although the classical examiner would readily see from 
this inscription that the citizens of Baltimore conveyed the 
truth admitted by all, that Commodore Decatur was 



212 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

" distinguished for his heroism and admired for his vir- 
tues" yet some observers might not be so fortunate. 

The most difficult duty, and, in a personal point of 
view, the most liable to censure, that Commodore Decatur 
had to perform, as Navy Commissioner, was the selection 
of officers for different commands. In every other of the 
vast variety of duties he had to discharge, in conjunction 
with the Secretary of the Navy, and his brother Commis- 
sioners, they related to the navy generally ; and equally 
affected every one, from the highest to the lowest grade of 
officers. But in restoring officers to commands, after they 
had been suspended from them by arrests, inquiries, and 
trials, and after the term of suspension, after inquiries 
and trials had expired, exposed them to the personal animad- 
versions of every naval officer who had been implicated. 

Commodore Barron, whose name stands the third in the 
Naval Register of the American Republic, had long been 
out of service. He had been suspended from the naval 
service in consequence of the well known affair of the 
Chesapeake and Leopard frigates ; the details of which 
would be harrowing up, and opening afresh, the most ag- 
gravated wound ever inflicted on the honour of the Ame- 
rican Navy. The writer hesitates as he approaches the 
subject. From that disastrous affair, more than from any 
other cause, arose the second war between our peaceful 
Republic and imperious Britain ; and, if any calamity 
greater than war to our country could have visited it, it 
essentially contributed to the tragical — the disastrous 
death of Stephen Decatur. 

As a Navy Commissioner, Commodore Decatur had an 
important official duty to perform; and for the perform- 
ance of it, he was accountable to his superiors. Let his 
decision have affected whom it might, the reputation, the 
honour, and the glory of the American Navy, were ever 
first in his thoughts, first in his words, and first in his 
deeds. Having been devoted to the naval service of his 
country by his noble father, and by his own ardent hero- 
ism, he had ever manifested a readiness to spill his blood, 
and spend his life, in advancing its glory. The navy was 
his oole star ; and his views were as undeviatingly fixed, 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 213 

upon it, as the needle points to the pole. He had arisen 
from the lowest to the highest grade of command in actu- 
al service, and for ever submitted to the orders of his su- 
periors, and the decisions of naval tribunals, without an 
animadversion. When called upon to decide upon the 
conduct of others, he approved or disapproved as his well- 
informed judgment dictated. Personal attachments, and 
also personal antipathies, (if he had any,) were merged and 
swallowed up in the paramount interest of the navy. 

Thus fixed, and thus undeviating, Commodore Barron 
solicited the Navy Department for a re-instatement in his 
command in the navy. Commodore Decatur had served 
under him in the Mediterranean, in 1804, and succeeded 
him in the command of the Chesapeake frigate in 1807. 
From the Last mentioned period to 1S19, Commodore 
Barron had not been in actual service, although he had 
ever been under that pay which was established for offi- 
cers in his situation. In that year, (1819,) Commodore 
Decatur, as Navy Commissioner, had to express his opi- 
nion in regard to the fitness of Commodore Barron to take 
a command in the navy. He did express it in his official 
capacity, and in interviews with officers of the navy. 

With the " affair of the Chesapeake," in 1807, how- 
ever deeply it might have wounded the honour of the 
navy, he had nothing to do. Commodore Barron had 
suffered the disabilities which a court martial adjudged; 
and those disabilities had ceased— the time of his suspen- 
sion from service had expired. But, Commodore Decatur 
frankly and unreservedly declared, that " he entertained, 
and still did entertain the opinion, that his conduct as an- 
officer, since that affair, had been such, as ought for ever 
-to bar his re-admission into the service," at the same time 
unequivocally declaring that he " disclaimed all personal 
enmity toward him" 

A long and animated correspondence commenced be- 
tween these officers in June, 1819, and terminated in Fe- 
bruary, 1820. It is sincerely to be lamented that it ever 
met the public eye — it is deeply to be regretted that the 
jealous enemies of our rising navy ever pored over it with 
malignant satisfaction — for satisfaction it will ever be to 



211 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

them to discover disaffection between our accomplished 
and gallant naval officers. 

Without dwelling longer upon a subject pregnant with 
the most gloomy reflections, we must now add, that the 
various explanations and recriminations, between Commo- 
dores Decatur and Barron, ended in a direct call from the 
last to meet the first in the field of single combat, and 
which he accepted. 

But, though the challenge came from the latter, no one 
who has carefully perused the correspondence, will doubt 
that the provocation given by the former was so pointed, 
that the result was contemplated. This correspondence 
is not now at hand, but the recollection of its taunting lan- 
guage is vivid and certain. We regret, most sincerely, 
that the profession of arms, in whatever cause, invariably 
induces to this practice ; and we still more regret, that our 
own most valued officers have been victims at the shrine 
of this murderous custom. 

While the officer of genuine honour will avoid the in- 
fliction of a wound upon the reputation of his superior, 
equal, or inferior, he will equally avoid that unrestrained 
resentment which calls upon him to violate the laws of 
earth, of heaven, and of honour itself. It is impossible 
to ascertain the degree of moral guilt between him whose 
provocation rouses up the spirit of revenge, and him whose 
vengeance can be appeased only with blood. Alas ! within 
the last quarter of a century, our republic has been called 
to mourn the destruction of many of her best citizens upon 
that Aceldama — " The field of honour? A catalogue 
will not be attempted, for it would present an awful chasm 
in our greatness. 

The twenty-second day of March, 1820, ought to be 
kept as an anniversary of grief — a day of lamentation. 
Upon that fatal, bloody day, the rich tribute of Decatur's 
veins was poured out upon the plains of Bladensburg by 
the hand of a brother officer. 

The accompanying friends of the militant parties, after 
the " dread fill notes of preparation" were sounded, silent- 
ly waited the result. The incomparable military skill of 
the combatants, so often successfully exercised against the 



STEPHEN DECATUR. '^15 

enemies of their country, was, alas ! too fatally skilful on 
this awful occasion. At the same moment they both fired 
— at nearly the same place both inflicted a wound — at the 
same moment they both fell — one mortally, the other se- 
verely wounded. 

Commodore Decatur was accompanied to the place al- 
lotted for the shocking catastrophe, by Commodore Bain- 
bridge as his second, and his surgeon. Commodore Bar- 
ron was accompanied by Captain Elliot as his second, and 
his surgeon. No explanation took place upon the field. 
The result of the interview has been briefly, for it could 
not otherwise be detailed. Who can, even at this lapse 
of time, expatiate over the gushing wound of Decatur in 
retrospect ? Who must not have been petrified with horror 
that actually beheld the life's blood of this unsurpassed 
hero, crimsoning the turf of his native country, and let 
forth by the hand of a native countryman, and that hand, 
at the same time, paralyzed by a wound all but mortal. 

When the wounded combatants viewed each other at 
but few paces distant, with what agony must their fixed 
eyes have gazed ? Not from the agony of their wounds — 
for mere pain of body any man of fortitude will bear with- 
out a groan. But "a wounded spirit, who can bear ?" 
While yet the lamp of life was unextinguished in either 
of them, the well-nerved arms which just now pointed the 
deadly weapons, from which issued the unerring messen- 
gers of death, Were now tremblingly extended in token of 
reconciliation. Oh ! why could not these stern, unyield- 
ing devotees of the delusive phantom of false honour, one 
hour before, have said to each other, " Live, and I will 



live ALSO?" 



Commodore Decatur was removed to his mansion house 
in Washington, languishing in the agony of approaching 
dissolution. A sudden and violent convulsion in nature 
could scarcely have produced a more agitating shock. In- 
deed, the laws of nature had been violated, and one of its 
fairest works had been prostrated. Every object, from 
those of the first magnitude to those of the most trifling 
concern, were immediately abandoned, and every thought 
was intensely fixed upon the living — the dying Deca- 



216 ULORY OF AM.ER1CA. 

tur. Almost regardless of the forms which tender sensi- 
bility enjoins, when approaching the house of death and 
mourning, every one involuntarily rushed to the residence 
of the bleeding citizen and hero, who but few hours before 
gladdened their eyes by his presence. 

Though suffering both bodily and mental agony, before 
the curtain dropped, he expressed his utter detestation of 
the manner in which he fell, a victim to the dreadful prac- 
tice of single combat. 

His death left a chasm in the navy which it might be 
presumptuous to say cannot be filled ; but which, it is 
confidently said, cannot be filled better. It produced a 
sensation in the metropolis, at the moment it was announ- 
ced, and through the country as the saddening intelligence 
spread, which never had been experienced since the fall of 
Hamilton, who, like him, died in the midst of his glory 
and usefulness, and who, like him, acknowledged the guilt 
of the practice by which he fell. 

During the gloomy interim between the 22d and 24th 
of March, every possible demonstration of respect was paid 
to the. remains of Commodore Decatur, by the public 
authorities, and every condolence which the deepest sym- 
pathy could afford, was extended to the inconsolable Mrs. 
Decatur. 

The ardent affection and glowing patriotism of the elo- 
quent John Randolph, led him to introduce a motion 
into the house of representatives, for the purpose of indu- 
cing a formal display of sorrow upon the occasion. It 
called forth the most unqualified eulogies on the character 
of the deceased hero ; but lest a recorded resolution upon 
the subject of his funeral, or badges of mourning, might 
be construed into an approbation of the mode in which he 
died, it was deemed far more judicious to leave it to the 
spontaneous and voluntary effusions of sorrowing hearts, 
to ma u i Test grief in a way the most appropriate to the me- 
lancholy occasion. 

On the 24th, the metropolis was thronged by the largest 
concourse of the public authorities, civil, naval, and mili- 
tary, foreign ministers, strangers of distinction, and citi- 
zens, that was ever witnessed there upon a similar occa- 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 217 

sion, since the corner stone of the capitol was deposited, 
and the foundation of the city was laid. The deepest 
sorrow was depicted upon every countenance ; the great 
business of the republic was suspended in every depart- 
ment. At four o'clock, the late residence of the deceased 
hero was approached, and his remains were received by 
those who were to bear them to the tomb of Kalorama. 
The procession was thus appropriately arranged. 
Funeral firing party of Marines, with music. 
Officers of the Navy of the United States. 
Officers of Marine Corps. 
The Clergy. 
Pall Bearers. Pall Bearers. 



Comm. Tingey, 
Comm. Macdonough, 
Gen. Jessup, 
Capt. Ballard, 
Lieut. M'Pherson, 



O 
O 

CG 



' Comm. Rodgers, 
Comm. Porter, 
Gen. Brown, 
Capt. Cassin, 
Capt. Chauncey. 



Relatives. 
President of the United States and Heads of Departments. 

Members of the Senate and House of Representatives. 
Judges, Marsha^ and other Civil Officers of the United 

States. 

Officers of the Army of the United States. 

The Mayors and other Civil Officers of the District. 

Foreign Ministers with their Suites, and Consuls of foreign 

powers. 
The Citizens. 
The military honours of the solemn occasion, were 
rendered by the truly excellent Marine Corps, under the 
orders of their accomplished commander, Major Miller. 
As the procession began its solemn movement, minute 
guns from the Navy Yard were commenced, and were 
continued during the procession and funeral service. The 
same cannon which had so often announced the splendid 
achievements of Decatur, now marked the periods in 
bearing his remains from his late abode to the tomb. 
Their reverberating thunder mournfully echoed through 
the metropolis, and the surrounding region, and announ- 
ced the approach of a sleeping hero to the silent cemetery. 
19 



218 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

During these solemn and impressive ceremonies, Com 5 
modore Barron was languishing upon his couch with the 
wound received at the moment that was, which carried 
Commodore Decatur to the tomb ; the thunder of the mi- 
nute guns, and the discharge of musketry, must have 
vibrated through a heart tortured to agony. His destiny 
was yet uncertain ; he was upon the verge of two worlds, 
uncertain to which the next hour might consign him. 

The course of Decatur 's life points out a brilliant orb for 
the ocean-warrior to move in — the manner of his death, a 
destructive vortex to shun. But living, he was admired ; 
dying, he was lamented ; and his memory will be cherish 
ed in fond remembrance, as long as ardent patriotism, 
fearless courage, and exalted virtues, shall receive an ap- 
proving sentence in the human heart. 

Stephen Decatur was created and constituted for 
an ocean-warrior. His whole nature was peculiarly 
adapted to the perilous and brilliant sphere of action upon 
the watery element. That is the expanded theatre upon 
which he was designed to act the most 'important parts, 
and shine illustrious in the most tremendous scenes. To 
his natural adaptation for a seaman, he added all the aux- 
iliary aids of scientific acquirement. He first made him- 
self a general scholar — then a theoretical navigator — then 
a practical seaman. Before his nautical skill, the rolling 
and convulsed ocean lost half of its appalling horrors ; and 
its hideous tempests seemed to become subservient to his 
wishes. 

But this important trait in his character was almost for- 
gotten in his more brilliant acquirement of naval tactics* 
tie was the accomplished naval tactician. The most 
minute branches of naval science never escaped his atten- 
tion, and the most important ones never exceeded his com- 
prehension. The various manoeuverings of a ship or a 
squadron, were as familiar with him, as the evolutions of 
an army to the scientific military officer. Whether en- 
countering the enemy in the humble galley, or bieasting 
the shock of battle in the majestic ship, he bore imo action 
as if the Genius of Victory hovered over him, and gave 
him conquest in anticipation. When in the midst of an 



8TEPHEN DECATUR. 219 

engagement, he fearlessly and undauntedly soared in co- 
lumns of fire and smoke, and with the fury and velocity 
of lightning, charged upon the astonished foe. His own 
personal safety occupied not a single thought ; his fearless 
soul was engrossed with the safety of his crew and his 
ship, and the destruction of the enemy. But the moment 
the thundering cannon ceased their terrific roaring, and 
the battle-fray was ended, he was changed into a minis- 
tering spirit of mercy. Over his slain enemy, he dropped 
a tear ; to a wounded one he imparted consolation ; he 
mingled hie sighs with the groans of the dying, and ren- 
dered every honour to the gallant dead. 

Whether encountering an overwhelming host of furious 
Turks, equally regardless of honourable combat, and 
thankless for favours after they were conquered ; or wrest- 
ing victory from a more magnanimous and skilful foe, he 
was ever the same — terrible and fearless in battle — mild 
and humane in victory. 

As a Naval Officer, he was as perfect a model as the 
world afforded. To his superiors in rank, he was respect- 
ful ; to his equals, generous and affectionate ; to his infe- 
riors mild, humane, and condescending; he was the sea- 
man's friend. As a disciplinarian, he never spared him- 
self, nor would he permit any under his command to be 
spared: but he had the peculiar felicity of rendering the 
severest duty the highest pleasure. He governed his men 
more by the respect and love he secured from them, than 
by the exertion of the power with which he was clothed. 
He infused into the bosoms of his officers and seamen, the 
noble and patriotic ardour which inspired his own exalted 
heart. They would follow him wherever he led, and 
would lead wherever he ordered. They were as true to 
him as their souls were to their bodies ; and would suffer 
them to be separated before they would desert him in the 
hour of peril. When designated as a judge of the merits 
or demerits of his brethren in the naval service, his phi- 
lanthropy led him to give full credit to their virtues in ex- 
alted or humble stations, while his stern integrity made 
him a dignified censor over their errors. 

Bpt however high he stood in his profession as a naval 



220 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

commander, it was in the mild and captivating scenes of 
peace, where he shone with unclouded lustre. His heart 
was the temple of benevolence ; his mind was refined by 
literature and science ; his deportment was that of the 
polished gentleman. 

In his person, he was a little above the middling height, 
and rather delicately though, elegantly formed. His coun- 
tenance was all expression. His eye discovered that in- 
quietude which indicates an ardent mind ; and, although 
it beamed with benignity, it evinced an impatience for ac- 
tion. While his manly and dignified virtues commanded 
respect, the suavity of his manners invited to familiarity. 
His high sense of honour forbade him to inflict a wound 
upon others ; and, with the majesty of virtue, to repel with 
indignation the most remote suspicion of his own honour. 

But his love of country was his crowning glory. His 
whole life was a commentary upon the noble sentiment 
of his noble ancestor — » 

"Children are the Property of our Country." 

For his country he lived — for his country he fought — 
his countrymen will cherish and admire his memory, until 
its name shall be extinguished. 

The following is a brief chronological recapitulation of 
the events of Commodore Decatur's life, during the twenty- 
two years which he spent in the naval service of his 
country. 

In 1798, he entered on board the United States frigate 
as midshipman ; and for his good conduct was promoted 
to a lieutenancy, while the country was engaged in war 
against the French republic. 

In 1799, he was first lieutenant of the brig Norfolk. 

In 1800, he was acting lieutenant in the United States, 
convoying merchantmen, and chastising the French. 

In 1801, he was first lieutenant of the frigate Essex, 
while in the Mediterranean, and fighting the Tripolitans. 

In 1802, he was first lieutenant of the New York, and 
returned to America in the Chesapeake. 

In 1803, he was lieutenant commandant of the brig 
Argus. Also, in the same office, on board the schooner 
Enterprise, in which he attacked and captured a Tripoli- 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 221 

tan corsair, which he named the ketch Intrepid. On 
board this ketch, of four guns and seventy men, he cap- 
tured, by boarding, the frigate Philadelphia, of 54 guns, 
and seven hundred and fifty men. Thirty of the enemy 
were killed, and one hundred and twenty wounded, and 
the ship burnt under the Bashaw's castle, on the 16th of 
February. No Americans killed. In August, he com- 
manded a division of gun-boats, and in No. 4, having but 
one gun, charged nine boats, having three guns and forty 
men each. Captured a large boat, and secured the prize. 
His brother, James, having been treacherously slain, he 
returned to the combat with a midshipman, and eight 
men, captured the Turk's boat who slew his brother, and 
shot him. In both prizes, thirty-three of the enemy were 
slain, while he lost not a man ! 

In the same year, he was appointed captain of the Con- 
stitution, to rank from February 16. In this ship he 
blockaded the enemy, awaiting negotiations ashore. He 
was also captain of the frigate'Congress, and returned to 
America at the conclusion of the Tripolitan war. 

In 1805, he was appointed superintendent of American 
gun-boats, teaching modes of attack and defence. 

In 1807, after the affair of the Leopard, he was in the 
Chesapeake, as commodore of the southern squadron, 
watching foreign ships on the American coast, and enforc- 
ing the acts of congress. 

In 1811, he was again commander of the United States; 
and, 

In 1812, sailed in a squadron commanded by Commo- 
dore Rogers, in the war against Great Britain ; and, on 
the 25th of October, captured the frigate Macedonian, of 
40 guns. 

In 1813, he was blockaded, with his squadron, in New 
London harbour, where it remained to the close of the 
war. 

In 1815, while in the President, with the sloops of war 
Hornet and Peacock, he met and beat the Endymion, but 
finally surrendered to a whole British squadron. 

In the same year, in a war against the Barbary powers, 
having under his command the frigates Guerriere, Mace- 
19* 



222 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

donian, and Constellation, he captured the Algerine frigate, 
Mazouda, killed the captain and thirty men, June 17. Two 
days afterwards, captured a brig of twenty-two guns; ar- 
rived at Algiers on the 28th, and concluded a treaty on 
the 30th. 

On the 31st of July, he arrived at Tunis, and demand- 
ed $46,000 indemnification ; and on the 9th of August, 
demanded of the Bey of Tripoli $25,000. Arrived at 
Messina, and left the Neapolitan captives included by him 
in treaty the 2d of September. Corresponded with the 
king of Naples, whose thanks he received on the 8th. Ar- 
rived at Gibraltar, joining Commodore Bainbridge on the 
18th ; and on the 12th of November arrived in America. 
Appointed Navy Commissioner, a post which he filled with 
honour, till, 

In 1820, he fell in single combat, on the 22d of March, 
7 ^ing nothing to national or individual honour. 






DAVID PORTER. 



The subject of the following memoir was the son of 
Captain David Porter, and was born in Boston on the 1st 
of February, 1780. His father had been an officer in the 
American navy, during the revolutionary war : and after 
its conclusion was appointed to the command of the reve- 
nue cutter Active, and removed with his family to Balti- 
more. 

The constitution of young Porter was delicate ; but his 
mind was bent on the profession of a seaman. He made 
his first voyage with his father, to the West Indies, ai ihe 
age of sixteen ; and his second, as mate of a ship, from 
Baltimore to St. Domingo. In this voyage, his address, 
courage, and constitution, were put to the trial. He was 
twice impressed on board a British ship, and as many 
times effected his escape. Being destitute of money, he 
was obliged to work his passage home, in a cold season, 
without the clothing necessary to his health and comfort. 

He afterwards obtained a midshipman's warrant, on 
board the Constellation, Commodore Truxton ; and was 
in the action with the French frigate L'Insurgente. His 
conduct in this action procured for him the commission 
of a lieutenant, on board the same ship, under Commo- 
dore Barron. He went next on board the United States' 
schooner Experiment, under Captain Maley, cruising on 
the coast of Hispaniola, fighting the brigands, and annoy- 
ing their harbours in his boat. In the Amphitrite, a pilot 
boat schooner, with five small swivels taken from the tops 
of the Constellation, and fifteen hands, he engaged a 
French privateer, mounting one long twelve pounder and 
several swivels, maimed with a crew of forty men, and 
accompanied by a prize ship, and a large barge with thirty 
men. and armed with swivels, With this fearful odds 



224 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

against him, and notwithstanding the loss of his rudder in 
the engagement, he made prize of the privateer and ship, 
without the loss of a man ; though several were wounded, 
and his vessel much injured. Seven were killed on board 
the privateer, and fifteen wounded. 

After his return from this voyage, he went to the West 
Indies again, as first lieutenant of the Experiment, com- 
manded by Captain Charles Stewart. At this time, French 
privateers were particularly troublesome to the American 
commerce ; but the appearance of the Experiment, and 
the vigour of her operations, struck such an awe into those 
commissioned bucaniers, as effectually to repress their de- 
predations, and shut them within their own harbours. 
From the Experiment, both Captain Stewart and Lieute- 
nant Porter were translated to the schooner Enterprise, on 
her going with the first squadron to the Mediterranean. 
The Enterprise engaged a Tripolitan corsair of very su- 
perior force, and after a most severe conflict, in which the 
Enterprise made great havoc among the enemy, and suffer- 
ed little, was eventually the conqueror. On this, and on 
all other occasions, while on that station, whether in har- 
bours or at sea, in open battle or on desperate enterprises, 
the valour, skill, and promptitude of Lieutenant Porter 
were conspicuous, and called forth the applause of his su- 
periors and companions in arms. In one of these hazard- 
ous exploits he was wounded in the left thigh. He joined 
the frigate Philadelphia, Captain Bainbridge, at Gibraltar, 
in September, 1803. Off the harbour of Tripoli, on the 
31st October, in fine weather, the Philadelphia gave chase 
to a Tripolitan armed ship, and, in the pursuit, ran foul of 
a rock. After ineffectual endeavours to float the ship, the 
whole crew and officers surrendered, and were carried 
prisoners to the city of Tripoli. There was a passage 
under the rooms where the officers were confined, through 
which the American sailors, employed on the public works, 
were in the habit of passing. From one of the rooms of 
this passage, a communication was opened with the sail- 
ors through a small hole in the wall. In an unguarded, 
or unlucky moment, this communication was discovered, 
and information griven to the Bashaw. Suddenly th« 



DAVID PORTER. 225 

officer having the charge of the castle, rushed into the 
room, and demanded who had the presumption to do the 
forbidden deed. To this demand Porter answered coolly, 
that he was the author. He was immediately dragged 
away ; but to what fate, his friends neither knew, nor 
could be informed. In this state of uncertainty they re- 
mained, until relieved by the appearance of Porter. Dur- 
ing this confinement, Lieutenant Porter found refuge from 
the irksomeness of restraint, in an habitual fondness for 
study. In his books, of which he procured a competent 
number, he enjoyed an agreeable society, always ready, 
and never intrusive or importunate. History, drawing, 
the French language, mathematics, and the theory of his 
profession, improved, while they amused his mind, and 
enabled him to think afterwards that his days of captivity 
had not been wholly lost, or painful, or unprofitable. 
What he thus acquired he was ready to communicate, 
and in this manner made others partakers in the allevia- 
tions which he had enjoyed. 

After the establishment of peace with this regency, the 
American captives were set at liberty ; and Lieutenant 
Porter with his companions returned to the pursuit of 
their several vocations and the performance of their re- 
spective duties. 

At Syracuse, to which place they took shipping after their 
release, a court of inquiry was held on the causes of the 
loss of the Philadelphia, which resulted in the honourable 
acquittal of the officers of that ship. He was then ap- 
pointed to the command of the brig Enterprise, and order- 
ed to Tripoli. He availed himself of the latitude of his 
orders to visit the nuns of the Roman colony of Leptis 
Magna, and here the art of drawing, which he had culti- 
vated while in prison at Tripoli, was called delightfully 
and profitably into use. The remnants of ancient mag- 
nificence called forth sublime and solemn emotions, afford- 
ed sensible evidence of the power and elegance of the 
wonderful nation with whom it once existed, and confirm- 
ed the impressions which the pen of history had created. 
The speculations and researches of Porter and his friends 
were rewarded with the discovery of neglected specimens 



226 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

of ancient art. Coins, statues, and massy pillars, here and 
there appeared among the general desolation to awaken 
the glowing mind of the traveller " disturbed, delighted, 
raised, refined," as he wandered over classic ground, or re- 
galed amid the fragments of the temple of Jupiter. 

In the Mediterranean, Captain Porter found it necessary 
on more than one occasion, to vindicate the honour of his 
national flag, and give those who might be inclined to: 
undervalue it to feel that they were wrong in their esti- 
mate of its relative importance. For some insult which 
was offered to the brig in the persons of the officers and 
crew, Captain Porter had caused the author, an English 
sailor, to be flogged at the gangway. The Governor of 
Malta, where the brig then lay at anchor, took up the af- 
fair with much apparent spirit, and directed the forts to 
prevent the Enterprise from departing. Information being 
given to Captain Porter of this proceeding, he instantly 
made sail, and passed the batteries with lighted matches, 
and in the attitude of firing upon the town, should any 
obstruction be thrown in his way: very prudently, no such 
measure was attempted. 

Afterwards, in passing through the Straits of Gibraltar:, 
in sight of the town and of the British squadron in the 
harbour, he was attacked by twelve Spanish gun-boats. 
Although the superiority was manifestly on their side, he 
compelled them to retire, leaving an impression, both on 
the assailants and on the spectators, advantageous as well 
as honourable to the little navy of his country. 

Affairs in the Mediterranean being somewhat composed, 
Captain Porter returned after an absence of five years, 
and connected himself in marriage with the daughter of 
the Hon. Mr. Anderson, member of Congress from Penn- 
sylvania. 

He was next ordered to command the flotilla on the 
New Orleans station. The, embargo and non-intercourse 
laws were vigorously and faithfully enforced, and, in par- 
ticular, a stop was put to' the depredations of a French 
pirate who had long infested the Mississippi, in an armed 
schooner, and seemed to think himself out of the reach of 
the arm of justice. Thjs marauder, Porter captured, and 



DAVID PORTER. 227 

thus rendered an important service to the commerce of 
the southern coast of the United States. 

Thinking: his health in danger from a climate little 
adapted to his constitution, he was at his request appoint- 
ed to command the Essex frigate at Norfolk. In this fri- 
gate he sailed from New York on the third of July, 1812. 
War then existing between the United States and Great 
Britain, he was attacked by the British sloop of war Alert, 
Captain Laugharrie. The ship bore down confidently 
upon the Aveather quarter of the Essex, gave three cheers, 
and commenced action, but in a few minutes surrendered. 
She was the first ship of war taken from the enemy ; and 
her flag, the first British flag sent to the seat of govern- 
ment during the late war. 

Agreeable to the orders of Commodore Bainbridge, and 
to a plan concerted between them, Captain Porter having 
repaired his ship, sailed from the Delaware on the 27th of 
October, 1812, for the coast of Brazil. Fortune threw in 
his way his Britannic Majesty's packet, Nocton, having 1 
on board 11,000 pounds sterling, in money. This vessel 
he captured, and after taking out her money, sent her to 
America. 

About this time, circumstances concurred to render 
it inexpedient for him to remain longer on that coast. 
Commodore Bainbridge, aftet the capture of the Java, 
would, in all probability, be under the necessity of re- 
turning to port for repairs : the Hornet had been cap- 
tured by the Montague, and the coast was swarming with 
hostile ships, in pursuit of him ; so that co-operation and 
assistance were removed from him, at the very time they 
were most needed. Under these circumstances, he judged 
it prudent to quit a station so full of peril, and seek ano- 
ther which afforded equal prospect of honour and advan- 
tage, with greater safety. Accordingly, he stretched along 
the south-east coast of America, intending to reap his har- 
vest on the waves of the southern Pacific. He doubled 
Cape Horn, in very tempestuous weather ; and arrived at 
Valparaiso, on the 14th March, 1813. Having exhausted 
his provisions, he replenished his ship at this port. Previ- 
ous to this time, the South Americans had felt themselves 



228 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

at liberty to make prize of the whaling vessels, from North 
America, and prisoners of their crews: their apology was, 
that they were the allies of the enemies of the United 
States ; and that Spain would probably, in a short time, 
make common cause with her ally, and declare war 
against her enemy. These reasons appearing to actuate 
the Peruvian captain, and likely to continue to influence 
his conduct, when future opportunity should present ; but 
appearing wholly insufficient in the view of Captain Por- 
ter, he resolved to take from the Peruvian the means of 
future annoyance, and threw all hir guns and ammunition 
into the sea. On board this vessel were twenty-four 
Americans, the crews of two whalemen, held prisoners ; 
whom Captain Porter liberated, and wrote an account of 
his proceedings to the Viceroy, which contained his rea- 
sons for so doing. Captain Porter afterwards retook one 
of the whalemen as she was entering the harbour of Lima. 

The British government probably had not expected so 
formidable and so troublesome a visiter, in that part of the 
world. At the period of the arrival of the Essex, her 
course was without obstruction from the enemy, and his 
commerce exposed to capture, without any protection, and 
without the suspicion of danger. Great destruction was 
the unavoidable consequence, especially among the 
whaling vessels. The Essex junior, of twenty guns, was 
one of his prizes; and the command of her given to Lieu- 
tenant Downes : most of them had valuable cargoes on 
board ; some of them were sent home, some of them were 
laid up in Valparaiso, and the rest disposed of in different 
ways. 

With as many vessels under his command as he could 
conveniently man, he was in a condition, for a time, to- 
sweep the Pacific. His prizes furnished him abundantly 
with provisions, clothing, medicine, naval stores, and the 
means of making liberal payments to his officers and men. 
Great consternation prevailed, not only throughout this 
sea, but penetrated the insurance offices of Great Britain. 
Accordingly, ships were despatched in various directions 
for the capture of this force. Some were ordered to the 
eastern as well as to the western coast of South America j 



DAVID PORTER. 229 

and others to cruise in the China seas, and off New Zea- 
land, Timor, and New Holland. Porter anticipated such 
an event ; and his dispositions were such, that accident 
alone could effect the object of his pursuers. His course 
was trackless ; sometimes in the open ocean, and some- 
times among the uninviting and unfrequented islands of 
the South Sea: but never on the coast of the continent. 
Distracted by surmises, arising - from indistinct and contra- 
dictory information, his enemies found themselves, at all 
times, either too late, or entirely out of their way. Their 
difficulties were aggravated by the superior means of in- 
formation which he enjoyed, in addition to the advantage 
naturally possessed, by the party pursued, over the party 
pursuing, the object of the one being to attain a single 
given point ; that of the other, to avoid it, among an in- 
finite number of others. Lieutenant Downes learned at 
Valparaiso, whither he had convoyed the prizes, that Com- 
modore Hillyer, in the Phoebe frigate, rated at thirty-six 
guns, with two sloops of war, was expected. With the 
intention of closing his expedition to this sea, with some- 
thing more brilliant than the capture of merchantmen and 
whalers, Captain Porter proceeded to the island of Nooa- 
heevah, one of the Washington group, for repairs. On 
the 19th of November, 1813, Captain Porter took formal 
possession of this island, in behalf of the United States of 
America, by the name of Madison Island. It is situate 
between the latitudes of 9 and 10 S., and in long. 140 W. 
from Greenwich, and is large, fertile, and populous. The 
natives of that part of the island where he landed were 
friendly ; supplying him abundantly with provisions, and 
gladly receiving assistance from him, in a war then carried 
on with some neighbouring tribes, whom he reduced to 
subjection. Having completely manned his ship, and 
supplied her with provisions and stores for four months, 
and having secured, under the guns of the battery, the 
three prizes which he had brought with him, he sailed for 
the coast of Chili, on the 12th" December, 1813. From 
cruising on the coast, he proceeded to Valparaiso, where 
Commodore Hillyer, then in quest of him, afterwards ar- 
rived. Of the action which ensued in the month of March 
20 



230 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

afterwards, and of die hopes, feelings, and expectations of 
Commodore Porter on that occasion, no better account can 
be given, than by introducing extracts from his letter on 
that subject, to the Secretary of the Navy, dated at sea, 
July 3, 1814. 

Extracts of a letter from Commodore Porter, to the Se- 
cretary of the Navy, dated at sea, July 3, 1814. 

"I had done all the injury that could be done to the 
British commerce in the Pacific, and still hoped to signalize 
my cruise by something more splendid, before leaving that 
sea. I thought it not improbable that Commodore Hillyer 
might have kept his arrival secret, and believing that he 
would seek me at Valparaiso, as the most likely place to 
find me, I therefore determined to cruise about that place, 
and should I fail of meeting him, hoped to be compensated 
by the capture of some merchant ships, said to be expected 
from England. 

" The Phoebe, agreeable to my expectations, came to 
seek me at Valparaiso, where I was anchored with the 
Essex ; my armed prize, the Essex Junior, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant Downes, on the look out off the har- 
bour. But, contrary to the course I thought he would 
pursue, Commodore Hillyer brought with him the Cherub 
sloop of war, mounting twenty-eight guns, eighteen thirty- 
two pound carronades, eight twenty-fours, and two long 
nines on die quarter-deck and forecastle, and a comple- 
ment of 180 men. The force of the Phoebe is as follows: 
thirty long eighteen pounders, sixteen thirty-two pound 
carronades, one howitzer, and six three pounders in the 
tops ; in all fifty-three guns, and a complement of 320 men ; 
making a force of eighty -one guns, and five hundred men; 
in addition to which they took on board the crew of an 
English letter of marque lying in port. Both ships had 
picked crews, and were sent into the Pacific, in company 
with the Racoon of twenty-two guns, and a store-ship of 
twenty guns, for the express purpose of seeking the Essex ; 
and were prepared with flags bearing the motto, 'God and 
country: British sailors' best rights ; traitors offend both.' 
This was intended as a reply to my motto, ' free trade 



DAVID PORTER. 231 

and sailors' rights,' under the erroneous impression 
that my crew were chiefly Englishmen, or to counteract 
its effect on their own crews. The force of the Essex was 
forty-six guns, forty thirty-two pound carronades, and six 
long twelves ; and her crew, which had been much re- 
duced by manning prizes, amounted only to two hundred 
and fifty-five men. The Essex Junior, which was intended 
chiefly as a store-ship, mounted twenty guns, ten eighteen 
pound carronades, and ten short sixes, with only sixty men 
on board. In reply to their motto, I wrote at my mizen, 
'God, our country, and liberty ; tyrants offend them J 

" On eettino- their provisions on board, thev went off the 
port for the purpose of blockading me, where they cruised 
for near six weeks ; during which time I endeavoured to 
provoke a challenge, and frequently, but ineffectually, to 
bring the Phoebe alone to action, first with both my ships, 
and afterwards with my single ship, with both crews on 
board. I was several times under way, and ascertained 
that I had greatly the advantage in point of sailing, and 
once succeeded in closing within gun-shot of the Phoebe, 
and commenced a fire on her, when she ran down for the 
Cherub, which was two and a half miles to leeward ; this 
excited some surprise and expressions of indignation, as 
previous to my getting under way, she hove to off the port, 
hoisted her motto flag, and fired a gun to windward. Com- 
modore Hillyer seemed determined to avoid a contest with 
me on nearly equal terms, and from his extreme prudence 
in keeping both his ships ever after constantly within hail 
of each other, there were no hopes of any advantages to 
my country from a longer stay in port. 1 therefore deter- 
mined to put to sea the first opportunity which should 
offer ; and I was the more strongly induced to do so, as I 
had gained certain intelligence that the Tagus, rated thir- 
ty-eight, and two other frigates, had sailed for that sea in 
pursuit of me ; and I had reason to expect the arrival of 
the Racoon from the north-west coast of America, where 
she had been sent for the purpose of destroying our fur 
establishment on the Columbia. A rendezvous was ap- 
pointed for the Essex Junior, and every arrangement made 
for sailing:: and T intended to let them chase me off, to 



232 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

give the Essex Junior an opportunity of escaping. On the 
28th of March, the day after this determination was form- 
ed, the wind came on to blow fresh from the southward, 
when I parted my larboard cable and dragged my star- 
board anchor directly out to sea. Not a moment was to be 
lost in getting sail on the ship. The enemy were close in 
with the point forming the west side of the bay ; but on 
opening them, I saw a prospect of passing to windward, 
when I took in my top-gallant sails, which were set over 
single reefed topsails, and braced up for this purpose ; but 
on rounding the point, a heavy squall struck the ship and 
carried away her main topmast, precipitating the men who 
were aloft into the sea, who were drowned. Both ships 
now gave chase to me, and I endeavoured in my disabled 
state to regain the port ; but finding I could not recover 
the common anchorage, I ran close into a small bay, about 
three quarters of a mile to leeward of the batteiy," on the 
east side of the harbour, and let go my anchor within pis- 
tol shot of the shore, where I intended to repair my dama- 
ges as soon as possible. The enemy continued to approach, 
and showed an evident intention of attacking, regardless 
of the neutrality of the place where I was anchored ; and 
the caution observed in their approach to the attack of the 
crippled Essex, was truly ridiculous, as was their display 
of their motto flags, and the number of jacks at all their 
mast heads. I, with as much expedition as circumstances 
would admit of, got my ship ready for action, and endea- 
voured to get a spring on my cable, but had not succeeded 
when the enemy, at fifty-four minutes after three, P. M., 
made his attack, the Phoebe placing herself under my stern, 
and the Cherub on my starboard bow : but, the Cherub 
soon finding her situation a hot one, bore up and ran un- 
der my stern also, where both ships kept up a hot raking 
fire. I had got three long twelve pounders out of the stern 
ports, which were worked with so much bravery and skill, 
that in half an hour we so disabled both, as to compel them 
to luml off to repair damages. In the course of this firing, 
I had, by the great exertions of Mr. Edward Barnewell, the 
acting sailing master, assisted by Mr. Linscott, the boat- 
swain, succeeded in getting springs on our cable three dif- 



PAVID PORTER. 233 

ferent times ; but the fire of the enemy was so excessive, 
that before we could gel our broadside to bear, they were 
shut away, and thus rendered useless to us. 

" M\ r ship bad received many injuries, and several had 
been killed and wounded ; but my brave officers and men, 
notwithstanding the unfavourable circumstances under 
which we were brought to action, and the powerful force 
opposed to us, were no ways discouraged — all appeared de- 
termined to defend their sbip tc the last extremity, and to 
die m preference to a shameful surrender. Our gaff, with 
the ensign and motto flag at the mizen, had been shot away, 
but free trade and sailors' richts continued to fly 
at the fore. Our ensign was replaced by another ; and to 
guard against a similar event, an ensign was made fast in 
the mizen rigging, and several jacks were hoisted in dif- 
ferent parts of the ship. The enemy soon repaired his 
damages for a fresh attack. He now placed himself, with 
both his ships, on my starboard quarter, out of the reach 
of my carronades. and where my stern guns could not be 
brought to bear ; lie there kept up a most galling fire, which 
it was out of my power to return, when 1 saw no prospect 
of injuring him without getting under way, and becoming 
the assailant. My topsail sbeets and haulyards were all 
shot away, as well as the jib and fore topmast staysail 
haulyards. The only rope not cut was the flying jib haul- 
yards ; and that being the only sail I could set, I caused it 
to be hoisted, my cable to be cut, and ran clown on both 
ships, with an intention of laying the Phoebe on board. 
The firing on both sides was now tremendous ; I had let 
fall my fore topsail and foresail, but the w^ant of tacks and 
sheets rendered them almost useless to us — yet we were 
enabled, for a short time, to close with the enemy ; and al- 
though our decks were now strewed with dead, and our 
cockpit filled with wounded — although our ship had been 
several times on fire, and was rendered a perfect wreck, 
we were still encouraged to hope to save her, from the cir- 
cumstance of the Cherub, from her crippled state, being 
compelled to haul off. She did not return to close action 
again, although she apparently had it in her power to do 
so. but kept up a distant firing with her long guns. The 
20* 



234 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Phoebe, from our disabled state, was enabled, however, by 
edging off, to choose the distance which best suited her 
long guns, and kept up a tremendous fire on us, which 
mowed down my brave companions by the dozen. Many 
of my guns had been rendered useless by the enemy's shot, 
and many of them had their whole crews destroyed. We 
manned them again from those which were disabled, and 
one gnu in particular was three times manned — fifteen 
men were slain at it in the course of the action ! but. strange 
as it may appear, the captain of it escaped with only a 
slight wound. 

"Finding that the enemy had it in bis power to choose 
his distance, I now gave up all hopes of closing with him, 
and, as the wind, for the moment, seemed to favour the 
design, I determined to endeavour to run her on shore, 
land my men, and destroy her. Every thing seemed to 
favour my wishes. We had approached the shore within 
musket shot, and I had no doubt of succeeding, when, in 
an instant, the wind shifted from the land (as is very com- 
mon in this port in the latter part of the clay) and payed 
our head down on the Phoebe, where we were again ex- 
posed to a dreadful raking fire. My ship was now totally 
unmanageable ; yet, as her head was towards the enemy, 
and he to leeward of me, I still hoped to be able to board 
him. At this moment Lieutenant Commandant Downes 
came on board to receive my orders, under the impression 
that I should soon be a prisoner. He could be of no use 
to me in the then wretched state of the Essex ; and find- 
ing (from the enemy's putting his helm up) that my last 
attempt at boarding would not succeed, I directed him, af- 
ter he had been about ten minutes on board, to return to 
his own ship, to be prepared for defending and destroying 
her in case of an attack. He took with him several of my 
wounded, leaving three of his boat's crew on board to make 
room for them. The Cherub now had an opportunity of 
distinguishing herself, by keeping up a hot fire on him 
during his return. The slaughter on board my ship had 
now become horrible, the enemy continuing to rake us, 
and we unable to bring a gun to bear. I therefore direct- 
ed a hawser to be bent to the sheet anchor, and the an- 



DAVID PORTER. 235 

chor to be cut from the bows, to bring licr bead round : 
this succeeded. We again got our broadside to bear, and 
as the enemy was much crippled, and unable to hold his 
own, I have no doubt he would soon have drifted out of 
gun-shot, before he discovered we had anchored, had not 
the hawser unfortunately parted. My ship had taken fire 
several times during the action, but alarmingly so forward 
and aft at this moment ; the flames were bursting up each 
hatchway, and no hopes were entertained of saving her : 
our distance from the shore did not exceed three quarters 
of a mile, and 1 hoped many of my brave crew would be 
able to save themselves, should the ship blowup, as I was 
informed the fire was near the magazine, and the explo- 
sion of a large quantity of powder below, served to increase 
the horrors of our situation — our boats were destroyed by 
the enemy's shot ; I therefore directed those who could 
swim to jump overboard, and endeavour to gain the shore. 
Some readied it, some were taken by the enemy, and some 
perished in the attempt ; but most preferred sharing with 
me the fate of the ship. We who remained, now turned 
our attention wholly to extinguishing the flames ; and when 
we had succeeded, went again to our guns, where the 
firing was kept up for some minutes ; but the crew had by 
this time become so weakened, that they all declared to me 
the impossibility of making farther resistance, and entreat- 
ed me to surrender my ship to save my wounded, as all 
farther attempts at opposition must prove ineffectual, al- 
most every gun being disabled by the destruction of their 
crews. I now sent for the officers of divisions, to consult 
them : but what was my surprise, to find only acting Lieu- 
tenant Stephen Decatur M'Knight remaining, who con- 
firmed the report respecting the condition of the guns on 
the gun-deck — those on the spar-deck were not in a better 
state. 

" Lieutenant Wilmer, after fighting most gallantly 
throughout the action, had been knocked overboard by a 
splinter, while getting the sheet anchor from the bows, and 
was drowned. Acting Lieutenant J. G. Cowell had lost 
a leg; Mr. Edward Barnewell, acting sailing-master, had 
been carried below, after receiving two severe wounds, 



236 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

one in the breast and one in the face ; and acting Lieuten- 
ant William H. Odenheimer had been knocked overboard 
from the quarter an instant before, and did not regain the 
ship until after the surrender. I was informed "that the 
cockpit, the steerage, the wardroom, and the bertlideck, 
could contain no more wounded; that the wounded were 
killed while the surge< ns were dressing them, and that, 
unless something was speedily done to prevent it, the ship 
would soon sink, from the number of shot holes in her 
bottom. And, on sending for the carpenter, he informed 
me that all his crew had been killed or wounded, and that 
he had once been over the side to stop die leak-., when his 
slings had been shot away, and it was with difficulty he 
was saved from drownii ig. The enei 1 1 y, from the smooth- 
ness of the water, and the impossibility of our reaching 
him with our carronades, and the little apprehension that 
was excited by our fire, which had now become much 
slackened, was enabled to take aim at us as at a target; 
his shot never missed our hull, and my ship was cut up in 
a manner which was perhaps never before witnessed : in 
fine, I saw no hopes of saving her. and at twenty minutes 
after six, P. M., gave the painful order to strike the colours. 
Seventy-five men, including officers, were all that remain- 
ed of my whole crew, after the action, capable of doing 
duty, and many of them severely wounded, some of whom 
have since died. The enemy still continued his fire, and 
my brave, though unfortunate companions, were still fall- 
ing about me. I directed an opposite gun to be fired, to 
show them we intended no farther resistance ; but they 
did not desist ; four men were killed at my side, and others 
in different parts of the ship. I now believed he intended 
to show us no quarters, and that it would be as well to die 
with my flag flying as struck, and was on the point of 
again hoisting it, when about ten minutes after hauling 
the colours down, he ceased firing. 

" We have been unfortunate, but not disgraced ; the de- 
fence of the Essex has not been less honourable to her of- 
ficers and crew, than the capture of an equal force; and I 
now consider my situation less unpleasant than that of 
Commodore Hillyer, who, in violation of every principle 



DAVID PORTER. 237 

of honour and generosity, and regardless of the rights of 
nations, attacked the Essex in her crippled state, within 
pistol shot of a neutral shore ; when, for six weeks, I had 
daily offered him fair and honourable combat, on terms 
greatly to his advantage ; the blood of the slain must be 
on his head ; and he has yet to reconcile his conduct to 
Heaven, to his conscience, and to the world. 

" I must, in justification of myself, observe, that with our 
six twelve pounders only, we fought this action, our car- 
ronades being almost useless. 

" The loss, in killed and wounded, has been great with 
the enemy ; among the former is the first Lieutenant of the 
Phcebe, and of the latter, Captain Tucker of the Cherub, 
whose wounds are severe. Both the Essex and Phoebe 
were in a sinking state, and it was with difficulty they could 
be kept afloat until they anchored in Valparaiso next morn- 
ing. The battered state of the Essex will, I believe, pre- 
vent her ever reaching England • and I also think it will 
be out of their power to repair the damages of the Phcebe, 
so as to enable her to double Cape Horn. 

" In justice to Commodore Hillyer, I must observe, 
that (although I can never be reconciled to the manner of 
his attack on the Essex, or to his conduct before the action,) 
he has, since our capture, shown the greatest humanity to 
my wounded, (whom he permitted me to land, on condition 
that the United States should bear their expenses,) and has 
endeavoured, as much as lay in his power, to alleviate the 
distresses of war, by the most generous and delicate deport- 
ment towards myself, my officers, and crew ; he gave orders 
that the property of every person should be respected. 

" To possess the Essex, it has cost the British govern- 
ment near six millions of dollars, and yet, sir, her capture 
was owing entirely to accident; and if we consider the 
expedition with which naval contests are now decided, the 
action is a dishonour to them. 

"During the action, our Consul- General, Mr. Poinsett, 
called on the Governor of A r alparaiso, and requested that 
the batteries might protect the Essex. This request was 
refused ; but he promised that if she should succeed in 
fighting her way to the common anchorage, he would senc] 



238 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

an officer to the British commander, and request him to 
cease firing - , but declined using force under any circum- 
stances ; and there is no doubt a perfect understanding 
existed between them. This conduct, added to the assist- 
ance given to the British, and their friendly reception after 
the action, and the strong bias of the faction which go- 
verns Chili in favour of the English, as well as their hos- 
tility to the Americans, induced Mr. Poinsett to leave that 
country. Under such circumstances, I did not conceive 
it would be proper for me to claim the restoration of my 
ship, confident that the claim would be made by my go- 
vernment to more effect. Finding some difficulty in the 
sale of my prizes, I had taken the Hector and Catharine 
to sea, and burnt them with their cargoes." 

On Commodore Porter's return to the United States, he 
was received with that eclat to which the brilliancy of his 
actions entitled him. He assisted at the defence of Balti- 
more, and on the return of peace, congress having esta- 
blished a Navy Board to assist the operations of the Navy 
Department, he was appointed one of the three commis- 
sioners to whom its direction was confided. 

The editor has no clue to guide him in determining how 
long the commodore served in this station, nor is the in- 
quiry important. Whether he resigned an unthankful of- 
fice to engage in a more active, and evidently a more ha- 
zardous employment, is uncertain, but is very probable. 
How his labours in the cause of his country closed, and 
how he was rewarded, may be seen in the following 

/Synopsis of the Trial of Commodore Porter, before a 
General Court Martial, held at Washington, July 7, 
1825, and continued by adjournment to the 13th day 
of August. 

That the reader niay be apprized of the historical cir- 
cumstances connected with, and eventuating in, the result 
of this trial, a brief but comprehensive view of the orders 
which he is said to have disobeyed, and those acts which 
were laid to his charge as the foundation of proceedings 
against him, will now be attempted. 

On the 1st of February; 1823, orders and instructions 



DAVID PORTER. 239 

were received by the Commodore, to the following effect : — 
He was appointed to the command of a squadron, " to 
cruise in the West India seas and Gnlf of Mexico, for the 
purpose of repressing piracy, and affording effectual pro- 
tection to the citizens and commerce of the United States." 
The instructions direct him " to guard the rights, both of 
person and property of the citizens of the United States, 
wherever it shall become necessary." Again — " Should) 
therefore, the crews of any vessels, which you have seen 
engaged in acts of piracy, or which you have just cause 
to suspect of being of that character, retreat into the ports, 
harbours, or settled parts of the islands, you may enter, in 
pursuit of them, such ports, harbours, and settled parts of 
the country, for the purpose of aiding the local authorities, 
or people, as the case may be, to seize and bring the of- 
fenders to justice, previously giving notice that this is your 
sole object. Where a government exists, and is felt, you 
will, in all instances, respect the local authorities, and only 
act in aid of, and co-operation with them." So far, extracts 
from the instructions. The reader will now be informed 
of the transactions charged to Commodore Porter, as dis- 
obedience of orders. 

In the morning of October 4th, 1824, a clerk to Cabot 
and Bailey, commercial agents at St. Thomas, went on 
board the Beagle, commanded by Lieutenant Piatt, then 
lying in the harbour, giving information that their store 
had been robbed of goods to the amount of $5,000. The 
Lieutenant, as requested, went in search of the goods to 
Foxardo, at the east end of Porto Rico, for. which place 
he had the best authority for believing the goods were 
destined. On the evening of the 26th, he anchored in 
the harbour of Foxardo, with American colours flying. 
Next morning, the post captain sent his compliments on 
board, desiring to see the commander. He landed — was 
at first treated with respect, both by the captain of the 
port, and the Alcalde — and afterwards made a prisoner, 
under the pretence that he was no better than a pirate, 
though his commission was exhibited, and his orders to 
act as commandant from Commodore Porter. In the 
evening he was liberated, and returned on board the Beagle. 



24() GLORY OP AMERICA. 

During this transaction, nothing was more evident, than 
that the Alcalde was under an influence which he dared 
not avow ; a popular, or rather piratical force, which he 
dared not to disohey, was his counsellor in action. The 
character and standing of the commander were known to 
him and to the populace, and the Alcalde knew, that in 
the steps which were taken, he was the tool and accessary 
of pirates. 

When the Commodore received information of the insult 
which had been offered to the American flag, in the person 
of Lieutenant Piatt, he determined to seek redress, or to 
receive an apology. He visited Foxardo with a consider-" 
able force — landed a number of men — sent a flag of truce 
into the village — spiked two guns — met the Alcalde, and 
received a satisfactory apology. The magistrate admitted 
that he confined Mr. Piatt, knowing him to be an officer 
in the American navy, but stated that he had been com» 
pelled to do it by others ! The people, and the reasons 
which dictated this measure, cannot well be misunder- 
stood. The people were evidently pirates, and the reasons' 
which induced the measure of confining the officer, were 
to prevent a discovery of the goods, and the punishment 
of the robbers. 

From an examination of all the testimony offered before 
the court, nothing can be plainer, than that Commodore 
Porter acted strictly within his orders ; and that persons, 
even the persons of those who exhibited obvious tokens of 
being land-locked pirates, and all private property, were 
duly respected. No complaint was made that the two 
guns were spiked ; a justification of this act was too easy 
a matter for an attempt to fault it. 

After the apology, the Commodore and his men were 
politely invited into the village, but the invitation was de- 
clined. On the beach, the men received refreshments, for 
which payment was refused, and the final separation of 
the parties was marked by tokens of mutual satisfaction. 

The Commodore's report of these proceedings was re- 
ceived by the navy department on the 4th of December. 
On the 27th, more than three weeks after the receipt of the 
report above noticed, a resolution of the house of repre- 



I)AVID PORTER. 241 

sentatives requested the President to communicate inform- 
ation relative to the proceedings of the West India squad- 
ron ; and on the same day, the Secretary of the Navy 
issued an order to the Commodore, to repair to the United 
States, for the purpose of investigating the subject of his 
Communication relating to the Foxardo affair. 

Soon after his arrival, a court of inquiry was instituted, 
and finally a general court martial, the latter of which 
was constituted as follows : — 

Captain James Barron, President. 
Capt. Thomas Tingey, Capt. Jesse D. Elliot, 

James Biddle, James Renshaw", 

Charles G. Ridgely, Thomas Brown, 

Robert T. Spence, Chas. C. B. Thompson, 

John Downes, Alex. S. Wadsworth f 

John D. Henley, George W. Rogers. 

Richard S. Coxe, Judge Advocate. 
When the Commodore was requested to state if he ex- 
cepted to any member of the court, he offered objections 
to the Judge Advocate ; first, as to the regularity of his 
appointment ; and, secondly, to the temper and bias of his 
mind, in regard to this particular case. We shall waive 
a particular notice of the first, as being more technical 
than important, and attend to the facts in support of the 
second exception. Mr. Coxe had published an anonymous 
piece in the National Journal, distinctly asserting the truth 
of one of the specifications, and so pledged his credit in a 
way utterly incompatible with the requisite impartiality. 
He had also in press, a pamphlet labouring to establish 
the guilt of the Commodore in the premises. These facts 
were established on the trial, and the pamphlet was on 
sale the day after the sentence of the court was published. 
After deliberating on these exceptions, the court called 
on the Judge Advocate for his opinion, who decided in 
his own favour ; asserting, that " neither has the accused 
a right to make any exception before the court, nor has 
the court any right to decide on any exception to the 
Judofe Advocate ! !"* 



o 



* Had this assertion been made in open court, so as to have admitted 
cf an answer before the question was decided, a well known, and most au- 
41 



242 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

The sum of the offence charged on the accused, was 
disobedience of orders, and conduct unbecoming an officer. 
Not one of the witnesses called proved, or even stated, a 
circumstance from which the justice of these charges could 
rationally be inferred. It appeared in evidence, that the 
accused had received information from the most respecta- 
ble merchants at St. Thomas, that Foxardo was a ren- 
dezvous and refuge for pirates, and that goods to a great 
amount were robbed at St. Thomas, and sold at Foxardo 
and in its vicinity. It also appeared, that, during the stay 
of the Americans, their conduct, as men and officers, was 
gentlemanly and courteous, and that no just cause of 
offence was given to quiet and honest citizens. 

From the testimony delivered in this case, it appears 
that a letter was carried to Foxardo, by the commander 
of the Beagle, directed to a Mr. Campus, respecting the 
goods stolen from the store of Cabot and Bailey, in St. 
Thomas. The captain of the port showed the officers 
where Mr. Campus resided, and the letter was delivered. 
On reading the letter, he stated that it would be necessary 
to go to the Alcalde, who would forward the views of the 
officers. They were introduced to the Alcalde, who treated 
them with politeness, until this Mr. Campus had a private 
interview with the Alcalde and captain of the port. After 
this interview, the imprisonment of Lieutenants Piatt and 
Ritchie took place. 

In the mean time, Mr. Campus " had brougbt horses 
there, and told Lieutenant Piatt he might probably get the 
goods at a small town about twenty miles off." The rea- 
son of this offer is obvious the moment we are informed, 
that, almost beyond the pale of controversy, the identical 
goods were then in the store of this Mr. Campus, through 
whose influence the officers were imprisoned, and they 
not permitted to search for the goods in Foxardo ! Nor 
should it be forgotten, that Mr. Bedford, a clerk to Cabot 

thoritative precedent, would instantly have been referred to, in the case of 
Martin Van Buren, Esq. who was appointed a special judge advocate to the 
general court martini for the trial of Major General Wilkinson, whose ex- 
ceptions to the legality and competency of the appointment were sustained 
by the court, and its decision acquiesced in, both by the gentleman who hsd 
received, and by the government which had conferred the appointment.-— 
Report, p. G. 



DAVID PORTER. 243 

and Bailey, was present, and ready to identify the goods, 
so soon as they should be discovered. 

The foregoing brief history is given, as comprising all 
which appeared in evidence, particularly relevant to the 
charge of disobedience of orders. So far from sustaining 
this "charge, every scrap of testimony which appears in 
the report" of this trial, exhibits the most scrupulous at- 
tention to the instructions given by the navy department. 

To any rational and impartial person, who can and will 
read the report of this trial, and carefully attend to the 
facts offered in testimony, it must be matter of extreme 
astonishment, that even a court of inquiry should be in- 
stituted in this case. Both the governors of St. Thomas 
and Porto Rico approved what he did ; and, in March, 
1825, Mr. Torres, governor of the latter place, issued ge- 
neral orders to the military commandants and citizens, 
enjoining on them to assist the American forces in the 
" total extermination of such vile rabble, the disgrace of 
humanity." But, when we consider that the Spanish au- 
thorities considered the presence of our squadron as their 
safeguard and powerful ally, we are doubly astonished at 
the prosecution, and its singular result. 

The reader will perceive, that the subjoined defence 
notices two charges, whereas the foregoing history and 
remarks refiAo but one, viz. disobedience of orders. The 
reason why The latter course is chosen by the editor, will 
be obvious, when the charges shall be presented, which 
were as follows :■ — 

Charge 1. Disobedience of orders, and conduct unbe- 
coming an officer. 

Charge 2. Insubordinate conduct, and conduct unbe- 
coming an officer. 

If, by "insubordinate conduct,' 1 is meant lack of subor- 
dination, or obedience to superiors, or to instructions, the 
second charge, in its whole bearing, is but a repetition of 
the first, and a mere change of form in the mode of ex- 
pression — a senseless duplicative. 

The editor has fully expressed his views of the merits 
of this trial ; but he would do injustice to his own feelings, 
should he omit to state, that he sat down to the perusal of 



244 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

the report of this trial, with strong prejudices against the 
accused. He therefore embraces this opportunity to say, 
that from a careful and patient examination of the whole 
affair, he is perfectly convinced of the total failure of proof 
which could warrant the conviction and sentence of so 
meritorious an officer. 

DEFENCE. 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Court Martial : 

After having endured a long and mortifying suspense, 
the frown of undefined indignation, and the anxieties of 
ambiguous censure, I have experienced a sensible relief, 
from a public investigation, promising a determinate issue ; 
which, in no event, can place me in a situation less tole- 
rable than that from which it takes me. Even the hard 
measure that has been dealt me, in the manner and spirit 
of the prosecution, both before and during the progress of 
my present trial, is amply compensated, whatever be the 
event, by the opportunity afforded me, of a full and open 
justification before the world ; and, especially, before a 
tribunal, between the members of which and myself, at 
least so much of intelligence and community of sentiment 
exists, as to free me from the apprehension of receiving 
less than justice at their hands ; and to acquit me, in their 
minds, from the suspicion of appealing to their favour, for 
any thing more than justice. If preparatory censures 
have tended to wound my feelings, or to prejudice my 
cause ; if a stern and jealous inquisition have probed every 
part of my professional character and conduct, where the 
sensitiveness of a man of honour, or the presumed defects 
of human frailty, might be supposed to shrink from the 
searching point ; and if, taken unawares by the sudden- 
ness of the attack, or the novelty of my situation, an ex- 
cruciated sensibility may, for the time, have broke through 
the guards, that should have preserved me unmoved and 
self-balanced in mind and temper ; yet, after all, I bow, 
with humility and experimental conviction, to the moral 
system of compensations, that bringeth good out of evil : 
for innocence, made but the more manifest and clear from 
the severity of its trials, is the bright reversion that might 
have animated hope, and endued me with the passive 



DAVID PORTER. 215 

fortitude of endurance, through a longer and more penal 
term of tribulation. 

The accusations which I am now to answer, present 
this singular feature : while they branch out into two dis- 
tinct classes of offence, the most dissimilar and the most 
unequal in the quality and degree of the legal and moral 
guilt imputed, as in the importance and interest, to the 
community, of the principles involved, and of the actions 
to be condemned or justified; they all originate in the 
same source, and are closely connected by the causes that 
have produced them, and by the passions and motives that 
uphold them. — . 

The first branch of the accusation brings into discussion 
the most important and vital principles of the high and 
awful sanctions, by which national sovereignty is to be 
maintained and vindicated by arms ; while the second 
hinges upon the minute punctilios of ceremonious respect. 
That a devoted servant of the republic, who had consu- 
med the flower of his years, and the vigour of his life, in 
arduous, and, as he hoped, acceptable services ; who had 
looked for approbation, if not honour, as his reward, for 
an unstinted exposure to labours, privations, and dangers ; 
so much the more disinterested, as, however beneficial to 
his country and to mankind, it promised few of the per- 
sonal gratifications, which may laudably be sought, in the 
renown of more striking and brilliant achievements ; who 
was conscious of having acted with the most implicit re- 
spect and exact fidelity, to what he understood to be the 
views and instructions of his superiors ; who, with wasted 
powers of life, but untiring activity and zeal, had exerted, 
for the fulfilment of those instructions to the utmost scope 
of their letter and spirit, whatsoever of efficient energy, a 
constitution, worn and broken in the public service, had 
left him ; — that such an one should have been somewhat 
sore and impatient under rebuke, that came, like a portent 
and a wonder, upon his astonished senses, was far more 
natural, than that complaints of misconstruction and in- 
justice should have been interpreted into disrespect ; and 
free, but decorous remonstrance, treated as little less than 
mutiny. 

21* 



246 fiLORY OF AMERICA. 

In my justification against these charges, I must regret 
the necessity of occupying a larger portion of the valuable 
time of this court, than any intrinsic difficulties, in the 
questions themselves, might possibly have required. But 
the terms in which the charges have been framed : their 
often complained of vagueness and uncertainty, as to the 
nature and degree of the offence intended to be charged ; 
the mystery observed as to the application of the facts and 
circumstances, given in evidence, to the gist of the accu- 
sation ; and the defect of any advertisement of the points 
intended to be insisted on, in the prosecution, or that were 
supposed to require elucidation in the defence : all these 
circumstances compel me to traverse a wide field, as well 
of conjectural as of obvious justification. 

Charge 1. Before I proceed to discuss any matter of 
fact or law, put in issue by the first charge, it may be use- 
ful to attain as distinct an understanding, as practicable, 
of its terms ; and of the nature and degree of the guilt im- 
puted by it. 

The general head under which the offence intended 
to be charged is classed and characterized, consists of two 
members : first, " disobedience of orders ;" second, " con- 
duct unbecoming an officer." The first, doubtless, falls 
under a general description of military offence, common 
to every organized body of military force in the world : 
but, in every military code, by which such an offence may 
be punished, the character and functions of the officer from 
whom the orders are supposed to emanate, and the nature 
of such orders, are usually defined, with all reasonable pre- 
cision. In the 5th and 14th of our naval articles of war, 
this species of offence is defined, in terms nearly equiva- 
lent to the corresponding articles in the naval and military 
codes of Britain, and in our own military articles of war. 
Our 5th naval article of war is, in terms, restricted to the 
orders of a commanding officer, when preparing for, or 
joining in, or actually engaged in battle. But the 14th 
article, conceived in terms somewhat more comprehensive, 
enacts that " no officer or private shall disobey the lawful 
orders of his superior officer, or strike him, &c. while in 
the execution of the dvties of "his office." The punish- 



DAV11) PORTER. 247 

ment of the offence, in eider of its modes or degrees, is 
"death, or .such other punishment as a court martial shall 
inflict." Then, if by the " disobedience of orders," here 
charged, be intended any offence known to the naval arti- 
cles of war, and punishable under them, it implies that. I. 
had received, from some superior officer, in actual com- 
mand, either while engaged, or about to be engaged in 
battle ; or otherwise, " in the execution of the duties of his 
office," some order, which 1 had disobeyed: and so, had 
come in the danger of a capital offence, as every military 
offence is denominated, which is punishable with death ; 
though it be left to the discretion of a court-martial, to in- 
flict any less punishment. 

When this general charge comes to be deduced into par- 
ticulars, in the form of a specification, no orders, either 
commanding or forbidding me to do any act whatever, are 
set forth, either in terms or in substance : no commanding 
or superior officer, from whom they are supposed to have 
issued, is either named or described. The specification 
simply sets out the naked and insulated fact, of a certain 
invasion, by force of arms, upon the territorial sovereignty 
of Spain; accompanied by " divers acts of hostility against 
the subjects and the property of that power :" and, instead 
of any averment that, in so doing, the orders of a com- 
manding or superior officer had been disobeyed, the con- 
clusion of the specification branches out into a " contra- 
vention of the Constitution of the United States, and of 
the law of nations ; and a violation of instructions from 
the government of the United States." Now, whether any 
" contravention of the constitution or of the law of nations" 
not involved in a disobedience of military orders, be an 
offence cognizable, under this charge, by a court-martial ; 
or whether general instructions from the government be 
identical with the orders of a commanding or superior 
officer ; and a violation of such instructions, equivalent 
to a disobedience of such orders ; are questions of grave 
import, and will doubtless, in their due order, receive the 
deliberate consideration of the court. At present, how- 
ever, we are endeavouring to ascertain the essential cha- 
racter and terms of the offence, actually intended to be 



248 GLORY OF AMERICA, 

charged : its legal attributes and consequences may be 
separately considered. 

As to the second member of the general charge, " con- 
duct unbecoming an officer ;"— whether it be intended to 
describe a mere incident to every act of military disobe- 
dience ; or to impute some gratuitous and superadded cir- 
cumstance of aggravation, in the mode and degree of it ; 
and to inflame the guilt of simple disobedience, by some 
wanton abuse in the manner and circumstances attending 
the commission of the act ; as in the ''divers acts of hos- 
tility," said to have been committed "against the subjects 
and property of the King of Spain," are questions left in 
the characteristic obscurity and uncertainty, which have, 
all along, veiled the " head and front of my offending," 
from any distinct view of it, that might have enabled me 
to perceive or to divine its extent. 

The rights and duties incidental to a state of war, as it 
affects every party directly or indirectly concerned, have 
been the subject of such frequent and elaborate discussion, 
in our own intercourse with foreign nations, and have re- 
ceived such lucid definition and such various illustration 
from our most eminent statesmen, that we may be said to 
have compiled and digested, from the best authorities and 
the most enlightened views of the subject, a system of pub- 
lic law, upon these topics ; which, if it be not generally 
adopted by the family of civilized nations, as the moral 
and political influence of our example extends, may, at 
least, be received among ourselves as superseding, to every 
practical purpose, a reference to the more general and less 
applicable doctrines of elementary writers. Our discus- 
sions with the powers of Europe, while they were bellige- 
rent and we were neutral, have settled, for ourselves, the 
positive rights of neutrals : and our more recent discussions 
and collisions, with one of those powers, while we M r ere 
belligerent and she neutral, have equally well settled the 
positive duties of neutrals. The rule, to be deduced from 
the latter, is so much the more intelligible in its doctrine, 
and obvious and practical in its application, since it has 
grown out of collisions and discussions of the belligerent 



DAVID PORTKK. 249 

rights of the United States, as correlative to the neutral 
duties of this very power, Spain ; whose territorial sove- 
reignty I am charged with having violated : and more 
especially of her neutral duties, as determined by the pe- 
culiar circumstances of her colonial dependencies ; in one 

of which the scene of my supposed transgression is laid. 

##**#***'##» 

If a neutral, through perfidy, partiality, or weakness, 
(and it is perfectly immaterial which.) permit, or be com- 
pelled, by superior force, to suffer his territory to be seized 
by one belligerent, or, in any manner, used to the annoy- 
ance of another, the latter has a perfect right to invade 
that territory, and to use it, with all the means and facili- 
ties of war that it affords, to the same extent that his ad- 
versary is permitted to use, or has, by force, usurped the 
same. The territory, the inhabitants, and whatsoever else 
there may be there, which have been thus converted into 
means of annoyance, are, for the time, impressed with the 
character of enemy, and may be treated accordingly. It 
is one of the most ordinary and undisputed, as well as the 
least harsh of these rights, to pursue an enemy into neii^ 
tral territory, if he retreat there for refuge, or take his sta- 
tion there to be ready to sally forth and attack his adver- 
sary, as occasion and opportunity may serve. If this abuse 
of neutral territory proceed from the weakness of the sove^- 
reign, and his inability to protect it from violation, the rule 
is, that at, the point, and in the degree that his authority 
ceases to be exerted, with practical efficacy, that of the 
party injured by its relaxation, commences and extends. 
In the emphatic language of Mr. Adams, " The right of the 
United States can as little compound with impotence as 
with perfidy? All this infers no hostility against the neur 
tral ; but proceeds upon the great principle of self-defence, 
which justifies a belligerent to disarm his adversary, to 
turn upon him his own weapons, and deprive him of the 
permitted or usurped means of annoyance. There may 
be occasions, when the misconduct of a neutral sovereign 
might expose him to the resentment of the belligerent so- 
vereign, and make him an actual party in the war : but I 
Jjere speak merely of those incidental rights of actual war, 



250 GLORY OP AMERICA, 

which affect him in his neutral character, and require not 
the decision of the sovereign will to authorize the enforce- 
ment of them ; which are inseparable from belligerent ope- 
rations, and are summarily exerted, in the exigency of the 
moment, at the discretion of die commander to whom the 
conduct of such operations is intrusted. " Of the neces- 
sity for which, [says Mr. Adams, speaking of the invasion 
and occupation, by military force, of neutral territory, in- 
cluding its fortified places and garrisons, whenever the 
effectual prosecution of hostilities against the enemy shall, 
in the opinion of the general, make it necessary,] he has 
the most effectual means of forming a judgment ; and the 
vindication of which is written in every page of the law 
of nations, as well as in the first law of nature, self-de- 
fence." The principle is not confined to neutral territory, 
but extends to all the ramifications of neutral sovereignty, 
and to all the modifications of neutral properly: for it is 
the same identical principle, modified by circumstances, 
that authorizes naval commanders, from the admiral of a 
fleet, to the lieutenant-commandant of a schooner, or a 
barge, or even the captain of a privateer, to seize, upon the 
high seas, neutral ships, carrying contraband, infringing 
a blockade, or committing other unneutral acts. In these 
cases, the ships seized are good prize ; but, like the terri- 
tory, (of which they are an emanation of the sovereignty,) 
they are also liable to temporary seizure and detention ; as 
when found laden with enemy property. This practical 
exertion of belligerent rights, upon the high seas, is, in 
principle, just as high-handed an interference with the ex- 
clusive domain of foreign sovereignty, in order to repel 
open or insidious hostility, in neutral guise, and by neutral 
means, as any analogous invasion or occupation of the 
actual territory of the same sovereign. The flag of a na- 
tion is just as inviolable an emblem of sovereignty, as terri- 
tory; and the ship that bears it, is, constructively, a part 
of the territory, and just as much entitled to protection. 

' : There will need, (to borrow again the language of Mr. 
Adams, the condensation and force of which, added to its 
authority, may dispense with other illustration,) no cita- 
tions from printed treatises on international law, to, prove. 



DAVID PORTER; 251 

the correctness of this principle. It is engraven, in ada- 
mant, on the common sense of mankind ; no writer ever 
pretended to contradict it; none, of any reputation, or au- 
thority, ever omitted to insert it." 

I cannot forbear, however, adding- to the domestic do- 
cuments of our public transactions, by which both our 
belligerent, and our neutral rights, are so amply unfolded, 
and accurately defined, the authority of the venerable and 
illustrious Grotius ; who may be styled the father of the 
modern law of nations. In laying down the rule, by which 
neutrals may expose themselves to the treatment of ene- 
mies, he also recommends certain modifications of the 
strict belligerent right ; not as necessary limitations or ex- 
ceptions, which a neutral may insist on, but as being mere- 
ly recommended by a spirit of moderation and humanity; 
and which a belligerent may disregard, according to his 
own discretion, or his estimate of necessity or prudence, 
under existing circumstances, without incurring the odium 
of having violated the established rules of civilized war- 
fare ; and it may be satisfactory to the court to see, by how 
many degrees, my operations, at Foxardo, fell short', not 
only of what strict right authorized^ but of what the most 
beneficent construction of the right would have recom- 
mended, as within the bounds of moderation and humani- 
ty. 'Tis also worthy of remark, that this author, in the 
same passage here cited, illustrates belligerent, as correla- 
tive to neutral rights, by the known and conceded right 
to attack a ship manned by pirates, or a house occupied 
by robbers ; although, in that ship, or in that house, there 
may be many innocent persons, whose lives are endanger- 
ed by the attack. 

The principles established by the documents now ad- 
verted to, regard Spain in her simple character of strict 
neutrality; without reference to her higher and more sa- 
cred obligations, as an ally. 

In the late war with Great Britain, in which the Indians 
of Florida took part against us, General Jackson was ex- 
pressly authorized, by President Madison, to take Pensa- 
cola, if it were found to have fostered Indian hostilities, fey 



252 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

ministering to their wants, and affording them the mean* 
of annoyance. " If, [proceeds the order, as indited by- 
Secretary Armstrong-,] the Spaniards admit into their 
towns, feed, arm, and co-operate with the hostile Indians, 
yon must strike, upon the broad principles of self-preserva- 
tion." 

Now let the principles, so clearly deduced from these 
most authoritative precedents, be applied to my situation 
and conduct, as commander of the squadron in the West 
Indies, engaged in actual war against the pirates. 

From a variety of causes, too obvious to be mentioned, 
the Spanish Islands in the West Indies were, for the most 
part, more destitute of any practical, steady, and efficient 
governments and police, than the inhabited parts of the 
Floridas. The pirates, who sought shelter there, were not, 
like the miserable savages of Florida, insulted and cut off 
from access to other quarters for relief, so as to be depend- 
ent on Spanish towns and garrisons, for occasional sup- 
plies of provisions, arms, and ammunition. On the con- 
trary, their enterprising and successful piracies, and the 
accumulated plunder of land and sea, gave them influence 
and favour, not only in the more barren or thinly inhabit- 
ed districts ; but in some of the more considerable towns 
and settlements : while their numbers, their resources, and 
their ferocity, overawed and intimidated those who were 
not seduced by participation in the spoils of piratical enter- 
prise. AVhen the hot pursuit of our cruisers had driven 
them from the sea, and destroyed all their vessels, capable 
of keeping the sea, they retreated into various parts of 
Cuba and Porto Rico ; in some places, banded themselves 
against the local authorities, and effectually defied every 
effort to reduce .them; in other places, they assumed vari- 
ous disguises, as fishermen, droguers, pedlers, &c. &c. 
As fishermen, they built huts and villages upon the coasts 
of these two islands ; and kept up a constant intercourse 
with the inhabitants ; from whom it was extremely diffi- 
cult to distinguish them. The innumerable bays, inlets, 
shoals, and harbours, about these islands, enabled them 
to conceal the boats, in which tliay nightly sallied forth 



DAVID PORTER. 



253 



from their holds, and committed innumerable piracies ; as 
well upon the high seas, as in the towns and settlements, 
on the neighbouring coasts. They then retreated, with 
their plunder, to their secret haunts ; reassumed their dis- 
guises; and eluded detection and pursuit. 

As to Foxardo, you have it clearly proved, how noto- 
rious were that town and district, and an extensive tract 
of country around, as the most pernicious of these haunts 
for pirates : including two other noted places, on the same 
coast, from twenty to twenty-five miles from Foxardo, 
called Nauguaba and Boca del Inferno, equally notorious 
for the resort of pirates, and as receptacles for their plun- 
der. It was to the latter of these places, known by so 
characteristic an appellation, that the crew of the piratical 
Vessel, driven on shore by Lieutenant Sloat, attempted to 
retreat ; as reported in his letter to the Secretary of the 
Navy of the 19th March last. I did not, however, act up- 
on the sole authority of report or notoriety ; more than 
sufficient, as they are, when sufficiently credible, to justify 
military movements. It was not till an American mer- 
chant, resident at St. Thomas, had been robbed of pro- 
perty to a considerable amount, in one of these marauding 
expeditions, traced, upon credible information, to Foxardo ; 
nor till after an officer of my squadron, who had landed, 
in the most peaceable and inoffensive manner, to inquire 
after the pirates and the plunder, had been treacherously 
seized, and disgracefully treated, at Foxardo ; that I deter- 
mined to land and make an impression upon that place. I 
presume no military or naval man is to be blamed, for 
acting upon credible and circumstantial information ; he 
is not to be expected to wait for either legal or moral cer- 
tainty of proof. The necessity and propriety of the mea- 
sure, and the correctness of the information, upon which 
I proceeded, are amply confirmed. 'Tis in proof that the 
spontaneous opinion of the merchants of St. Thomas, and 
of the whole squadron, without any particular communi- 
cation from me, was clear and decided, not only for the 
necessity and propriety of the measure, but that it must 
and would be executed. Mv intentions were, as sleariy 
9.2 



254 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

inferred from what circumstances decided that they ought' 
to be, as if I had fully declared them. The whole course 
and event of the action entirely confirmed every anticipa- 
tion. I no sooner approached the harbour, under the most 
unequivocal demonstrations of the real character of my 
squadron, than I found a party, no wise distinguishable, 
in arms, equipment, or appearance, from the pirates usually 
found on shore; and who, in the instances before men- 
tioned, had attacked Captain Cassin, and Lieutenants 
Kearney and Newton ; by whom their villages and huts 
had been burned and destroyed. This party stood ready, 
with two guns, on a point of rock ; and, the instant I had 
anchored, without one act of hostility or menace on my 
part, and without any previous parley on theirs, commen- 
ced hostilities by training the guns on my nearest vessel ; 
and then on the boat which was approaching the shore : 
and nothing, I presume, but the perplexity in which they 
were kept, between the two objects, prevented them from 
firing on us. They dispersed, before our party reached 
their battery; the guns of which we spiked. We found 
the village entirely .deserted ; no human being to be found, 
with whom we could -hold parley. When it is recollected 
that 1 had established a good understanding with the go- 
vernors of Cuba and Porto Rico ; was acting in concert 
with them ; had remitted, to their jurisdiction, pirates 
whom we had taken, and who had been punished by the 
local governments ; — when all this was known and noto- 
, rious, how could I, in reason, account for these demon- 
strations of hostility, immediately on my approach to the 
harbour of Foxardo ; — and for the flight of the party at the 
battery, and the desertion of the village '} Was I not au- 
thorized, nay, bound, to conclude from these circumstances, 
taken in connexion with the infamous character of the 
place, that it was a piratical establishment 1 Did it not 
require, at any rate, farther investigation ; and that I should 
proceed to examine into the state of things at the small town 
of Foxardo, only a mile or two from the harbour? — No- 
thing, I think, can exceed the caution and moderation with 
which I proceeded. A flag was sent, in advance, with a 
letter, addressed to a sort of interior magistrate, called an 



DAVID PORTER. 255 

Alcalde ; the only officer, except a very low and disrepu- 
table person called the Captain of the Port, who was to be 
found there. As we followed the Has; into the interior, the 
most perfect order prevailed among our troops ; and no 
whisper of complaint has been heard, of the slightest injury 
to the persons or property of the inhabitants. The farther 
we advanced, new circumstances of suspicion arose, to 
confirm all we had heard, and all we had: inferred from 
what we saw at our first landing. There was the same 
irregular assemblage of armed men ; equally equivocal in 
character and appearance, as those who had been dispersed 
at the battery ; without any of the ordinary badges to dis- 
tinguish them, as belonging to the government of the coun- 
try ; and, by their causeless hostility, justifying the worst 
suspicions of their character and intentions. When I met 
the Alcalde, accompanied by some of the better sort from 
the town, he excused himself for his conduct to Lieute- 
nants Piatt and Ritchie, as having been under compulsion 
from others : and this was repeated to Lieutenant Piatt, by 
the interpreter and another person in the Alcalde's train. 
The nature of the compulsion, and the persons from whom 
it proceeded, were not explained ; and, as Lieutenant Piatt 
declares, there appeared some strange mystery about the 
transaction. The mystery may, perhaps, be very satis- 
factorily cleared up ; when it is recollected that Lieute- 
nants Piatt and Ritchie, at their former visit, had, at first, 
been received by the Alcalde with civility ; but that the 
rabble were extremely exasperated against them. From 
all which, connected with the infamy of the place, and the 
very suspicious conduct and appearance of the people, 
whom we encountered, it might, reasonably enough, have 
been concluded, that the pirates were strong both in num- 
bers and influence ; and had overawed, and held in sub- 
jection, the miserable functionary, who bore the badge, 
without the substance of a regularly constituted authority; 
whom it would have been absurd, and derogatory to any 
government, to have treated as qualified to challenge the 
respect due to a sovereign, in the person of his represent- 
ative. 

Then, was not here presented a clear case of the "ju- 



256 



GLORY OF AMERICA. 



risdiction of Spain ceasing at the point where her weakness 
failed to maintain her authority ?" What possible distinc- 
tion, between the hostile appropriation of Spanish territory 
and Spanish means to pur injury, by the pirates, in this 
instance, and by the Seminoles and other savages in Flo- 
rida 1 In truth, every circumstance and every reason that 
were admitted as the most triumphant justification of the 
course pursued in the campaign in Florida, are here more 
clear and pronounced : and yet, because 1 merely displayed 
my force on Spanish territory, by way of intimidation ; 
exacted an apology for the past, and promise of amend- 
ment for the future ; and spiked two guns, from which, on 
leaving the harbour, I should have been in imminent dan- 
ger of a raking fire, from a lawless banditti, who might 
have secreted themselves from pursuit and punishment: 
for this I have been recalled, in displeasure, and subjected 
to a rigorous and penal prosecution ; notwithstanding the 
clear proof, now manifest to the court, that the most bene- 
ficial consequences had resulted from this operation ; that, 
instead of producing any impediment to the service, from 
the ill will and irritation, either of the authorities or in- 
habitants of the island, it served to awe the disaffected, 
and to inspire universal respect for our arms and character. 
From the subsequent correspondence of Lieutenant Sloat, 
it appears that Governor Torres had been reported to have 
dropped some hasty expressions of anger ; but, if he really 
uttered such, it was a momentary ebullition; for his letter 
to Lieutenant Sloat of the 17th of March last, sufficiently 
demonstrates his good will ; and, indeed, contains warmer 
expressions of thanks for our exertions, than are to be found 
in any of his preceding communications. The effect, upon 
the public in general, was decided and instantaneous : in- 
deed, the increased respect and confidence in the vigour, 
determination, and efficiency of our measures, and the con- 
sequent facilities likely to be obtained, in the pursuit of our 
object, exceeded all expectation. Ths public honours be- 
stowed on Lieutenant Piatt, at Ponce, only forty miles from 
Foxardo, and expressly on account of the share he had 
borne in the affair of Foxardo, may give some idea of the 
prevailing sentiment. 



DAVID POUTER. 257 

As I have said, nothing could exceed the astonishment 
with which I received an intimation of the displeasure of 
my own government. The only apprehension I enter- 
tained, and the only circumstance, having the remotest 
tendency to self-reproach, in the whole affair, were, that I 
had fallen too far short of the point to which my authority 
would have reached, and to which my duty, under exist- 
ing^ircumstances, should have pushed it : that I had too 
scrupulously and indiscriminately applied that precept of 
the divine teacher, which is so humanely recommended by 
the venerable Grotius, in mitigation of the rigours of war ; 
and had suffered the tares to grow, where there was no. 
wheat in danger of being rooted up with them; or so little, 
in proportion, that it must necessarily be choked by the 
tares: that I had not used due precaution to ascertain, that, 
there were even ten righteous persons to be found among 
them, whom I encountered at Foxardo. Indeed, if I were, 
at this day, under trial for not having seized and garrisoned, 
or destroyed the village at the harbour; and even the town 
of Foxardo, as pernicious pirate-nests ; for not having 
arrested and made prisoners, the people ; or those, at any 
rate, who had made any demonstrations of hostility ; I 
should have conceived myself in far more danger of cen- 
sure, for having left undone those things, which I ought 
to have done ; than now, for doing those things which I 
ought not to have done. My best, if not my only defence, 
in such case, would have been, the want of the force and 
the means necessary to give complete effect to the opera- 
tion; and the eventual benefits resulting from the actual 
and more moderate operation. 

The war against the pirates, in the West Indies, was 
just as formally declared as any of our preceding wars, by 
land or sea, except the late war with England ; and car- 
ried with it all the concomitants and incidents of a pub- 
lic war ; without regard to the form of the preliminaries, 
or the circumstances of its commencement. The machine, 
being once put in motion, was impelled by its own inhe- 
rent energies ; without the help of proclamations, or other 
paper muniments. A naval force was placed, by congress, 
22* 



258 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

at the disposal of the president, to be employed in the 
most effectual way, according to the best of his judgment, 
and under suitable instructions to the commanders, to 
repel the aggressions and depredations of the pirates. Un- 
der the authority of this act, and the instructions of the 
president, the war against the pirates was commenced and 
carried on. That it was a regular war, against public 
enemies, and entitled, not only to equal, but to greater re- 
spect, from other nations, than ordinary wars, is clearly 
established by reason and authority. 

Pirates are not the enemies of one nation only, but of 
the whole human race : and all civilized nations are, or 
ought to be, in league against them. There can, in the 
nature of things, be no neutrals in such a war. As I have 
before remarked, the rights of war, in general, seem to have 
been derived, for the most part, from the analogies of war 
against pirates. We find that the president, in his mes- 
sage to congress, explaining and justifying the conduct of 
General Jackson, towards the Spanish authorities in Flo- 
rida, enumerates, (as lie had before done in regard to Ame- 
lia Island and Galvezton,) their encouragement of buca- 
neering, as one of the enormities which had forfeited their 
neutral character. General Jackson himself, in his offi- 
cial correspondence, justifying the apparent severity of his 
proceedings against persons claiming Spanish protection, 
can find no more emphatic reprobation of their character, 
as placing them and their abettors out of the pale of the 
law of nations, and as justifying every extremity against 
both, than to denominate them land pirates. Grotius, as 
I have remarked, infers belligerent rights, in regard to third 
parties, not being enemies, from the analogous right to de- 
stroy pirates, though to the danger and probable damage 
of innocent persons. 

If the question rested on general reason and authority, it^ 
would seem to be settled: but I have a stronger and more 
practical warrant, in the very instructions which I am 
charged with having violated; a document that loses none 
of the authority, due to its official character, from having 
been signed, and probably indited, by a gentleman whose 
filents and learning had illustrated a high judicial station 



DAVID PORTER. 250 

in New York, before he was called to the administration 
of the navy department ; and are now added to the splen- 
did assemblage of the same qualities, on the bench of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. These instructions 
lay down the doctrine, and apply it to the actual case, in 
terms that leave not the shadow of a doubt of the relations 
in which I was to hold myself, as well towards the pirates, 
as the Spanish authorities and people. 

" You will announce," says my letter of instructions, 
" your arrival and object to the authorities, civil and mi- 
litary, of the island of Cuba; and endeavour to obtain, as, 
far as shall be practicable, their co-operation ; or, at least, 
their favourable and friendly support ; giving them the 
most unequivocal assurance, that your sole object is the 
destruction of pirates. 

" The system of piracy, which has grown up in the 
West Indies, has obviously arisen from the war between 
Spain and the new governments, her late provinces in this 
hemisphere ; and, from the limited force in the islands, and 
their sparse population, many portions of each being en- 
tirely uninhabited and desolate, to which the active autho- 
rity of the government does not extend. It is understood 
that establishments have been made, by parties of these 
banditti, in those uninhabited parts, to which they carry 
their plunder, and retreat in time of danger. It cannot be 
presumed that the government. of any island will afford any 
protection or countenance to such robbers. It may, on the 
contrary, confidently be believed, that all governments, 
and particularly those most exposed, will afford all means 
in their power for their suppression. Pirates are consider- 
ed, by the laws of nations, the enemies of the human race. 
It is the duty of all nations to put them down ; and none, 
who respect their own character or interest, will refuse to 
do it ; much less, afford them an asylum and protection. . 
The nation that makes the greatest exertions to suppress 
such banditti, has the greatest merit. In making such ex- 
ertions, it has a right to the aid of every other power, to 
the extent of its means, and to the enjoyment, under its 
sanction, of all its rights in the pursuit of the object. In 
{he case of belligerents, where the army of one party en- 



260 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ters the territory of a neutral power, the army of the other 
has a rig-lit to follow it there. 

" In the case of pirates, the right of the armed force of 
one power to follow them into the territory of another, is 
more complete. In regard to pirates, there is no neutral 
party ; they heing the enemies of the human race, all na- 
tions are parties against them, and may be considered 
as allies" 

I lost no time in establishing an understanding with the 
governors of Cuba and Porto Rico, as recommended by 
these instructions, and as fully appear from the documents 
accompanying the President's message to congress, De- 
cember 2, 1823, before referred to. From these it has 
been seen that both the governors recognised, without 
hesitation, the meritorious character of the war ; pledged 
themselves for every aid and co-operation in their power; 
that, in various instances, they did co-operate ; and actu- 
ally received prisoners, taken by our squadron, both at 
sea and on land, and had them executed. Thus, the pre- 
sumption, upon which my instructions proceeded, that 
the local governments of these islands were to be consi- 
dered and treated as allies, in a regular war, was confirm- 
ed and consolidated into a solemn compact, followed by 
all the practical and open evidences of alliance and com- 
mon cause. 

Then my justification requires no order or instruction, 
commanding or authorizing, while it is indispensable to 
the crimination of my conduct, that some order should be 
shown, forbidding me to exercise the otherwise clear right 
to adopt the highly expedient, necessary, and, in all its 
public results, most fortunate measure, now in question. 
The incidental power, to its fullest extent, was inherent 
to my command ; unless that command had been stripped 
of it, by a positive order. 

This brings ns directly to the question, whether my in- 
structions of the 1st February, 1823, do, in terms, forbid 
me to exercise this power ! 

I maintain, not only that there is the absence of any 
such prohibition, express or implied, but that the course 



DAVID PORTER. 201 

of conduct which I pursued, is enjoined by my instruc- 
tions : and if 1 had neglected that injunction, I should, at 
once, have basely betrayed the high and sovereign rights 
of war, with which the glory and safety of the nation are 
so essentially connected ; and have violated the letter and 
spirit of my instructions, by a course of conduct directly 
opposite to that now imputed to me as a disobedience of 
orders. 

I shall proceed to lay down a few simple rules of inter- 
pretation, by which the sense, in which I so clearly un- 
derstood and acted upon my instructions, may be demon- 
strated as their true import and meaning, 

1. The reason, or final cause ; the main end to be ac- 
complished, deserves the first consideration. Then, I was 
appointed to the command of the squadron, " for the pur- 
pose of repressing piracy, and affording effectual protec- 
tion to the citizens and commerce of the United States." 
I am told that it is my " duty to protect our commerce 
against all unlawful interruptions, and to guard the rights, 
both of persons and property, of the citizens of the United 
States, wherever it shall become necessary," Such is the 
final cause, or end of the armament ; and, upon that, did 
General Jackson mainly rest the justification of his opera- 
tions in Florida, when he appealed to that part of his in- 
structions from the war department, which recommends 
a speedy and successful termination of the war, as being 
required by the honour and interest of the United States : 
and he argues that he pursued the only means, by which 
he could have effectuated such intent : and that the intent, 
both general and particular, which is expressed in the or- 
der, justified the means: these means being, in themselves, 
entirely conformable to the established laws and usages of 
war. The means, by which I was to have accomplished 
the object of my command, were left to my discretion, un- 
der the guidance of some general rules, not at all more 
restrictive of the inherent authority of my station, than 
those prescribed to General Jackson, if as much so. The 
limitations of my authority, from which any thing like a 
prohibition may be inferred, are expressed in two clauses. 
I am, in the first place, told that " where a government 



262 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

exists and is felt, you will, in all instances, respect the lo- 
cal authorities ; and only act in aid of, and co-operation 
with them :" and again, " in no case are you at liberty to 
pursue and apprehend any one, after having been forbid- 
den to do so, by competent authority of the local govern- 
ment" Now the term " government," or " local govern- 
ment," certainly means the supreme power of the country ; 
and, in reference to the Spanish islands, means the several 
provincial governments there established, called local, in 
contradistinction to the government of the mother coun- 
try, which is supreme over all. It cannot be pretended 
that the term comprehends the inferior magistrates of ob- 
scure towns and villages. Then this government must 
not only exist, but must be felt ; and felt to what purpose, 
and to what extent ? Surely to no less, than to maintain, 
practically and efficiently, its sovereign and active autho- 
rity in the country, to the purpose and to the extent of 
holding it inviolate from the common enemy. In a pre- 
ceding part of the instructions, places, to whieh the " active 
authority of the government does not extend," are spoken 
of: nor can it be less than the active authority of the go- 
vernment, in any case, that I was bound to respect. I am 
told repeatedly, in my instructions, that I am to presume 
that the Spanish authorities and people will make com- 
mon cause with me, and cordially co-operate with me : I 
am told so in the very clause which requires me to respect 
the local governments ; and strange, indeed, if I had been 
required to respect them, on any other terms. I was act- 
ing not only upon this presumption, but upon the faith of 
direct and positive assurances, from these very local go- 
vernments, that they would so co-operate, confirmed by un- 
equivocal acts of co-operation. When I came to discover, 
upon these islands, extensive settlements of pirates, in the 
various disguises of fishermen, &c. ; when I found consi- 
derable districts in the possession, or under the controlling 
influence of pirates ; would it have comported with due 
respect to the local governments, to have presumed that 
such infamous abuses were by their authority ; and that, 
by attacking the pirates, I should be invading the rights 
and dignity of the governments? Are these pirates to be 



DAVID PORTER. 263 

viewed, in such circumstances, as either "Spanish autho- 
rities or people," in the sense of my instructions? If such 
were the presumptions upon which we were to act, we 
committed innumerable transgressions, in the instances of 
the several piratical establishments broken up and destroy- 
ed, without complaint, on the coast of Cuba, as before 
mentioned. But the meaning of this injunction to respect 
the local authorities, where a government exists and is 
felt, is decided by its immediate context ; for it goes on to 
direct that 1 shall "only act in aid of, and co-operation 
with them." Now, the one of these injunctions is just as 
obligatory as the other. Them, whom I am to "respect," 
I must also co-operate with and aid : they must be in a 
condition to challenge, for themselves, both or neither. 
Then, if I am to respect the people and authorities of the 
islands, who are identified in character and conduct with 
the pirates, I must also "act in aid of, and co-operation 
with them:" and how consistent this may be with the main 
end and aim of repressing piracy, and affording effectual 
protection to the commerce and citizens of the United 
•States, needs no remark to illustrate. When I am told 
that I must not continue the pursuit of pirates on shore, 
" after having been forbidden to do so by competent au- 
thority of the local government /' should I have been jus- 
tified in accepting the prohibition of the pirates themselves, 
or of their known or strongly suspected associates and ac- 
cessories, as from such competent authority ? The only 
prohibition ever received by me, was in the form of open 
hostility and resistance ; no otherwise to be accounted for, 
than as an attack upon the suppressors, and a defence of 
the professors of piracy. Lieutenant Piatt was not for- 
bidden the pursuit and inquiry, which occasioned his first 
visit to Foxardo : but he was, at first, received with in- ' 
sidious civility, and a professed respect to his official cha- 
racter and mission ; and, in that guise, was conducted to 
the town, where the treatment he afterwards received was 
equally unaccountable, on any other ground than that of 
the people, or a great majority of them, making common 
cause, or being identified with the pirates. 

I am farther directed, if " the crews of any vessels which 



2G4 ©LORY OF AMERICA. 

I have either seen engaged in acts of piracy, or have jitsi 
cruise to suspect as being of that character, retreat into 
the ports, harbours, or settled parts of the islands, I may- 
enter in pursuit of them, for the purpose of aiding the 
local authorities or people, as the case may be, to seize 
and bring the offenders to justice ; previously giving no- 
tice that it is my sole object." Then here is an affirmative 
direction (not necessary to communicate the authority, but 
only declaratory of an authority already inherent to my 
command) to pursue the enemy into the ports, harbours, 
and settled parts of the islands ; but qualified by a limita- 
tion, which necessarily supposes the presence of authori- 
ties or people who have the will, and, with my aid, the 
power, to seize the offenders and bring them to justice. 
But suppose no authorities or people of that description 
are to be found; and, though the country be ever so thickly 
settled, it is occupied and held by pirates and their acces- 
sories, who exert a controlling influence and effective 
power over the district, and hold, what people or authori- 
ties there may be in check, or in close alliance ; is not the 
hypothesis, upon which the limitations of my otherwise 
absolute authority are expressly founded, done away, and 
is not such authority consequently left in its pristine force? 
Is there any possible construction of the document, that 
could require of me to aid and assist people to seize and 
l>ring themselves to justice ? The very case, put by my 
instructions as requiring the pursuit of the piratical crew, 
was presented : I had just cause more than to suspect that 
such a crew, which had robbed an "American citizen" 
at St. Thomas, had retreated with their plunder to Foxar- 
do, and, in the pursuit of them, I am encountered at the 
threshold by men of the most equivocal appearance, who 
stand forward to resist the pursuers, and to defend the 
pursued, without parley or warning of any kind. Then, 
was I not bound to conclude that these men knew what 
they were about, and that the defenders and the persons 
pursued were the same ? I knew, to a certainty, that they 
were not, and, in the nature of things, could not, be acting 
under the authority of the local government ; but I had 
the strongest grounds to presume, that they were acting 



DAVID PORTER. 265 

against it. What reason had I to presume, that they 
had any better authority than the pirates who fired upon 
Captain Cassin, near Cayo Blanco, and upon Lieutenants 
Kearney and Newton, at Capo Cruz ; and who, on other 
occasions and at other places, committed the like violence; 
and, upon being pursued to the interior, were found to be 
settled in fishing villages, defended by cannon advantage- 
ously posted on the rocks I 

It seems to me plainly impossible to construe my instruc- 
tions, as a prohibition of the operation upon Foxardo, con- 
sistently, either with their context, or with the prominent 
and declared reason, or final cause of the course of service 
which they prescribed. A learned and judicious author 
has said that "the nature of every law must be judged of 
by the end for which it was made, and by the aptness 
of things therein prescribed, unto the same end :" a rule 
which absolutely concludes the present question. 

* -A * # * * # # # * * 

A practical construction is given to my orders, by the 
toleration of all our previous descents upon Cuba, followed 
by the destruction of settlements having all the appear- 
ance of innocent fishing villages ; and which were, never- 
theless, found to belong to pirates in disguise. It has been 
seen how far the arts of deception were carried, on the 
coast of Cuba ; where the spectacle was presented of old 
men, " with bald heads and hoary locks exposed to view," 
like the venerable sires of a peaceful and innocent gene- 
ration of fishermen ; and of matrons, as if present, either 
to implore protection for themselves and helpless offspring, 
or, (according to the account of one officer,) like a celebra- 
ted heroine of a modern romance, by their exhortations 
and example, to inspirit their husbands and sons to defend, 
or avenge their homes and altars : but where all these 
plausible and imposing appearances proved to be only de- 
ceitful covers to the most atrocious of piratical establish- 
ments ; for the utter extinction of which, upon no other 
warrant or authority than the discretion of the officers 
sent in pursuit of pirates, and acting upon the evidences 
and presumptions by which their conduct was to be de- 
termined in every new exigency of the service, these 
23 



266 . CiLORY OF* AMERICA. 

officers had received the approbation and applause of the 
government and the country. Then, if it were lawful to 
seize and chain these modern Proteii, on one shore, why 
not on another, equally the theatre of their frauds ? Had 
they possessed the fabled spirit of prophecy ascribed to their 
ancient prototype, it must have puzzled themselves to di- 
vine, how I could have incurred the displeasure, either of 
the Spanish government or my own, by pursuing them on" 
the coast of Porto Rico, any more than on that of Cuba ; 
at Foxardo, any more than at Cayo Blanco or Cape Cruz ; 
as before practised, without censure or question, in former 
•instances. 

But suppose I have failed to establish the construction 
of my orders, as understood by myself and now explained, 
does it follow that I am guilty of any disobedience of or- 
ders, under the naval articles of war ? The negative may 
be clearly maintained on two grounds. 

1. The naval articles of war look only to orders given 
by a superior officer in immediate command ; not to ge- 
neral instructions .from the government, the observance 
of which, it is supposed, the government has, in its own 
hands, the means of enforcing. 

2. The instructions are discretionary ; and no officer 
can be charged with the breach of a discretionary order, 
unless he wilfully and corruptly misconstrue and pervert 
it. For no mistake of judgment can be, in the nature of 
things, punishable. Here is the law of nations laid down 
to me, in my instructions ; to be applied, in a great variety 
of supposed circumstances, to facts as they arise. A num- 
ber of rules, defining the relative rights of the parties, are 
prescribed, requiring the exercise of a discreet judgment 
to expound them. 1 apprehend it to be impossible for any 
man to review the circumstances of this case, without ad- 
mitting, whatever be his opinion of my judgment or my 
reasoning, that I might, in the honest exercise of my rea- 
son and judgment, have done the act with which I am 
charged. 

To bring me within the scope of this most penal charge, 
it must appear that I was either positively ordered to do 
something that I omitted, or positively forbidden to do 



DAVID PORTER. 267 

something that I did ; or that, under pretence of execu- 
ting a discretionary authority, I corruptly or maliciously 
abused it. 

So far the defence. 

After finding the Commodore guilty on both charges, 
and their specifications, the court says — 

" In deciding upon the first charge, and the specification 
under it, the court, however, feels itself called upon to as- 
cribe the conduct of the accused, which is deemed censu- 
rable, to an anxious disposition on his part, to maintain 
the honour, and advance the interests of the nation and 
of the service." 

The sentence reads thus : — 

" The court does therefore sentence and adjudge the 
said Captain David Porter to be suspended for the term of 
six months, from the date hereof." 

Thus, after expending the labour of fourteen court-offi- 
cers during thirty-eight days, to say nothing of other con- 
tingent expenses, and acknowledging that, at most, the ac- 
cused was merely guilty of an error of judgment, by their 
own showing, the Commodore was suspended six months ! 
This opportunity he embraced to improve his judgment ; 
he left his country, and entered the Mexican service. 
After remaining some time in that service, he returned to 
the United States, and was appointed by the President 
Consul General to the Turkish empire, which situation 
he now fills. 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 



The fortuitous events of moments, like the throes of a 
volcano, sometimes belch forth heroes, while others become 
so from their birth, habits, and education. The family of 
General Pike, were among the first settlers of New Jersey, 
and tradition preserves the name, in remote ancestry, of 
Captain John Pike, as a distinguished, gallant, and brave 
soldier in defence of that colony, in the early Indian wars 
to which it was subjected. 

Zebulon M. Pike was born at a place called Alamatunk, 
now by corruption Lamberton, in New Jersey. His father, 
whose name was Zebulon, was an officer in the army of 
the United States, at the time of his son's birth, and never 
rose higher than the rank of Major. After having received 
a common school education, in early youth, Zebulon Mont- 
gomery entered as a cadet into a company then under his 
father's command, in which he served some time on the 
United States western frontiers. Thus it may be justly 
said, that he had been almost nurtured a soldier from his 
cradle. His deficiency of early education was subsequently 
supplied by a close and ardent study — hence he became a 
proficient in the Latin, French, and Spanish languages, 
and was skilled in the mathematical and astronomical sci- 
ences, the fruits of industrious application. 

A short lapse of time intervened, when the commission 
of ensign, and afterwards lieutenant, in the 1st regiment of 
the United States infantry, was given him. Spurning idle- 
ness in the calm of peace, he wiled away his time in the 
acquisition of useful knowledge. But he panted for glory 
and martial renown. He seemed to be endued with a spirit 
not ill-suited to the chivalric notions of the middle ages. 
Notwithstanding the multifarious objects which attracted 
his attention in the pursuit of knowledge, Cupid seems to 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE- 269 

have inflicted a wound in his bosom, for Hymen spread 
Ins net, and our hero was caught in the enticing snare. 

In March, 1801, he married a Miss Clarissa Brown, of 
Cincinnati, Kentucky, who bore him several children, only 
one of whom, a daughter, survives. 

Among other habits of mental discipline, Pike had a 
practice of inserting upon the blank pages cf some favour- 
ite volume, such striking maxims of morality, or senti- 
ments of honour, as occurred in his reading, or were sug- 
gested by his own reflections. He used a small edition of 
Dodsley's "Economy of Human Life," for this purpose. 
Soon after his marriage, he presented this volume to his 
wife, who still preserves it as one of the most precious me- 
morials of her husband's virtues. An extract from one of 
the manuscript pages < f bis volume was published in a 
periodical work soon after his death. It was written as a 
continuation of the article " Sincerity," and is strongly 
characteristic of the author. 

" Should my country call for the sacrifice of that life 
which has been devoted to her service from early youth, 
most willingly shall she receive it. The sod which covers 
the brave shall be moistened by the tears of love and friend- 
ship ; but if I fall far from my friends, and from you. my 
Clara, remember that ' the choicest tears which are ever 
shed, are those which bedew the unburied head of a sol- 
dier,' and when these lines shall meet the eyes of our 

young let the pages of this little book be impressed 

on his mind as the gift of a father who had nothing to be- 
queath but his honour, and let these maxims be ever pre- 
sent to his mind as he rises from youth to manhood. 

" 1. Preserve your honour free from blemish. 

" 2. Be always ready to die for your country. 

"Z. M. Pike. 

" Kaskaskias, Indiana Territory." 

On the old peace establishment of our army, then com- 
posed only of a few regiments, and employed altogether in 
garrisoning a few frontier posts, promotion was slow, and 
the field of action limited and obscure. For several years, 
Lieutenant Pike panted in vain for an opportunity of gra- 
tifying that "all-ruling passion," which, to use his own 
23* 



270 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

words, "swayed him irresistibly to the profession of arms, 
and the pursuits of military glory." 

At length, in 1805, a new career of honourable distinc- 
tion was opened to this active and aspiring youth. Soon 
after the purchase of Louisiana, the government of the 
United States determined on taking measures to explore 
their new territory, and that immense tract of wilderness 
included within its limits. Besides ascertaining its ffeo- 
graphical boundaries, it was wished to acquire some know- 
ledge of its soil and natural productions, of the course of 
its rivers, and their fitness for the purposes of navigation 
and other uses of civilized life, and also to gain particular 
information of the numbers, character, and power of the. 
tribes of Indians who inhabited this territory, and their 
several dispositions towards the United States. With these 
views, while Captains Lewis and Clarke were sent to ex- 
plore the unknown sources of the Missouri, Pike was de- 
spatched on a similar expedition for the purpose of tracing 
the Mississippi to its head. 

On the 9th of August, 1805, Pike accordingly embarked 
at St. Louis, and proceeded up the Mississippi, with twenty 
men, in a stout boat, provisioned for four months, but they 
were soon obliged to leave their boats and proceed on their 
journey by land, or in canoes, which they built, and car- 
ried with them on their march, after leaving their large 
boat. Pike's own journal has been for some time before 
the public, and affords a much more satisfactory narrative 
of the expedition than the narrow limits of a work of this 
kind can allow. For eight months and twenty days this 
adventurous soldier and his faithful band were almost 
continually exposed to hardship and peril, depending for 
provisions upon the precarious fortunes of the chase, en- 
during the most piercing cold, and cheerfully submitting 
to the most constant and .harassing toils. They were 
sometimes for days together without food, and they fre- 
quently slept without cover on the bare earth, or the snow, 
during the bitterest inclemency of a northern winter. Du- 
ring this voyage, Pike had no intelligent companion upon 
whom he could rely for any sort oi' advice or aid, and 
lie literally performed the duties of astronomer, surveyor, 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 271 

commanding officer, clerk, spy, guide, and hunter, fre- 
quently preceding the party for many miles in order to re- 
connoitre, or rambling for whole days in search of deer or 
other game for provision ; and then returning to his men 
in the evening, hungry and fatigued, he would sit down in 
the open air to copy by the light of a fire the notes of his 
journey, and to plot out the courses of the next day. 

His conduct towards the Indians was marked with equal 
good sense, firmness, and humanity; he every where, with- 
out violence or fraud, induced them to submit to the go- 
vernment of the United States; and he made nse of the 
authority of his country to put an end to a savage war- 
tare, which had for many years been carried on, with the 
utmost cruelty and rancour, between the Sioux and the 
Chippe ways, two of the most powerful nations of Aborigines 
remaining on the North American continent. He also 
every where enforced with effect the laws of the United 
States against supplying the savages with spirituous li- 
quors. Thus, while he wrested their tomahawks from 
their hands, and compelled them to bury the hatchet, he 
defended them from their own vices, and in the true spirit 
of humanity and honour, rejected with disdain that cruel 
and dastardly policy, which seeks the security of the civi- 
lized man in the debasement of the savage. 

In addition to the other objects of Pike's mission, as 
specifically detailed in his instructions, he conceived that 
his duty as a soldier required of him an investigation of 
the views and conduct of the British traders, within the 
limits of our jurisdiction, and an inquiry into the exact 
ilmits of the territories of the United States and Great Bri- 
tain. This duty he performed, says the author of a former 
sketch of his biography, with the boldness of a soldier and 
the politeness of a gentleman ; he might have justly added, 
with the disinterestedness of a man of honour, and the 
ability and discretion of an enlightened politician. He 
found that the North West Company, by extending their 
establishments and commerce far within the bounds of the 
United States, and even into the very centre of Louisiana, 
were thus enabled to introduce their goods without duty 
or license into our territories, to the very great injury of 



272 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the revenue, as well as to the complete exclusion of our 
own countrymen from all competition in this trade. He 
perceived, besides, that these establishments were made 
subservient to the purposes of obtaining an influence over 
the savages, dangerous to the peace and injurious to the 
honour and character of our government; and he thought 
it evident, that in case of a rupture between the two powers, 
all these posts would be used as rallying points for the en- 
emy, and as places of deposit for arms to be distributed to 
the Indians, to the great annoyance, if not total ruin, of all 
the adjoining territories. 

An opportunity was now presented to him of enriching 
himself for life, by merely using the power vested in him 
by law, and seizing upon the immense property of the 
company which he found illegally introduced within our 
territory. But having been hospitably received at one of 
their principal posts, his high sense of honour would not 
permit him to requite their hospitality by a rigorous execu- 
tion of the laws. It is probable, too, that he thought so 
violent a measure might lead to collisions between the two 
governments, without tending to produce any permanent 
beneficial effect, and he cheerfully sacrificed all views of 
personal interest to what he conceived to be the true in- 
terest and honour of his country. By means of reprimands 
and threats to the inferior traders, and a frank and spirited 
remonstrance to the director of the Fond du Lac depart- 
ment, he succeeded in procuring a stipulation, that in fu- 
ture no attempt should be made to influence any Indian 
on political affairs, or any subjects foreign to trade, and 
that measures should be immediately taken to prevent the 
display of the British flag, or any other mark of power, 
within our dominion ; together with a promise that such 
representations should be immediately made to the com- 
pany, and such an arrangement effected with regard to 
duties, as would hereafter set that question at rest. 

His conduct with regard to this subject was, at the time, 
viewed with cold approbation ; but the events that occur- 
red in the ensuing war gave ample testimony to his sa- 
gacity and foresight. 

Within two months after his return from this expedi- 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 273 

tion, Pike was selected by General Wilkinson for a second 
perilous journey of hardship and adventure. The princi- 
pal purpose of this expedition was, like that of the former, 
to explore the interior of Louisiana. He was directed to 
embark at St. Louis, with the Osage captives, about 
forty in number, who had been rescued from their ene- 
mies, the Potowatomies, by the interference of our govern- 
ment, and to transport them to the principal village of 
their nation; and he was instructed to take this opportu- 
nity to bring about interviews between the different savage 
nations ; and to endeavour to assuage animosities, and 
establish a permanent peace among them.- He was, after 
accomplishing these objects, to continue his route into the 
interior, and to explore the Mississippi and its tributary 
streams, especially the Arkansaw and Red River ; and thus 
to acquire such geographical information as might enable 
government to enter into definitive arrangements for a 
boundary line between our newly acquired territory and 
North Mexico. 

In the course of this second journey, our adventurous 
soldier, after leaving the Osage village, encountered hard- 
ships, in comparison to which, the severities of his former 
journey seemed to him ease and luxury. 

Winter overtook the party, unprovided with any clothing 
fit to protect them from cold and storms. Their horses 
died, and for weeks they were obliged to explore their way 
on foot, through the wilderness, carrying packs of sixty or 
seventy pounds weight, besides their arms, exposed to the 
bitterest severity of the cold, relying solely on the produce 
of the chase for subsistence ; and often, for two or three 
days altogether without food. This part of his journal con- 
tains a narrative of a series of sufferings sufficient to make 
the " superfluous and lust-dieted" son of luxury shudder 
at the bare recital. Several of the men had their feet 
frozen ; and all, except Pike, and one other, were in some 
degree injured by the intensity of the cold. He thus re- 
lates the history of two of these dreary days. 

" 18th January, Sunday. — The doctor and myself, who 
formerly were untouched by the frost, went out to hunt 
something to preserve existence ; near evening, we wound- 



274 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ed a buffalo, with three balls, but had the mortification to 
see him run off, notwithstanding. We concluded it was 
useless to go home, to add to the general gloom, and went 
amongst some rocks, where we encamped, and sat up all 
night; from the intense cold, it was impossible to sleep. 
Hungry, and without cover. 

" 19th January, Monday. — We again took the field ; 
and, after crawling about one mile in the snow, came near 
enough to shoot eight times among a gang of buffaloes, 
and could plainly perceive two or three to be badly wound- 
ed ; but by accident they took the wind of us, and, to our 
great mortification, all were able to run off. By this time 
I had become extremely weak and faint, it being the fourth 
day since we had received sustenance, all of which, we 
were marching hard, and the last night had scarcely clos- 
ed our eyes to sleep. We were inclining our course to a 
point of woods, determined to remain absent, and die by 
ourselves, rather than return to our camp, and behold the 
misery of our poor lads, when we discovered a gang of 
buffaloes coming along at some distance. With great ex- 
ertions, I made out to run, and place myself behind some 
cedars ; and by the greatest good luck, the first shot stop- 
ped one, which we killed in three more shots ; and by the 
dusk had cut each of us a heavy load, with which we de- 
termined immediately to proceed to the camp, in order to 
relieve the anxiety of our men, and carry the poor fellows 
some food. We arrived there about twelve o'clock, and 
when I threw my load down, it was with difficulty I pre- 
vented myself from falling; I was attacked with" a giddi- 
ness of the head, which lasted for some minutes. On the 
countenances of the men was not a frown, nor a despond- 
ing eye ; but all seemed happy to hail their officer and com- 
panions ; yet not a mouthful had they eaten for four days. 
On demanding what were their thoughts, the sergeant re- 
plied, the most robust of them had determined to set out in 
search of us on the morrow, and not return unless they 
found us, or had killed something to preserve the lives of 
their starving companions." 

In the course of this long, toilsome, and perilous march, 
Pike displayed a degree of personal heroism and hardi- 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 275 

hood, united with a prudence and sagacity, which, had 
they been exerted on some wider theatre of action, would 
have done honour to the most renowned general. The 
reader may, perhaps, smile at this remark, as one of the 
wild exaggerations of a biographer, anxious to dignify the 
character of his hero ; but the truth is, that great men 
owe much of their splendour to external circumstances; and 
if Hannibal had made his famous march across the Alps, 
at the head of a company of foot, instead of an army, his 
name, if it had reached us, would have come down to pos- 
terity with much less dignity than that of our hardy coun- 
tryman. There are passages in Pike's journal of his se- 
cond expedition, which, had they been found, with proper 
alterations of place and circumstances, related by Plutarch 
or Livy, of one of their heroes, would have been cited by 
every school boy as examples of military and heroic virtue. 
Take, for. instance, the account of Pike's firm and prudent 
conduct in repressing the first symptoms of discontent in 
his little band, and his address, upoH this occasion, to the 
mutineer, and they will be found to need but little of the 
usual embellishments of an eloquent historian, to be made 
worthy of Hannibal. 

"24th January, Saturday. — We sallied out in the morn- 
ing, and shortly after perceived our little band, marching 
through the snow, (about two and a half feet deep,) silent, 
and with downcast countenances. We joined them, and 
learnt that they, finding the snow to fall so thickly that it 
was impossible to proceed, had encamped about one o'clock, 
the preceding day. As I found all the buffaloes had 
quitted the plains, I determined to attempt the traverse of 
the mountain, in which we persevered until the snow be- 
came so deep, it was impossible to proceed, when I again 
turned my face to the plain ; and, for the first time in the 
voyage, found myself discouraged ; and for the first time 
I heard a man express himself in a seditious manner ; he 
exclaimed, that ' it was more than human nature could 
bear, to march three days without sustenance, through 
snow three feet deep, and carry burdens only fit for 
horses.' 

" As I knew very well the fidelity and attachment of the 



276 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

majority of the men, and even of this poor fellow, and that 
it was in my power to chastise him when I thought pro- 
per, I passed it by for the moment, determined to notice it 
at a more auspicious time. We dragged our weary and 
emaciated limbs along until about ten o'clock. The doc- 
tor and myself, who were in advance, discovered some buf- 
faloes on the plain, when we left our loads, and orders 
written on the snow, to proceed to the nearest woods to 
encamp. We went in pursuit of the buffaloes, which 
were on the move. 

" The doctor, who was then less reduced than I was, 
ran and hid behind a hill, and shot one down, which 
stopped the remainder. We crawled up to the dead one, 
and shot from him as many as twelve or fourteen times 
among the gang, when they removed out of sight. We 
then proceeded to cut up the one we had shot ; and after 
procuring, each of us, a load of the meat, we marched for 
the camp, the smoke of which was in view. We arrived 
at the camp, to the great joy of our brave lads, who im- 
mediately feasted sumptuously. After our repast, I sent 
for the lad who had presumed to speak discontentedly in 
the course of the day, and addressed him to the following 
effect : ' Brown, you this day presumed to use language 
which was seditious and mutinous; I then passed it over, 
pitying your situation, and attributing it to your distress, 
rather than to inclination to sow discontent amongst the 
party. Had I reserved provisions for ourselves, whilst you 
were starving: — had we been marching- along- light, and at 
our ease, whilst you were weighed down with your bur- 
den ; then you would have had some pretext for your ob- 
servations : but when we were equally hungry, weary, 
emaciated, and charged with burden, which I believe my 
natural strength is less able to bear than any man's in the 
party; when we were always foremost in breaking the 
road, rcconnoitering, and the fatigues of the chase — it was 
the height of ingratitude in you to let an expression escape, 
which was indicative of discontent ; your ready compli- 
ance and firm perseverance I had reason to expect, as the 
leader of men, and my companions in miseries and dan- 
gers. But your duty as a soldier demanded your obedi- 



2EBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 2tt 

ence to your officer, and a prohibition of such language, 
which, for this time, I will pardon ; but assure you, should 
it ever be repeated, I will avenge your ingratitude, and 
punish your disobedience by instant death. I take this 
opportunity, likewise, to assure you, soldiers, of my thanks 
for the obedience, perseverance, and ready contempt of 
every danger, which you have generally evinced ; I assure 
you, nothing shall be wanting on my part to procure you 
the rewards of our government, and gratitude of your 
countrymen.' 

" They all departed, very much affected, and retired 
with assurances of perseverance in duty." 

Amidst these distresses, after a three months winter's 
march, they explored their way to what they supposed to 
be the Red River. Here they were met by a party of 
Spanish cavalry, by whom Pike was informed, to his great 
astonishment, that they were notion the Red River, but on 
the Rio del Norte, and in the Spanish territory. All op- 
position to this force would have been idle, and he reluct- 
antly submitted to accompany the Spaniards to Santa Fe, 
to appear before the governor. Though, to his great mor- 
tification, his expedition w^is thus broken off, all hardships 
were now at an end. He was treated on the road with 
great respect and hospitality, though watched and guard- 
ed with much jealousy; but he still insisted on wearing 
his sword, and that his men should retain their arms. 
Indeed, it was his resolution, had he, or any of his people, 
been ill used, to surprise the guard, carry off their horses, 
and make the best of their way to Apaches. 

When he arrived at Santa Fe, his whole dress was a 
blanket coat, blue trowsers, moccasins, and a scarlet cloth 
cap, lined with a fox skin ; his men were in leather coats, 
with leggins, and had not a hat in the whole party. 
But he appeared before the governor with his usual spirit, 
and insisted on being treated with the respect due to an 
American officer. From Santa Fe he was sent to the 
capital of the province of Biscay, to be examined by the 
commandant-general, where he was well received, and en- 
tertained for some time, after which, he was sent on his 
way home, under the escort of a strong party of horse. 
24 



278 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

He arrived with his little band at Natchitoches, on the 1st 
of July, 1807. 

The most vexatious circumstance attending this unex- 
pected sequel to his expedition was the seizure of all his 
papers, excepting his private journal, by the Spanish go- 
vernment. He had been fitted out with a complete set of 
mathematical and astronomical instruments, and had made 
frequent and accurate observations. He had thus ascer- 
tained the geographical situation of the most important 
points with much precision, and had collected materials 
for an accurate map of a great part of the country which 
he traversed. The seizure of these papers is a real loss 
to the cause of science. It is, however, in perfect confor- 
mity to that narrow and purblind policy, which the old 
Spanish government uniformly manifested in the adminis- 
tration of its colonies. 

Pike, upon his return, received the thanks of the govern- 
ment ; a committee of the house of representatives express- 
ed their high sense of his " zeal, perseverance, and intelli- 
gence," and the administration, much to its honour, be- 
stowed upon him a more solid testimony of approbation, 
by a rapid promotion in the army. He was immediately 
appointed captain ; shortly after, a major ; and, on the fai- 
ther enlargement of the army, in 1810, a colonel of infantry. 

During the intervals of his military duties, he prepared 
for the press a narrative of his two expeditions, accompa- 
nied by several valuable original maps and charts. This 
was published in Svo. in 1810. The work is rather over- 
loaded with unnecessary detail, and the language is care- 
less and often inaccurate ; the last fault is, however, in a 
great measure to be attributed to several disadvantageous 
circumstances under which the work went to press, while 
the author was at a distance, engaged in public service. 
Still, it is sufficiently evident that the volume is not the 
composition of a scholar. But it bears the strongest marks 
of an acute, active, busy mind, unaccustomed to scientific 
arrangement or speculation, but filled with a variety of 
knowledge, all of a useful, practical kind. Though en- 
tirely unacquainted with botany, zoology, and mineralogy, 
as sciences, Pike had a liberal curiosity, which taught him 



ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE. 279 

to look upon every object with the eye of an observer, and 
to despise no sort of knowledge, though he might not per- 
ceive its immediate utility. Above all, the narrative has 
that unstudied air of truth which is so apt to evaporate 
away in the processes of the book-making traveller ; it 
retains all the clearness and freshness of first impressions, 
and we are never for a moment left in doubt, whether or 
not the writer and the traveller are the same person. 

Immediately after the declaration of war, Pike was sta- 
tioned with his regiment on the northern frontier, and on 
the commencement of the campaign of 1813, was appoint- 
ed a Brigadier-General. 

Pike's character was tinctured with an enthusiasm which 
communicated itself to his whole conduct; in whatever 
pursuit he engaged, he entered on it with his whole soul. 
But the profession of arms had been always his favourite 
study — his " life's employment, and his leisure's charm." 
Ha vino: served through every gradation of rank, almost 
from a private, up to a general, and very often employed 
in separate and independent commands, he was intimately 
acquainted with all the minutiae of discipline. The vete- 
ran of a peace establishment is too apt, from the want of 
greater objects, to narrow his mind down to the little de- 
tails of a military life, until, at length, every trifle swells 
up into ideal importance, and the cut of a coat, or the 
tying of a neckcloth, seems big with the fate of nations. 
Pike was extremely attentive to all the particulars, even 
to the most minute points, of discipline and dress, yet he 
gave them their due importance, and no more. He did 
not wish to degrade the soldier into a mere living machine, 
and while he kept up the strictest discipline, he laboured 
to make his men feel that this severity arose not from ca- 
price or ill temper, but from principle, and that it had for 
its sole object their own glory, their ease, their health, and 
safety. Careless of popularity, and negligent of the arts 
by which good will is often conciliated where there is no 
real esteem, by the unassuming simplicity and frankness 
of his manners, and the undeviating honour of his con- 
duct, he bound to himself the hearts of all around with 
the strong ties of respect and affection. 



280 SLORY OP AMERICA. 

Thus self-formed, and thus situated, the eyes of the army 
were anxiously cast towards him as the chosen champion 
who was to redeem their reputation from that disgrace with 
which it had been stained by a long series of disasters. 
The day for which his heart had long panted at length 
arrived— a bright day of glory for the hero, of gloom and 
sorrow to his country. He was selected for the command 
of the land forces in an expedition against York, the ca- 
pital of Upper Canada, and on the 25th of April sailed from 
Sackett's Harbour in the squadron commanded by Com- 
modore Chauncey. The day before the expedition sailed, 
he wrote a letter to his father, prophetic of his fate. 

" I embark to-morrow in the fleet at Sackett's Harbour, 
at the head of a column of 1,500 choice troops, on a secret 
expedition. If success attends my steps, honour and glory 
await my name ; if defeat, still shall it be said that we 
died like brave men, and conferred honour, even in death, 
on the American name. 

" Should I be the happy mortal destined to turn the scale 
of war, will you not rejoice, O my father 'I May heaven 
be propitious, and smile on the cause of my country ! But 
if we are destined to fall, may my fall be like Wolfe's — to 
sleep in the arms of victory." 

On the 27th of April, General Pike arrived at York, 
with about seventeen hundred chosen men, and immedi- 
ately prepared to land. The spot which was selected for 
landing, was the site of an old French fort called Torento, 
of which scarcely any vestiges now remain. The plan of 
attack was formed by General Pike, and clearly and mi- 
nutely detailed in his general orders, which were directed 
to be read at the head of every corps ; every field officer 
was also directed to carry a copy of them, in order that 
he might at any moment refer to them, and give explana- 
tions to his subordinates. Every thing was arranged, and 
every probable exigency provided for, with admirable me- 
thod and precision. 

One paragraph of these orders is deeply stamped with 
that unity of character so visible throughout all his ac- 
tions, and which is, in truth, one of the strongest marks 
of a powerful and original mind. 






ZEBtfLOtf MONTGOMERY PIKE. 281 

"No man will load until ordered, excepting the light 
troops in front, until within a short distance of the enemy, 
and then charge bayonets ; thus letting the enemy see that 
we can meet them with their own weapons. Any man 
firing, or quitting his post without orders, must be put to 
instant death, as an example may be necessary. Platoon 
officers will pay the greatest attention to the coolness and 
aim of their men in the fire : their regularity and dressing 
in the charge. The field officers will watch over the con- 
duct of the whole. Courage and bravery in the field do 
not more distinguish the soldier than humanity after vic- 
tory ; and whatever examples the savage allies of our ene- 
mies may have given us, the General confidently hopes, 
that the blood of an unresisting or yielding enemy will 
never stain the weapons of the soldiers of his column. 
Property must be held sacred ; and any soldier who shall 
so far neglect the honour of his profession as to be guilty 
of plundering the inhabitants, shall, if convicted, be pu- 
nished with death. But the commanding General assures 
the troops, that should they capture a large quantity of 
public stores, he will use his best endeavours to procure 
them a reward from his government." 

As soon as the debarkation commenced, a body of Bri- 
tish grenadiers was paraded on the shore, and the Glengary 
Fencibles, a local force which had been disciplined with 
great care, and has repeatedly proved itself fully equal to 
any regular force, appeared at another point. Large bo- 
dies of Indians were also seen in different directions, while 
others filled the woods which skirted the shore. General 
Sheaffe commanded in person. 

Forsyth's riflemen were the first to land, which they 
effected under a heavy fire of musketry and rifles from the 
Indians and British. As soon as the fire from the shore 
commenced, Major Forsyth ordered his men to rest for a 
few moments on their oars, and return the fire. At this 
moment Pike was standing on the deck of his ship. He 
saw the pause of his first division, and, impatient at the 
delay, exclaimed, " I can stay here no longer, come, jump 
into the boat ;" and, springing into it, followed by his-;staff, 
was immediately rowed into the thickest of the fire. ' 
2A* 



282 fcLORY OP AMERICA. 

The infantry had followed the riflemen, and formed in 
platoons as soon as they reached the shore. General Pike 
took the command of the first platoon which he reached, 
and ordered the whole to prepare for a charge. They 
mounted the bank, and the enemy, after a short conflict, 
broke at once, and fled in disorder towards the works. At 
that moment the sound of Forsyth's bugles was heard, 
announcing his success at another point. Its effect upon 
the Indians was almost electrical ; they gave a horrible 
yell, and fled in every direction. 

The whole force, being now landed and collected, was 
again formed, and led on by General Pike in person, to 
attack the enemy's works. They advanced through the 
woods, and after carrying one battery by assault, in the 
most gallant manner, moved on in columns towards the 
main work. The fire of the enemy was soon silenced by 
our artillery, and a flag of surrender was expected, when 
a terrible explosion suddenly took place from the British 
magazine, which had been previously prepared for this 
purpose. Pike, after aiding in removing a wounded man, 
sat down on a stump of a tree with a British sergeant, 
who had been taken, and was employed with Captain 
Nicholson and one of his aids in examining the prisoner. 
The explosion was tremendous ; an immense quantity of 
large stones were thrown in every direction with terrible 
force, and scattered destruction and confusion around 
among our troops. The General, his aid, Captain Nichol- 
son, aud the prisoner, fell together, all, excepting the aid, 
mortally wounded. General Pike was struck on the breast 
by a heavy stone. Shortly after he received the blow, he 
said to his wounded aid, " I am mortally wounded— write 
to my friend Duane, and tell him what you know of the 
battle, and to comfort my wife." In the same broken man- 
ner, he afterwards added several other requests relating to 
his private affairs. 

The command devolved on Colonel Pearce, of the 16th 
regiment of infantry, who sent a flag to the enemy, de- 
manding an immediate surrender at discretion. The sti- 
pulation that private property should be respected, was 
the only condition asked, which was unhesitatingly grant- 



ZEBUL0N MONTGOMERY PIKE. 283 

eu\ The British general and a part of his troops previ- 
ously escaped. 

The troops were instantly formed again ; as a body of 
them passed by their wonnded general, he said, " Push 
on, brave fellows, and avenge your general." While the 
surgeons were carrying him out of the field, a tumultuous 
huzza was heard from our troops ; Pike turned his head 
with an anxious look of inquiry ; he was told by a ser- 
geant, " The British union jack is coming down, General 
— the stars are going up." He heaved a heavy sigh, and 
smiled. He was then carried on board the commodore's 
ship, where he lingered for a few hours. Just before he 
breathed his last, the British standard was brought to him ; 
he made a sign to have it placed under his head, and ex- 
pired without a groan. 

His death was a great public misfortune. 



LEONARD COVINGTON. 

This gentleman was born in Maryland, about the 26th 
of October, 1768. His ancestry was highly respectable, 
and handed down to their posterity n valuable landed es- 
tate, which devolved, at the decease of his father, on young 
Covington. His father's name was Levin, and the subject 
of this memoir was the elder of two sons. In his native 
state, he received an elegant English and mathematical, 
and partial Latin education. His pursuit in life, after the 
death of his father, was designed by his mother to be hus- 
bandry, on his patrimonial estate. But his inclination led 
him to a far different pursuit — the science of war. 

He entered the army with a cornet's commission in the 
cavalry, shortly after the defeat of General St. Clair, by 
the Indians, in 1791, near the Miami villages. In the 
action with the savages, near Fort Recovery, his bravery 
was put to the severest trial. His horse was shot under 
him. For his conduct and bravery in the severe action 



284 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

on the Miami, which followed, he won the admiration and 
esteem of his brethren in arms, and the plaudits of his 
general. After General Wayne had reduced the savages 
to submission, Covington resigned his post in the army, 
and retired to his farm, occupying himself with the useful 
pursuits of civic life. The high estimation in which he 
was held by his fellow citizens, is best tested by the vari- 
ous stations to which their suffrages elevated him. He 
was elected to a seat in the senate of Maryland ; a member 
of the house of representatives of the congress of the Unit- 
ed States, and one of the electors of president and vice- 
president of the United States. Being attached firmly to 
republican principles, his votes and influence were not lost 
in the elevation of Mr. Jefferson to the presidential chair. 

In the year 1809, when the injuries which Great Britain 
was heaping upon his country gave rise to the embargo 
law, he accepted a lieutenant-colonel's commission of the 
regiment of dragoons, then the only one in the United 
States army. In consequence of his station in Louisiana, 
he formed an attachment to that newly acquired section 
of the United States, and purchased a plantation on the 
banks of the Mississippi, not far from Natchez, to which 
he removed his family. 

In the increase of the army, after the commencement of 
hostilities .between the United States and Great Britain, in 
1812, he was promoted from a colonel of horse, to the rank 
of brigadier-general, and commanded at the Natchez when 
an invasion was expected in that section of the union. 
When the storm had blown over, be repaired to the north- 
ern frontier, where his services were more immediately 
wanted. With his brigade, he set out with General Wil- 
kinson in his expedition against Montreal, in the autumn 
of 1813, the failure of which resulted from the conduct of 
General Hampton, who evaded the consequences by an 
early resignation. 

Tn the battle of Williamsburg, General Covington was 
ordered, in conjunction with General Swartwout, to out- 
flank the British, if possible, and capture his artillery. 
Covington, while voluntarily leading a detachment of his 
brigade to a charge, was mortally wounded, died in three 



LEONARD COVINQTON. 285 

days afterwards, and was buried with military honours at 
French Mills, at a place now called Mount Covington, 
regreted, beloved and esteemed, by the whole army. 



JOHN CHRYSTIE, 



The subject of this biographical notice was born in 
New York, soon after the war of the revolution. His fa- 
ther was Major James Chrystie, of the Pennsylvania line* 
whose conduct in the struggle for liberty gained him a 
high reputation. 

He received his academic, and part of his collegiate 
education, at Princeton College, New Jersey, from which 
he was removed to Columbia College, New York, where 
he graduated in 1805 or 6. He then began the study of 
the law, which he relinquished in 1808, for the commis- 
sion of lieutenant of artillery, in the additional troops then 
to be raised. He was attached to Colonel Simmons' re- 
giment, and was stationed at Oswego, on Lake Ontario, 
New- York. There, he commanded a whole winter. The 
spring following, he was ordered to New Orleans. From 
the amiableness of his manners, and the respectability of 
his talents, he soon attracted the attention of General Wil- 
kinson, who took him into his military family, as his aid. 
He stood high in the confidence of the principal officers of 
the army. In the year 1S11, finding no prospect of active 
service, he resigned his commission, and re-commenced his 
legal studies in his native city. 

On the commencement of hostilities with Great Britain 
in 1812, he again entered the service, with the commission 
of lieutenant colonel of the 13th regiment, Colonel Schuy- 
ler, in the army of 25,000, just ordered to be raised by con- 
gress. With part of his regiment, he accompanied Colonel 
Van Rensselaer in his irruption into Canada during the 
summer of 1812. He commanded the regular force* of 



286 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the United States at the battle of Queenstown, the superior 
regular officers having been wounded in crossing the Nia- 
gara Strait. Here he sustained the conflict with the Bri- 
tish and Indians the greater part of the day. Wounded 
in the sword hand, he was compelled to surrender to an 
overwhelming force under General Sheaffe, after having 
kept him a long time in check. Several bullets had per- 
forated his clothes. He was sent a prisoner to Montreal,, 
and thence to Quebec. During the winter following, he 
was discharged on his parole of honour, and returned to 
New York. As soon as exchanged, he returned to active 
service on the frontiers, just when his friend General Pike 
breathed his last in the arms of victory. He was soon 
after appointed inspector-general of the army, and colonel 
of the 23d regiment. 

He accompanied Generals Dearborn and Lewis into 
Canada, and was taken with the bilious colic at Fort 
George, which terminated his existence, in 1813. Short 
as was his military career, it was encircled with a halo of 
glory which brightens the page of American history. His 
remains were interred with the military honours due to 
his rank and character. 

In disposition he was open, mild, and amiable. His 
mind was well stored with useful knowledge. He was 
full of spirits, animated, and brave, and passionately fond 
of an active military life, panting for a niche to himself in 
the temple of fame. The grim tyrant of the grave seized 
his victim in his early start on the high road to honour 
and glory, and thus arrested his race for the desired goal 
of his ambition. 



WILLIAM HENRY ALLEN, 

Was a native of Providence, Rhode Island, and was 
bom October 21st, 1784. His father, William Allen, a 
friend to the independence of bis country, was appointed 



WILLIAM HENRY ALLEN. 



287 



a lieutenant in the revolutionary army, in the incipiency 
of the contest, and never sheathed his sword till the free- 
dom of his country was consummated by the peace of 
1783. His mother was the sister of William Jones, Esq. 
one of the late governors of his native state. 

Though his parents designed to give him a classical 
education, the bent of his genius induced them to waive 
their intention, and to gratify his darling passion for naval 
life. He consequently received a midshipman's warrant, 
in May, 1S00. Three months after this, he was ordered 
to repair on board of the frigate George Washington, Cap- 
tain Bainbridge, which vessel was bound to the Mediter- 
ranean, with tribute from the United States, to the Dey of 
Algiers. In his. letters to his father, he always expressed 
his determination to support the American character, by 
his good conduct as an officer, and his demeanour as a 
gentleman. No peculiarity of incident checkered his voy- 
age from the United States to Algiers. 

Commodore Bainbridge returned to America on the 
19th of April, 1801, when a reduction of the navy ensued. 
Eight days after the return of the subject of the present 
memoir, and before he had an opportunity of visiting his 
family, he was ordered on board the Philadelphia, under 
the command of Captain Barron, bound for the Mediter- 
ranean. He entered on the service with alacrity. Nothing 
material transpired during the cruise. The ship returned 
to the United States on the 27th of June, 1802. He was 
now, for the first time after his entry into the service of 
his country, enabled to enjoy the society of his friends, 
and to visit his paternal abode. However, but a short re- 
pose was allowed him from the fatigues of naval service, 
as in October, 1S02, he sailed in the frigate John Adams, 
commanded by Captain Rodgers, to visit, for the third time, 
die Mediterranean. From his letters, during this period, 
only two extracts are necessary to be given : 

" During our stay at Malta, we had an opportunity of 
visiting most of the public buildings ; and anions; the rest, 
the superb church of St. John. The floor is laid in differ- 
ent coloured marble, in mosaic, representing tomb-stones 
of the different knights who distinguished themselves in 



288 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

lighting, and in falling in defence of Christianity, against 
the infidels. On every side is a Latin inscription, describ- 
ing his death. The walls are hung with the most su- 
perbly embroidered tapestry, representing the birth, cruci- 
fixion, and ascension of our Saviour. The death of the 
saints is likewise represented in the same manner, and 
they appear like the most beautiful paintings. The wings 
are divided into chapels, and here they show us crosses 
and saints in abundance, and the rich attire of the bishops 
and cjergy embroidered with gold. In an inner chapel 
we were shown a number of relics, one of which they de- 
clared was a fragment of the cross on which our Saviour 
was crucified; another was the palm of the hand of Saint 
John. The body of Saint Clement was exposed lying in 
state. This was a room that the French soldiers did not 
penetrate : it is said that they robbed this church of half 
a million." 

During this voyage, he was informed, by his corres- 
pondent, of a report, which afterwards proved unfounded, 
that a younger officer was advanced over his head. This 
was the manly reply of a boy of seventeen : " I am too well 
grounded in old principles to mind such assaults now. If 
the government decide thus, I can say, amen, with all my 
heart." 

Commodore Rodgers returned from his cruise in De- 
cember, 1803. 

Early in the year 1804, Allen was ordered on board the 
frigate Congress, lying at Washington, of which he was 
appointed sailing master. This frigate sailed on the first 
of July, under the command of Captain Rodgers, for the 
Mediterranean. On the outward bound passage, while 
the ship was lying to, in a violent gale, Allen, on the fore- 
yard, assisted the sailors in taking in a reef. Letting fall 
that part of the sail on which he had hold, he was preci- 
pitated headlong into the sea, to the depth of twenty feet, 
passing in his fall very near the anchor on the bow. For- 
tunately, he arose near the mizen chains, and by taking 
hold of them, narrowly escaped inevitable death, as the 
ship was then drifting very fast. While cruising off the 
coast of Tripoli. Captain Rodgers intended, if the com- 



WILLIAM HENRY ALLEN. 289 

maud should have devolved on him, ill consequence of the 
illness of Commodore Barron, an attack on that place. 
He took Allen with him in the schooner to take the sound- 
ings, preparatory to the anticipated assault. They enter- 
ed the harbour with muffled oars ; and, after taking a 
sounding, and making a complete survey, they passed so 
near the Tripolitan gun boats, that they distinctly heard 
the men conversing below. They also heard the sentinels 
on the wall of the battery conversing together. As they 
were returning from the harbour, a heavy gale sprung up, 
and they had a narrow escape to the Nautilus, which ves- 
sel was then in the very act of leaving her position. Dn- 
ring this cruise, which extended from 1804 to 1S06, Allen 
thus writes to his correspondent : 

"I was, while at Lisbon, witness to a very ludicrous 
ceremony. My cars were saluted by the hoarse chanting 
of some Portuguese sailors, and I perceived about twenty 
in number approaching, bearing a large topsail, barefoot, 
with their hats in their hands, into which the multitude 
would, now and then, drop a six-pence, to save their souls 
from purgatory. On inquiry, I was informed, that it was 
a custom among them, when overtaken by a violent gale 
at sea, instead of trusting to their own exertions, to offer 
up their prayers to their guardian saint, and to promise 
him the best sail in the ship, if he would condescend to 
protect them from the dangers of the element. The top- 
sail was then taken to the church, in the manner describ- 
ed, laid at the foot of the altar, and dedicated to the saint. 
It was then appraised by an old friar, who, unwilling to 
distress the votaries of old mother Church, accepted, as an 
equivalent, in money, one half of its nominal value. The 
'saint has, by this time, become perfectly well acquainted 
with the value of sail cloth." 

In October, 1S05, Captain Rodgcrs removed to the fri- 
gate Constitution, and assumed the command of the squad- 
ron, in consequence of the return of Captain Barron to the 
United States. Mr. Allen also removed to the Constitution, 
and was promoted to a lieutenancy. In a cruise off Capa- 
nea, he, in company with Commodore Rodgers, visited 
Mount JEhm. Ascending the south side of the mountain, 
25 



290 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the wind, while blowing from the north, covered that, side 
of their bodies exposed to its violence, with frost, while the 
other remained perfectly free. Descending, ' they lost 
their way among fields of lava, but were found by the 
monks in the convents below. He likewise visited Mount 
Vesuvius, and the cities of Herculaneum and Pompeia. 
He served as third lieutenant on board the Constitution, 
and returned in that frigate to the United States, in the 
year 1806. 

During these several cruises to the Mediterranean, al- 
though nothing transpired on board the frigates where he 
was stationed, that might fairly be denominated naval 
glory, still a peculiarity of circumstances gare a lofty and 
elevated tone to the feelings of all the officers. An Ame- 
rican squadron in the waters of the Mediterranean, was a 
novelty. That squadron was small, and it was destined 
to pass under the review and strict scrutiny of English 
ships of war, occasionally stationed in those seas, and 
passing the Straits of Gibraltar. Personal courage, skill, 
and correctness of discipline, could alone ensure them re- 
spect in a company so illustrious ; and to these points all 
I heir efforts were directed. They felt the high responsi- 
bility attached to their station ; and knowing how import- 
ant the first impression of a national character was, they 
acted up to that dignity which the occasion required. 

After this long and fatiguing cruise, he was permitted, 
For a short time, to visit his friends and relations in Pro- 
vidence. In February, 1807, he received orders from go- 
vernment to join the frigate Chesapeake, commanded by 
Captain Barron, then fitting out for the Straits. He re- 
mained at Philadelphia while the ship was preparing for 
sea, during which time he was busily employed in recruit- 
ing men for the service, and then entered as third lieu- 



tenant 



The circumstances preceding and succeeding the attack 
on the Chesapeake, by the Leopard, he handsomely de- 
lineated, in a letter to a correspondent. Therein he ex- 
pressed his abhorrence at the conduct of the officer having 
command of the Chesapeake, in tamely submitting to the 
indignities 6ff< red by tin* Leopard. His letter to the Se- 



WILLIAM HENRT ALLEN. 291 

cretary of the navy, demanding a court of inquiry to be 
called upon the captain, was signed by four lieutenants and 
the sailing master. The secretary replied, that "their 
communication did them honour, and their request should 
receive proper attention." It is difficult to conceive the 
excoriated state of Lieutenant Allen's mind at this time. 
Words seemed hardly adequate to express the indignation 
he felt at the scenes he had witnessed. To have the flag 
of his nation disgraced ; and to suffer the wrongs of his 
bleeding countrymen to go unavenged, was too humiliat- 
ing for his noble spirit to brook. In a letter to his father, 
he says, " If I am acquitted honourably, (in other words, 
if Commodore Barron is condemned,) you may see me 
again ; if not, never." " We lie here," says he, in another 
letter, " ready, at a moment's warning, to wipe from our 
flag that disgrace which has been detailed on it by our 
blood. When I suffer my memory to dwell on this, I feel 
that I can trifle with my existence at pleasure." At length 
this question was put to rest by the condemnation of Bar- 
ron, on which Lieutenant Allen makes this dry remark: 
" How the court can reconcile some of the passages of their 
opinion with others, I know not, unless cowardice can be 
divided into two kinds, personal and official." 

Intrepidity, however, expresses only a part of the cha- 
racter of Lieutenant Allen ; his private affections were 
as warm as his public. While his mind was inflamed by 
a sense of indignant sensibility, he was pouring into the 
ear of masculine confidence the complaints of his lacerated 
mind ; letters of the same date, to a female friend, are re- 
plete with domestic tenderness and affection. With 
this correspondence all is quiet and serenity ; he enters 
into all the levity of ordinary converse, and seems as anx- 
ious to veil his heroic and indignant passions, as if this 
indulgence was criminal in such intercourse. 

Not one of the subordinate officers was more decidedly 
opposed to the conduct of Commodore Barron, than Lieu- 
tenant Allen : yet such was the uniform correctness, pro- 
priety, and delicacy of his conduct, that he commanded the 
esteem of that officer's most sanguine adherents. With the 
officers onboard the Chesapeake, he was a peculiar favour jK 



292 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

During the time of the embargo, the Chesapeake, to 
which he was still attached, cruised off Block Island, and 
captured several vessels violating that law. From motives 
of delicacy he desired to be excused, and was excused, 
from boarding any vessel belonging to his native state. 
In a letter on this subject, he says, "I knew that I should 
be compelled to detain such vessels for the most trivial ar- 
ticle, and this would have wounded my feelings — even 
had I met those which I could have suffered to pass, I 
might have laboured under unjust suspicions, when other 
officers might be equally just without such imputations." 

Lieutenant Allen remained in the Chesapeake, in this 
service, till February, 1809, when he was ordered, by the 
government, to join the frigate United States, while lying 
at Washington, under the command of Commodore Deca- 
tur. The commodore was absent, and the equipping of 
the frigate was a duty that devolved on the first lieute- 
nant, who was not, for the space of two months, absent 
from the navy yard. The ship was a part of the time at 
Norfolk, and the remainder of the time was engaged in 
short cruises on the coast, until the declaration of war 
against Great Britain, in 1812. 

Shortly after, the frigate United States sailed on a cruise, 
which resulted in the capture of the Macedonian. In the 
action between the two vessels, Lieutenant Allen bore a 
conspicuous part. His share in the glorious conflict can- 
not be better expressed than in the words of Commodore 
Decatur. " It would be unjust in me, to discriminate, 
Avhere all met my fullest expectations. Permit me, how- 
ever, to recommend to the particular notice of the secre- 
tary, my first lieutenant, William Henry Allen, who has 
served with me upwards of five years ; and to his unre- 
mitted exertions, in disciplining the crew, is to be imputed 
the obvious superiority of our gunnery, exhibited in this 
contest." 

To Lieutenant Allen was entrusted the charge of bring- 
ing tbo prize into port, and she safely arrived in the har- 
bour of New York, on the first day of January, 1813, amid 
the enthusiastic gratulations of our countrymen. The 
corporation and citizens of the city honoured him and his 



WILLIAM HENRY ALLEN. 203 

commander with a splendid and superb festival ; and the 
legislatures of Rhode Island and Virginia presented him 
a sword, as a testimonial of their sense of his services, and 
in commemoration of his gallant exploits. 

After this, Lieutenant Allen was allowed some little res 
pite from the naval service ; he visited his native state. 
and received the kind congratulations of his relatives and 
friends, at his paternal abode. This repose was, however, 
but of short duration ; the strong and imperious calls of 
his country once more summoned him to active duty. 

Shortly after the arrival of the Macedonian at New 
York, the Argus, commanded by Captain Sinclair, returned 
to that port. He obtained leave to visit his friends ; and 
by order of Commodore Decatur, Lieutenant Allen took 
the command. He thoroughly repaired the vessel, and 
received an order from the Commodore to go in quest of a 
British brig of war, reported to be in the Sound. The 
crew of the Hornet, commanded by Lieutenant Shubrick, 
volunteered their services. He remained in the Sound 
for the space of a week, without meeting the enemy, when 
he received the orders of the commodore to return. 

On the death of Mr. Barrow, the American minister to 
the court of France, his government deemed it expedient 
to renew the negotiation. Mr. Crawford was appointed 
as his successor ; and Lieutenant Allen, advanced to the 
rank of master commandant, was directed to command the 
Argus, and to conduct that minister to his place of desti- 
nation. He accepted the appointment, and sailed with the 
new minister for France. He eluded the vigilance of the 
blockading squadron, and arrived at L'Orient within 
- twenty -three days. He informed the Secretary of the 
navy, in his letter bearing date June 12, 1813, that he 
" shall immediately proceed to put in execution his orders 
as to the ulterior purposes of his destination." 

The business so darkly hinted, was undoubtedly, to sail 
in the Irish channel, and annoy the English commerce. 
This service was extremely perilous ; and the attempt 
seemed hardly to admit a possibility of escape. It was a 
service to a man fond of glory, peculiarly invidious. Such 
conquests were attended with no honour : and Captain 
25* 



294 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Allen, in compliance with his orders, seemed peculiarly 
solicitous, to make the enemy feel and confess the motives 
by which he was guided. The injury which lie did to 
the British commerce was estimated to the amount of two 
millions. In this depredating warfare his conduct was 
marked with the highest traits of honour. The property 
of the passengers was sacred from hostility ; not an article 
of that description would he surfer to be touched. The 
passengers were allowed to go below, and to take what 
they claimed as their own, and no hands belonging to the 
Argus were permitted to inspect them while they were 
employed in so doing. 

On one occasion, when a passenger had left his surtout 
behind him, it was sent after him in the boat : on another 
occasion, Captain Allen ordered one of his hands, who was 
detected in the act of some petty plunder of this sort, to be 
Hogged at the gangway. The English papers, while the 
merchants were writhing under the severe injuries thus 
inflicted, were unanimous in their testimonials of respect 
to the conduct of this gallant officer, for the humanity and 
delicacy with which he performed a service so invidious. 
Probably no action of his life could more plainly distin- 
guish his character than this : he loved danger as much 
as he abhorred to plunder the defenceless. 

It appeared very evident, that if prudence were consult- 
ed, it was his imperious duty to avoid an engagement. 
The damage which lie might have done the enemy, by 
another species of warfare, was beyond all comparison 
greater than by risking a battle, even if fortune had de- 
cided the controversy in his favour. Even a victory en- 
sured capture ; for alone and unsupported as he was, his 
own ship would, in all human probability, suffer material 
injury, and both the captured and the captor become the 
prize of one of the many frigates then swarming in the 
English channel. These considerations, however, would 
have but little weight with him. He declared, previous 
to his setting out, that he would run from no two masted 
vessel. Anxious to acquit himself of a business which he 
so much disliked, he sought an opportunity to act in a si- 
tuation more congenial to his feelings. 



WILLIAM HENRY ALLEN. 295 

Accordingly, on the 14th of August, 1813, he fell in with 
his Britannic majesty's sloop of war Pelican : and after a 
severely contested action, the Argus was compelled to sur- 
render ; her commander having received a mortal wound 
in the early part of the engagement, of which he died in 
the 29th year of his age. 

The following letter from John Hawker, Esq., ci-devant 
American vice-consul, will speak for itself. . 

Plymouth, August 19th, 1813. 

Sir, — The station I have had the honour to hold for 
many years past, of American vice-consul, calls forth my 
poignant feelings in the communication I have to make to 
you of the death of your son, Captain Allen, late command- 
er of the United States' brig of war Argus, which vessel 
was captured on Saturday last, in the Irish channel, after 
a very sharp action of three quarters of an hour, by his 
Britannic majesty's ship Pelican. 

Early in the action he lost his left leg, but refused to be 
carried below, till from loss of blood he fainted. Messrs. 
Edwards and Delphy, midshipmen, and four seamen, were 
killed ; and Lieutenant Watson, the carpenter, boatswain, 
boatswain's mate, and seven men, wounded. Captain Al- 
len submitted to amputation above the knee, while at sea. 
He was yesterday morning attended by very eminent sur- 
gical srentlemen, and removed from the Argfus to the hos- 
pital, where every possible attention and assistance would 
have been afforded him, had he survived ; but which was 
not, from the first moment, expected, from the shattered 
state of his thigh. At eleven, last night, he breathed his 
last ! He was sensible at intervals, till within ten minutes 
of his dissolution, when he sunk exhausted, and expired 
without a straggle ! His lucid intervals were very cheerful, 
and he was satisfied and fully sensible that no advice or 
assistance would be wanting. A detached room was pre- 
pared by the commissary and chief surgeon, and female 
attendants engaged, that every tenderness and respect 
might be experienced. The master, purser, surgeon, and 
one midshipman, accompanied Captain Allen, who was 
also attended by his two servants. 

I have communieated and arranged with the officers 



296 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

respecting the funeral, which will be in the most respectful, 
and at the same time, economical manner. The port Ad- 
miral has signified that it is the intention of his Britannic 
majesty's government, that it be publicly attended by offi- 
cers of rank, and with military honours. The time fixed 
for procession is on Saturday, at 11, A. M. A Lieutenant- 
Colonel's guard of the royal marines is also appointed. A 
wainscot coffin has been ordered ; on the breast plate of 
which will be inscribed as below.* Mr. Uelphy, one of 
the midshipmen, who lost both legs, and died at sea, was 
buried yesterday in St. Andrew's church-yard. I have 
requested that Captain Allen may be buried as near him, 
on the right, in the same vault, if practicable, as possible. 

I remain, respectfully, sir, your most obedient humble 
servant, 

(Signed,) JOHN HAWKER, 

Ci-devant American vice-consul. 

To General Allen, Providence, R. I. 

Agreeably to previous arrangement, the remains of the 
departed Allen were interred at Plymouth, on the 21st of 
August, with military honours, and every mark of respect 
due to his rank. The flag of his country, under which he 
fought, was placed on his coffin, as a testimonial of the 
valour with which he had so nobly striven to defend it ; 
and his body was deposited at the right of the gallant Del- 
phy, who had bled and suffered with him. 

Thus lived and thus died William Henry Allen. 

By the company and conversation of the elegant and 
polite, the hard and severe duties of the sailor acquired a 
sort of polish, and his character presented that combination 
of gallantry, grace, and intrepidity, that so irresistibly at- 
tracts. In the hour of danger, he was calm, intrepid, and 
persevering ; in private intercourse, guarded, affable, and 
delicate. Entering into the navy with large and expanded 
ideas of honour, the perils he encountered, and the hard 
services he endured, consolidated his romantic and floating 

* Tablet, whereon will be recorded the name, rank, age, and character of 
the deceased, and also of the midshipman, will be placed, if it can be con- 
trived as I have suggested ; both having lost their lives in fighting for the 
honour of their country. 



WILLIAM HENRY ALLEN. 297 

visions into rules and principles of action. By never low- 
ering his lofty standard amid the justle of contending dif- 
ficulties, he at length arrived at it ; and new trials served 
only to call into exercise new and unexplored resources 
of fortitude. He had so long forsaken every other con- 
sideration for glory, that he finally measured his life by 
this standard, and felt a repulsive antipathy to whatever 
fell short of that measure. 

A sort of compact has seemed to exist among our naval 
commanders, never to quit their station on deck. Allen, 
in his mutilated state, refused to be carried below, and 
fainted on the deck from loss of blood. Lawrence showed 
the same determined spirit, and never left his station till 
he was too far exhausted by his wounds to animate his 
men by his example. Burrows, though mortally wounded 
at his quarters, still remained at his post, survived the ac- 
tion, and there received the sword of his gallant and intre- 
pid antagonist. 

The following extract from Captain Allen's letter, ad- 
dressed to his sister, will show the character of this intrepid 
officer in an amiable light : 

" When you shall hear that I have ended my earthly 
career, that I only exist in the kind remembrance of my 
friends, you will forget my follies, forgive my faults, call 
to mind some little instances dear to reflection, to excuse 
your love for me, and shed one tear to the memory of 

"HENRY." 



JOHN GUSHING AYLWIN. 



Thomas Aylwin, a merchant of the town of Boston, es- 
poused the sister of the late William Gushing, who at the 
time of his decease was one of the Justices of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. In the early stage of the 
American Revolution, Mr. Avlwin removed from Boston to 



198 GLORY OP AMERTCA. 

Quebec, where he remained during the whole contest. 
At the close of that war, his son John Cushing Aylwin, 
was born, in the capital of Lower Canada. His education 
was more useful than speculative. He obtained a familiar 
knowledge of the French language ; was instructed in the 
rudiments of Latin, and the elements of mathematics. In 
early life he was rated on board a British frigate com- 
manded by Captain Coffin. In consequence of the im- 
pressment of one of his particular companions, he left the 
British service in disgust. 

Retaining, however, his predilection for the sea, as soon 
as he lost his parents, he abandoned those pursuits which 
had been pointed out for him, and entered an apprentice on 
board a ship in the London trade. 

His master, the captain of the vessel, did not fulfil, on 
his part, the articles which he had entered into with Ayl- 
win. Instead of allowing him six months 1 tuition at a na- 
val academy, according to stipulation, his master continued 
him on board the ship, which he employed in the West 
India trade. Aylwin, nevertheless, so much profited by a 
short experience, that after two voyages, he was advanced 
to be mate of the ship, being then about fifteen years of 
age. Some dispute having arisen between him and the 
Captain, the latter wreaked upon Aylwin, a vengeance to 
him emphatically horrible. It was contrived, that he 
should be kidnapped by a press-gang. 

After his impressment, he was put on board a gun brig ; 
and here every artifice was practised, and every means 
employed, to induce him to enter voluntarily into the 
English service. Promotion was offered him in case of 
his compliance, and on his refusal, his letters to his friends 
were suppressed, and himself continued, from day to day, 
and from year to year, without prospect of deliverance, 
traversing distant seas, and enduring all the diversities of 
climate. The North Sea, the Mediterranean, the Red 
Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the East Indies, with all their 
varieties of climate and misery, had tried his patience and 
weakened his frame. His diminishing health rendering 
him less serviceable, he was released, and came to Boston, 
after being 1 six years in imprisonment. Thus a temporary 



JOHN LUSHING AYLWIN. 299 

loss of health, was the instrument of a permanent enjoy- 
ment of liberty. Nor were his sufferings unattended or 
unrewarded by countervailing advantages. He had be- 
come a finished seaman ; and having acquired that ac- 
complishment, principally during long service in an armed 
vessel, and having borne a part in several engagements, 
he was likewise a proficient in naval warfare. 

He now entered the merchant service, which he prose- 
cuted as master of a vessel for several years. At the be- 
ginning of the late war, he was appointed sailing-master 
of the frigate Constitution, Captain Hull, with an under- 
standing, that this appointment should not prejudice his 
claim to promotion as a commissioned officer, and also, 
that such promotion should take place with all proper ex- 
pedition. On the first cruise of the Constitution, his sea- 
manship was called into exercise. Her escape, after a 
pursuit of sixty hours, on her first putting to sea from the 
Chesapeake, is reckoned among the most masterly ma- 
noeuvres which have been performed in the navy. In 
such circumstances, the duty of sailing-master is most im- 
portant ; and in the event of success, he may justly claim 
a proportionate degree of credit. 

Mr. Aylwin continued on board the Constitution till the 
capture of the Java, which terminated his life. At the 
capture of the Guerriere, he still officiated as sailing mas- 
ter; and by his display of nautical skill, both in bringing 
her into action and managing her during its continuance, 
called forth the applause of Captain Hull, and of every 
person who was witness of it. In this action he received 
a wound from a musket ball, and was afterwards appointed 
lieutenant, in which character he again sailed in the Con- 
stitution, Captain Bainbridge. In her action with the Ja- 
va, where the capture of the latter was purchased with the 
life of Aylwin, his courage and skill came up to the high 
anticipations which his former merits had excited. "A 
musket ball or grape shot, struck him just under the collar 
bone, and came out at the shoulder blade. We close this 
memoir, by the obituary notice furnished to the public by 
Commodore Bainbridge. 

" Died, nn board the United States' frigate Constitution, 



300 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

at sea, the 28th of January, 1813, of wounds received in 
the action with the Java, Lieutenant John dishing Ayl- 
win, of the United States navy. He entered the service 
about the time war was declared, as a sailing-master, and 
was promoted to a lieutenancy, for his gallant conduct in 
the action with the Guerriere. He was an officer of great 
merit, much esteemed by all who had the pleasure of his 
accpiaintance. He had seen much of the world, and im- 
proved his opportunities of observation; possessed a strong 
mind, with great benevolence of disposition. In his death, 
our country has suffered a great loss — his friends a pain- 
ful deprivation. 

" In the action with the Guerriere, he stood on an ele- 
vated situation, by the side of his brave comrades, Morris 
and Bush, at the time the two vessels came in contact, and 
was wounded in the left shoulder with a musket ball. 

{ ' In the late action he commanded the forecastle division, 
and his bravery and marked coolness throughout the con- 
test, gained him the admiration of his commander, and all 
who had an opportunity of witnessing him. 

" When boarders were called to repel boarders, he 
mounted the quarter deck hammock-cloths, and, in the 
act of firing his pistols at the enemy, received a ball through 
the same shoulder. Notwithstanding the serious nature 
of his wound, he continued at his post till the enemy had 
struck ; and even then did not make known his situation 
till all the others wounded had been dressed. His zeal 
and courage did not forsake him in his last moments : for, 
a few days after the action, though labouring under consi- 
derable debility, and the most excruciating pain, he re- 
paired to quarters, when an engagement was expected 
with a ship, which afterwards proved to be the Hornet. 
He bore his pain with great and unusual fortitude, and ex- 
pired without a groan. 

'A dauntless soul erect, who smiled on death.' " 



WILLIAM BURROWS. 



The birth place of William Burrows is Philadelphia — 
the time, October 6, 17S5. His father, at this time in af- 
fluent circumstances, designed to give him a belles lettres 
education. Left to his own inclination, at thirteen years 
of age, his use of books was gratifying only to curiosity 
and amusement, subjects not of lasting importance. The 
accomplishment of polished life, necessarily embraced 
a knowledge of the living languages, and for the attain- 
ment of this object alone was parental authority exercised, 
which was but partially accomplished. A knowledge of 
the French, in particular, was considered an accomplish- 
ment of the highest order, in tbe attainment of which the 
son manifested the greatest reluctance. But in acquiring 
a knowledge of the German Ian2*ua2:e, with the father a se- 
condary object, he was much more successful. He learnt 
to speak it in a short period, as fluently as his native 
tongue. 

Having undergone a course of preparatory education, 
the impulse of his passion was gratified by the reception 
of a midshipman's warrant, in November, 1799. From 
this moment, he devoted his hours to acquire a complete 
knowledge of navigation. In January, 1800, he was or- 
dered to repair on board the Portsmouth, Captain M'Neill, 
then bound for France. Being as yet a novice in naval 
service, he reluctantly wore the naval uniform of his 
country, conceiving those only worthy to wear it, whose 
experience and knowledge rendered them capable of per- 
forming honourably the duties assigned them. In this ves- 
sel he returned to the United States in December, 1800. 
A short residence in France conquered his aversion to the 
language of that country, and he embraced the opportuni- 
ty to acquire a knowledge of it sufficient to converse with 
ease and elegance. 
26 



302 GLORY OF AMERICA* 

He now applied, and obtained a furlough for a short pe- 
riod, which time he ardently devoted to the farther acqui- 
sition of a complete knowledge of the science of naviga- 
tion. 

From the year 1S00 to 1803, he served on board several 
ships of war, in various cruises, unimportant in any point 
of view, excepting the opportunities offered him to acquire 
a more perfect knowledge of naval affairs. 

In the year 1803, he joined the frigate Constitution. 
This vessel was commanded by Commodore Preble, and 
was bound for the Mediterranean. The Commodore, con- 
ceiving an attachment to him, appointed him, when in the 
Mediterranean, an acting lieutenant, the duties of which 
station he honourably fulfilled, during the Tripoline war. 

The particular part acted by Lieutenant Burrows in 
this warfare is not known ; he maintained, on the subject 
of his personal exploits, a profound silence. He never 
would be the herald of his own fame ; but he was just to 
the merits of his brother officers ; and very rarely, could 
he be induced to speak of affairs in which he was an act- 
or. Whatever was known of Burrows came from other 
sources. It is a striking fact, that none are more ignorant 
of his personal exploits than his own immediate relatives. 
He professed, on all occasions, his contempt of those offi- 
cers who embraced every opportunity to proclaim their 
own merits. 

In 1807, he returned from Tripoli to his native country, 
and in the following year, was attached to the Philadel- 
phia station, and employed in the bay and river Delaware, 
as commander of gun-boat No. 119, enforcing the provi- 
sions of the embargo law. 

His wit was mingled with a species of whim, that may 
more properly be denominated humour. With an inflex- 
ible gravity of face, he would set the table in a roar, and 
then reprove his guests for the turbulence of their mirth. 
Not a single smile would enliven the gravity of his visage, 
while all the company were vociferous in their joy. In 
this action and retro-action, between mock solemnity and 
uncontrollable mi rth, Lieutenant Barrows was pre-eminent. 
Under the pretext of repressing the mirth of conversation, 



* 



WILLIAM BURROWS. 303 



he enlivened it beyond all bounds, and could assume any 
character he thought proper. While employed in a ser- 
vice in which his master passion of glory could receive no 
gratification, he gave this singular species of whim and 
eccentricity full play. He would, while on shore, have 
the grave and saturnine character of the severe and un- 
bending moralist, or the light and airy fop, as occasion 
demanded. Whatever character was wanting to complete 
the conviviality of the group, when assembled, Burrows 
assumed it. By this happy versatility of talent he became 
a desirable guest at every table, and was the favourite of 
all classes of men. His approach was hailed as the cer- 
tain precursor of wit and humour ; and the company, on 
a second interview, were sure of beholding him in a cha- 
racter entirely different from the first. By this happy com- 
bination of humour, and an eccentricity always sparkling, 
and always various, while he rigidly enforced the obser- 
vance of the embargo law, he acquired the confidence and 
affection of the inhabitants. He relieved the asperities of 
this unthankful service by such arts ; and the citizens 
supplied him with the best provisions, for the use of the 
men whom he commanded, and were incessant in their 
invitations for him to become a guest at their tables. When 
he was called off from this service, it was a subject of ge- 
neral regret. 

In 1809, he was ordered to join the frigate President, 
Captain Bainbridge. From this ship he was transferred 
to the sloop of war Hornet, as first lieutenant, under Cap- 
tain Hunt. In a dangerous and heavy gale, his brother 
officers have reported, that by his superior skill and intre- 
pidity, as 'an officer, the ship and the crew were both pre- 
served from what they deemed inevitable destruction. 

In his promotion to a lieutenancy, he found himself 
outranked by his junior officers. This 'was so severely 
wounding to his pride, that he remonstrated to the proper 
department, in very feeling terms. He stated, that he was 
now commanded by lieutenants who had formerly served 
under him, in the Tripoline war. To withdraw a com- 
mission from the individual on whom it is conferred, to 
declare an officer unworthy of the honour thus bestowed, 



304 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

is an outrage of the same character as wantonly to place 
a junior over the head of his senior officer. Whether ob- 
jections of this nature weighed with the government, we 
know not : but certainly his remonstrances proved ineffec- 
tual. Finding no prospect of having his complaints re- 
garded with a favourable ear, he tendered his resignation 
to Mr. Secretary Hamilton, at the time of that gentleman's' 
going out of office. It was not accepted, andXieutenant 
Burrows had now to bear with fortitude what he was un- 
able to remedy. He applied to the government in March, 
1812, for a furlough, for the purpose of prosecuting a voy- 
age to India, which was granted. He found this indispen- 
sable, as his circumstances were, at this time, somewhat 
embarrassed ; and he accordingly went on board the ship 
Thomas Penrose, from Philadelphia, bound to Canton, 
under the command of Captain Ansley, of that city. On 
the return passage, the ship was captured and carried into 
Barbadoes. Lieutenant Burrows arrived in the United 
States, on his parole, in June, 1813, and in the succeeding 
month, was regularly exchanged. 

Shortly after this, he was ordered by government to re- 
pair to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and to take the com- 
mand of the United States' sloop of war Enterprise, then in 
a state of readiness for sea. His mind was still sore with 
a sense of his unredressed grievance, on the subject of his 
rank. But the prospect of active service gratified his love 
of glory, which superseded all other considerations. He 
declared, to an intimate friend, that he would serve during 
the war, and that he would then dash his commission into 
the fire. He sacrificed all minor feelings, and promptly 
accepted the appointment. 

The Enterprise left the harbour of Portsmouth on the 
nth of September, 1814. The next day, she fell in with 
his Britannic majesty's brig the Boxer, mounting sixteen 
eighteen pound carronades, and two long nine pounders. 
The Boxer fired a shot, hoisted English colours, and im- . 
mediately bore down on the Enterprise. The American 
vessel was tacking and making preparations for action. 
Having obtained the weather gage, she manoeuvred for 
some time to try her sailing, and to ascertain the force of 




WILLIAM BURROWS. 305 

her antagonist, At length she shortened sail, hoisted three 
ensigns, and fired three shots in answer. The action now 
grew warm ; the Boxer bore within half pistol shot of the 
Enterprise, and giving three cheers, fired her starboard 
broadside. She was answered by three cheers and a lar- 
board broadside from the Enterprise, and the action be- 
came general. The Enterprise having the advantage of 
the wind, ranged ahead of her enemy, rounded to on the 
larboard tack, and commenced a raking broadside. The 
enemy's maintopsail and topsail yards came down, and 
the Enterprise taking a position on the starboard bow of 
the Boxer, and opening a raking fire, compelled the enemy 
to cry for quarters. Their colours were nailed to the mast, 
and could not be hauled down. This action was conti- 
nued for forty-five minutes, during which time the Boxer 
received much damage in sails, rigging, spars, and hull. 
The Enterprise had but one eighteen pound shot in her 
hull, one in her mainmast, and one in her foremast. Her 
sails were much cut with grape shot, and a great number 
of grape were lodged in her side. The Boxer had twenty 
eighteen pound shot in the hull, most of them at the water's 
edge, with several stands of eighteen pound grape in her 
side. Lieutenant M'Call stated his loss to have been four 
killed, and ten wounded. The number killed on board of 
the Boxer is uncertain : the same officer states, from the 
best information which lie was able to procure, that of the 
enemy, between twenty and twenty-five were killed, and 
fourteen wounded. 

At the first fire, Lieutenant Burrows was mortally 
wounded by a musket ball ; he refused, notwithstanding, 
to be carried below, and during the whole of the action, 
he lay bleeding on the deck. With his dying lips he re- 
quested that the flag might never be struck. When the 
sword of his gallant enemy was presented to him, he 
clasped his hands together, and exclaimed, ' ; I am satisfied 
— I die contented." He was then carried below, and ex- 
pired shortly after. Captain Blythe, of the Boxer, who 
was killed by a cannon ball, was one of the supporters of 
the pall at the funeral of the unfortunate Lawrence. These 
brave men now slumber side by side, and their antipathies 
2(5* 



306 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

with them. The following resolution unanimously passed 
both houses of congress : 

" Resolved, by the senate and house of representatives 
of the United States of America, in congress assembled, 
That the president of the United States be requested to 
present to the nearest male relation of Lieutenant Wil- 
liam Burrows, and to Lieutenant Edwin R. M'Call, 
of the brig Enterprise, a gold medal, with suitable emblems 
and devices ; and a silver medal, with like emblems and 
devices, to each of the commissioned officers of the afore- 
said vessel; in testimony of the high sense, entertained by 
congress, of the gallantry and good conduct of the officers 
and crew, in the conflict with the British sloop Boxer, on 
the fifth of September, in the year one thousand eight 
hundred and thirteen. And the president is also requested 
to communicate to the nearest male relation of Lieutenant 
Burrows, the deep regret which congress feel for the loss 
of that valuable officer, who died in the arms of victory, 
nobly contending for his country's rights and fame." 

The remains of the gallant commanders, Burrows and 
Blythe, were buried at Portland with military honours. 

The following memorial was caused to be inscribed on 
the monument of the gallant Lieutenant Burrows, of Port- 
land, by Mr. M. L. Davis, of New York: 

" Beneath this stone, moulders the body of William 
Burrows, late commander of the United States' brig En- 
terprise, who was mortally wounded on the 5th of Sep- 
tember, 1813, in an action which contributed to increase 
the fame of American valour, by capturing his Britannic 
Majesty's brig Boxer, after a severe contest of forty-five 
minutes. A passing stranger has erected this monument 
of respect to the name of a patriot, who, in the hour of pe- 
ril, obeyed the loud summons of an injured country, and 
who gallantly met, fought, and conquered the foemen." 



JAMES LAWRENCE. 



John Lawrence, Esq. was a respectable lawyer of the 
state of New Jersey, and resided in the city of Burlington. 
He had several children, sons and daughters, of whom the 
youngest, James, forms the subject of this memoir. He 
had the misfortune to lose his Avife, a few weeks after the 
birth of this sou, which took place on the 1st of October, 
1781, and, consequently, committed him to the affectionate 
care of his daughters, for whom their brother ever mani- 
fested the warmest gratitude and friendship. 

His juvenile years were checkered with nothing more 
than the ordinary occurrences to which that stage of life 
is universally subjected. He was mild in his temper, mo- 
dest in his manners, dutiful and affectionate to his rela- 
tives and friends. 

His father designed him for the bar, but he, very early, 
discovered a predilection for naval pursuits, from which, 
in vain, his father attempted to divert him. In obedience, 
however, to his father's wishes, he spent a few years in the 
dry studies of the law, until his father's death, which en- 
abled him, by the consent of his uncle, to follow the bent 
of his inclination. He learned navigation, and, at seven- 
teen years of age, was honoured with a midshipman's 
warrant. His first voyage was a cruise, in the ship Ganges, 
under Captain Tirigey, in the West Indies, during the 
short misunderstanding between France and the United 
States. This and several subsequent ones furnished no 
incidents of character worthy of record. The Tripoline 
war, however, was of a different cast. In this the most de- 
termined spirit was displayed. At this time, Mr. Law- 
rence was appointed a Lieutenant, and assumed the com- 
mand of the schooner Enterprise. During this expedition 
he volunteered in the hazardous exploit of destroying the 
frigate Philadelphia, and accompanied Decatur as Ins first 



308 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

lieutenant. The brilliant success of that enterprise is 
well known, and for the gallantry and skill displayed on 
the occasion, Decatur was made post-captain, while Law- 
rence, in common with the other officers and crew, was 
voted, by Congress, only two months extra pay — which 
he declined accepting. 

The harbour of Tripoli seemed now to have become a 
sort of rendezvous and school for the American infant na- 
vy. The coast of Barbary was the field of their first ex- 
perience and youthful achievement. The most of the 
officers may be fairly styled young heroes, full of life, spi- 
rit, aud enthusiasm — It was there they formed those strong 
ties of brotherly love and friendship, that natural confi- 
dence, which has distinguished them for that bold spirit 
and defiance of danger, evinced throughout the late war, 
and which is without a parallel in any other nation of the 
same duration. 

Nearly three years and a half did Lawrence remain on 
the Mediterranean station, after which he returned to the 
United States with Commodore Preble, and was sent out 
as commander of gun-boat No. 6, in which station he re- 
mained for sixteen months; after this he acted as first 
lieutenant of the Constitution, and as commander suc- 
cessively of the Vixen, the Wasp, the .Argus, and the 
Hornet. 

In 1808, he was married to the daughter of Mr. Mont- 
davert, a respectable merchant of New York. 

Soon after the commencement of the late war against 
Great Britain and its dependencies, he sailed in the Hor- 
net sloop of war. as part of the squadron that cruised un- 
der Commodore Rodgers. "While he was absent on this 
cruise, Lieutenant Morris was promoted to the rank of 
post-captain for his bravery and skill as first lieutenant 
of the Constitution, in the action with the Guerriere. 

This appointment, as it raised him two grades, and 
placed him over the heads of older officers, gave offence to 
many of the navy, who could not brook that the regular 
rules of the service should be infringed. It was thought 
partially unjust, as giving him rank above I.nwrence, 
who had equally distinguished himself as first ) * u ten ant 



JAMES LAWRENCE. 309 

of Decatur, in the destruction of the frigate Philadelphia, 
at Tripoli, and who, at present, was but master and com- 
mander. 

On returning from this cruise, Lawrence consulted with 
his friends, and addressed a memorial to the Senate, in a 
letter to the Secretary of the Navy, wherein, after ac- 
knowledging the great merits and services of Captain 
Morris, he remonstrated in the most respectful and tempe- 
rate, but firm and manly language, on the impropriety of 
his promotion, as being contrary to the nature of naval 
precedence, and particularly as it respected himself; at 
the same time he frankly mentioned that he should be 
compelled, however reluctantly, to leave the service, if 
thus improperly outranked. 

The reply of the Secretary, was brief and singular — 
barely observing — " that if he thought proper to leave the 
service without a cause, there would still remain heroes 
and patriots enough to support the flag? 

This laconic epistle did not come directly to Lawrence's 
hands, as he had then set out on another cruise to the 
Brazils, with Commodore Bainbridge, in the Constitution. 
Off the Brazils, they fell in with a British sloop of war 
called the Bonne Citoyenne, having a large amount of 
specie on board, which they chased into St. Salvadore. 
This vessel was larger and of greater force than the Hor- 
net, yet Captain Lawrence had contrived to have informa- 
tion communicated to Captain Green of the Bonne Cito- 
yenne, acquainting him that he wished for an interview, 
and pledging- his honour that neither the Constitution nor 
any other vessel would interfere, which was supported by 
a similar one given by Commodore Bainbridge, that he 
should not interfere ; yet Captain Green, declined the 
combat, alleging, that though perfectly satisfied that the 
event of such a rencountre would be honourable to his ship, 
yet he was equally convinced that Commodore Bainbridge 
could not swerve so much from the paramount duty he 
owed his country, as to become an inactive spectator, and 
see a ship belonging to the very squadron under his or- 
ders, fall into the hands of the enemy. 

It was immediately made known to Green that Commo- 



310 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

dore Bainbridge left the Hornet for four days, off from the 
harbour in which the Bonne Citoyenne lay; and at the 
distance of forty miles. Lawrence afterwards went into 
the harbour, and remained three days, when he might 
only have remained twenty-four hours had Captain Green 
requested it. At length the Constitution went off alto- 
gether, leaving Lawrence to blockade the Bonne Cito- 
yenne, which he did for nearly a month, Captain Green 
not judging it proper to risk an encounter. The only ex- 
cuse that could have been made for Green is, that he did 
not think himself fit to depart from the purpose of his 
voyage, and risk his vessel in a contest for mere individu- 
al reputation. The arrival of the British ship Montague, 
of 74 guns, from Rio Janeiro, obliged Captain Lawrence 
to change his cruising ground, on the twenty-fourth of 
January. The Montague had been expressly sent for the 
purpose of relieving the Bonne Citoyenne and a British 
packet of 12 guns, which also lay at St. Salvadore. Du- 
ring this cruise, Captain Lawrence fell in with the British 
brig Peacock, Captain Peake, off Demarara, a vessel of 
about equal force. The combat commenced within half 
pistol shot, and so tremendous was the fire from the Hor- 
net, that, in fifteen minutes, the Peacock surrendered, and 
made signals of distress, being in a sinking condition. 
Her main-mast had gone by the board, and she was alto- 
gether reduced to an absolute wreck, in so great a degree, 
that, notwithstanding every exertion was made to keep 
her afloat till the prisoners could be removed, she sunk 
with thirteen of her crew, and three brave American tars, 
who thus nobly perished in endeavouring to relieve a con- 
quered foe. Among the slain on board the Peacock, was 
found the body of Captain Peake, who was wounded twice 
during the action, the last of which proved mortal. His 
body was wrapped in his flag, as a shroud, and laid in 
the cabin. 

During the battle, the British brig L'Espeigle, mounting 
fifteen thirty-two pound carronades, and two long nines, 
Jay at anchor about six miles in shore. The Hornet ac- 
cordingly was put immediately in a situation for com- 
mencing another action, and in about three hours was in 



JAMES LAWRENCE. 31 1 

complete repair, but the enemy did not think proper to 
make any attack. 

The conduct of Captain Lawrence towards the prison- 
ers was truly humane and commendable, and such has 
been the conduct generally of all the officers of our navy, 
on similar occasions. The officers of the Peacock, on 
their arrival at New York, said, " they ceased to consider 
themselves as prisoners ;" besides making a public ac- 
knowledgment in the newspapers, to Captain Lawrence, 
for his good treatment. 

It must also be recorded, to the honour of the Hornet's 
crew, that, on observing the Peacock's prisoners had lost 
all their clothing by the sinking of their ship, these good 
fellows made a muster, and from their own wardrobes 
supplied each prisoner with two shirts and a blue jacket 
and trowsers. 

On returning to this country, Captain Lawrence was 
received with great distinction and applause, and various 
public bodies conferred on him peculiar tokens of appro- 
bation. While absent, the rank of post-captain had been 
conferred on him, and shortly after his return, he receiv- 
ed a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, offering him 
the command of the frigate Constitution, provided neither 
Captains Porter nor Evans applied for it, they being older 
officers. Captain Lawrence respectfully declined this 
conditional appointment, for satisfactory reasons which he 
stated to the secretary. He then received an uncondi- 
tional appointment to that frigate, and directions to su- 
perintend the navy-yard at New York in the absence of 
Captain Ludlow. The next day, to his great surprise and 
chagrin, he received counter orders, with instructions to 
take command of the frigate Chesapeake, then lying at 
Boston, nearly ready for sea. This appointment was 
particularly disagreeable to him. He was prejudiced 
against the Chesapeake, both from her being considered 
the worst ship in our navy, and from having been in a 
manner disgraced in the affair with the Leopard. This 
last circumstance had acquired her the character of an 
unlucky ship — the worst of stigmas among sailors, who 
are devout believers in good and bad luck ; and so derri- 



312 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

mental was it to this vessel, that it has been difficult to 
recruit crews for her. 

The extreme repugnance that Captain Lawrence felt to 
this appointment, induced him to write to the Secretary 
of the Navy, requesting to be continued in the command 
of the Hornet. Besides, it was his wish to remain some 
short time in port, and enjoy a little repose in the bosom 
of his family : particularly as his wife was in that deli- 
cate situation, that most calls forth the tenderness and so- 
licitude of an affectionate husband. But though he wrote 
four letters to the secretary, he never received an answer, 
and was obliged reluctantly to acquiesce. 

While lying in Boston roads, nearly ready for sea, the 
British frigate Shannon appeared off the harbour, and 
made signals expressive of a challenge. The brave Law- 
rence immediately determined on accepting it, though con- 
scious at the time of the great disparity between the two 
ships. The Shannon was a prime vessel, equipped in an 
extraordinary manner, for the express purpose of combat- 
ing advantageously one of our largest frigates. She had 
an unusually numerous crew of picked men, thoroughly 
disciplined and well officered. She was commanded by 
Captain Broke, one of the bravest and ablest officers in 
the service, who fought merely for reputation. 

On the other hand, the Chesapeake was an indifferent 
ship, with a crew, a great part of whom were newly re- 
cruited, and not brought into a proper discipline. They 
were strangers to their commander, who had not had 
time to produce that perfect subordination, yet strong 
personal attachment, which he had the talent of creating 
wherever he commanded. His first lieutenant was sick 
on shore ; the other officers, though meritorious, were 
young men; two of them mere acting lieutenants ; most 
of them recently appointed to the ship, and unacquainted 
with the men. 

The most earnest endeavours were used, by Commodore 
Bainbridge and other gentlemen, to dissuade Captain Law- 
rence from what was considered a rash and unnecessary 
exposure, lie felt and acknowledged the force of their 
reasons, but persisted in his determination. He was pe- 



James lawrence. 313 

culiarly situated : he had formerly challenged the Bonne 
Citoyenne, and should he decline a similar challenge, it 
might subject him to sneers and misrepresentations. 
Among the other unfortunate circumstances that attended 
this ill-starred battle, was the delay of a written challenge 
from Captain Broke, which did not arrive until after Cap- 
tain Lawrence had sailed. It is stated to have been 
couched in the most frank and courteous language ; mi- 
nutely detailing the force of his ship ; and offering, if the 
Chesapeake should not be completely prepared, to cruise 
off and on till such time as she made a specified signal of 
being ready for the conflict. It is to be deeply regretted 
that Captain Lawrence did not receive this gallant chal- 
lenge, as it would have given him time to put his ship in 
proper order, and spared him the necessity of hurrying 
out in his unprepared condition, to so formal and momen- 
tous an encounter. 

After getting the ship under way, he called the crew 
together, and haying ordered the white flag to be hoisted, 
bearing the motto, " Free trade and sailors' rights," he, 
according to custom, made them a short harangue, 
While he was speaking, several murmurs were heard, 
and strong symptoms of dissatisfaction appeared in the 
manners and countenances of the crew. After he had 
finished, a scoundrel Portuguese, who was boatswain's 
mate, and acted as spokesman to the murmurers, replied 
to Captain Lawrence in an insolent manner, complaining, 
among other things, that they had not been paid their 
prize-money, which had been due for some time past. 

The critical nature of the moment, and his ignorance 
of the dispositions and characters of his crew, would not 
allow Captain Lawrence to notice such dastardly and mu- 
tinous conduct in the manner it deserved. He dared not 
thwart the humours of men, over whose affections he had 
not had time to acquire any influence, and therefore or- 
dered the purser to take them below and give them checks 
for their prize-money, which was accordingly done. 

It was on the morning of the first of June that the 
Chesapeake put to sea. The Shannon, on seeing her 
come out, bore away, and the other followed. At 4, P. M. 
27 



314 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the Chesapeake hauled up and fired a gun ; the Shannon 
then hove to. The vessels manoeuvred in awful silence, 
till within pistol shot, when the Shannon opened her fire, 
and both vessels, almost at the same moment, poured forth 
tremendous broadsides. The execution in both ships was 
terrible, but the fire of the Shannon was peculiarly fatal, 
not only making great slaughter among the men, but 
cutting down some of the most valuable officers. The 
very first shot killed Mr. White, sailing-master of the 
Chesapeake, an excellent officer, whose loss at such a 
moment was disastrous in the extreme. The fourth 
lieutenant, Mr. Ballard, received also a mortal wound in 
this broadside, and at the same moment Captain Lawrence 
was shot through the leg with a musket ball ; he howe- 
ver supported himself on the companion way, and continu- 
ed to give his orders with his usual coolness. About 
three broadsides were exchanged, which, from the close- 
ness of the ships, were dreadfully destructive. The 
Chesapeake had three men shot from her helm succes- 
sively, each taking it as the other fell ; this of course pro- 
duced irregularity in the steering, and the consequence 
was, that her anchor caught in one of the Shannon's after 
ports. She was thus in a position where her guns could 
not be brought to bear upon the enemy, while the latter 
was enabled to fire raking shots from her foremost guns, 
which swept the upper decks of the Chesapeake, killing 
or wounding the greater portion of the men. A hand- 
grenade was thrown on the quarter-deck, which set fire 
to some musket cartridges, but did no other damage. 

In this state of carnage and exposure, about twenty of 
the Shannon's men, seeing a favourable opportunity for 
boarding, without waiting for orders, jumped on the deck 
of the Chesapeake. Captain Lawrence had scarce time 
to call his boarders, when he received a second and mor- 
tal wound from a musket ball which lodged in his intes- 
tines. Lieutenant Cox, who commanded the second 
division, rushed up at the call for the boarders, but came 
just ill time to receive his falling commander. He was 
in the act of carrying him below, when Captain Broke, 
accompanied by his first lieutenant, and followed by his 



JAMES LAWRENCE. 315 

regular boarders, sprung on board the Chesapeake. The 
brave Lawrence saw the overwhelming danger ; his last 
words, as he was borne bleeding from the deck, were, 
" Don't surrender the ship !" 

Samuel Livermore, Esq. of Boston, who, from personal 
attachment to Captain Lawrence, had accompanied hi in 
in this cruise as chaplain, attempted to revenge his fall. 
He shot at Captain Broke, but missed him : the latter, 
made a cut at his head, which Livermore warded off; but 
in so doing, received a severe wound in the arm. The 
only offieer that now remained on the upper deck was 
Lieutenant Ludlow, who was so entirely weakened and 
disabled by repeated wounds received early in the action, 
as to be incapable of personal resistance. The compara- 
tively small number of men, therefore, that survived on 
the upper decks, having no officer to head them, the Bri- 
tish succeeded in securing complete possession, before those 
from below could rally. Lieutenant Budd, who had com- 
manded the first division below, being informed of the 
danger, hastened up with some men, but was overpower- 
ed by superior numbers, and cut down immediately. 
Great embarrassment took place, in consequence of the of- 
ficers being unacquainted with the crew. In one instance, 
in particular, Lieutenant Cox, on mounting the deck, join- 
ed a party of the enemy, through mistake, and was made 
sensible of his error, by their cutting at him with their 
sabres. 

While this scene of havoc and confusion was going on 
above, Captain Lawrence, who was lying in the ward 
room, in excruciating pain, hearing the firing cease, for- 
got the anguish of his wounds : having no officer near 
him, he ordered the surgeon to hasten on deck, and tell 
the officers to fight on to the last, and never to strike the 
colours ; adding, " they shall wave Avhile I live." The 
fate of the battle, however, was decided. Finding all far- 
ther resistance vain, and a mere waste of life, Lieutenant 
Ludlow gave up the ship ; after which, he received a sabre 
wound in the head, from one of the Shannon's crew, which 
fractured his skull, and ultimately proved mortal. He was 
one of the most promising officers of his age in the servire. 



316 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

highly esteemed for his professional talents, and beloved 
for the generous qualities that adorned his private cha- 
racter. 

Thus terminated one of the most remarkable combats 
on naval record. From the peculiar accidents that at- 
tended it, the battle was short, desperate, and bloody. So 
long as the cannonading continued, the Chesapeake is said 
to have clearly had the advantage ; and had the ships not 
run foul, it is probable she would have captured the 
Shannon. Though considerably damaged in her upper 
works, and pierced with some shot holes in her hull, yet 
she had sustained no injury to affect her safety ; whereas 
the Shannon had received several shots between wind and 
water, and, consequently, could not have sustained the 
action long. The havoc on both sides was dreadful ; but 
to the singular circumstance of having every officer on 
the upper deck either killed or wounded, early in the 
action, may chiefly be attributed the loss of the Chesa- 
peake. 

The two ships presented dismal spectacles after the 
battle. Crowded with the wounded and the dying, they 
resembled floating hospitals, sending forth groans at every 
roll. The brave Broke lay delirious from a wound in the 
head, which he is said to have received while endeavour- 
ing to prevent the slaughter of some of our men who had 
surrendered. In his rational intervals, he always spoke 
in the highest terms of the courage and skill of Lawrence, 
and the " gallant and masterly style" in which he brought 
the Chesapeake into action. 

The wounds of Captain Lawrence rendered it impossible 
to remove him after the battle, and his cabin being very 
much shattered, he remained in the ward-room. Here he 
lay, attended by his own surgeon, and surrounded by his 
brave and sufferinaf officers. He made no comment, nor 
indeed was heard to utter a word, except to make such 
simple requests as his necessities required. In this way 
he lingered through four days, in extreme bodily pain, and 
then expired. 

His body was wrapped in the colours of his ship, and 
buried by the British at Halifax with the honours of war. 



JAMES LAWRENCE. 317 

Thence it was removed by his friends to Salem, in Massa- 
chusetts, where it received the most particular respect, and 
was again removed to the city of New York, where it was 
buried with the honours of war. 

At the time of his death he was but thirty-two years 
old, nearly sixteen of which had been honourably ex- 
pended in the service of his country. He was a discipli- 
narian of the highest order, producing perfect obedience 
and subordination without severity. His men became 
zealously devoted to him, and ready to do through affection 
what severity would have never compelled. He was 
scrupulously correct in his principles, delicate in his sense 
of honour ; and to his extreme jealousy of reputation he 
fell a victim, in daring an ill-matched encounter, which 
prudence would have justified him in declining. In battle, 
where his lofty and conmianding person made him con- 
spicuous, the calm collected courage, and elevated tran- 
quillity which he maintained in the midst of peril, imparted 
a confidence to every bosom. In the hour of victory he 
was moderate and unassuming ; towards the vanquished 
he was gentle, generous, and humane. 

His brother being dead, he was the last male branch of 
a family which looked up to him as its ornament and 
pride. His fraternal tenderness was the prop and conso- 
lation of two widowed sisters, and in him their helpless 
offspring found a father. He left also, a wife and two 
young children, to whom he was fervently attached. The 
critical situation of the former, was one of those cares, 
which preyed upon his mind at the time he went forth to 
battle. The utmost precautions were taken by his rela- 
tives to keep from her the knowledge of her husband's fate ; 
their anxiety was soon relieved by the birth of a son. 
The unfortunate mother at length recovered from a long 
and dangerous confinement, before she learned the heart- 
rending intelligence of her husband's fate. 
2 7 * 



318 GLORY OF AMERICA. 



• ELEAZER WHEELOCK RIPLEY 

Was born at Hanover, New-Hampshire, the seat of 
Dartmouth College, April 15th, 1782. He is the grand- 
son of the venerable and pious founder of that institution, 
Dr. Eleazer Wheelock, whose name he bears, and ne- 
phew of the present learned President, honourable John 
Wheelock, LL. D. His father, Reverend Sylvanus Rip- 
ley, a graduate of the first class, and the first professor of 
Divinity in the College, died in the beginning of the year 
1787, universally respected and beloved. Of the young 
family of six children, thus left, in circumstances not af- 
fluent, to the care of an intelligent and pious mother, the 
subject of this sketch was the second son, then in the fifth 
year of his age. 

He pursued with assiduity the studies preparatory for 
admission into college ; and having completed his aca- 
demic course, he received the first honours of the Univer- 
sity in 1800. He then applied himself to the study of the 
law, and shortly afterwards was admitted to practice in 
the county court of Kcnnebunk, in the District of Maine, 
state of Massachusetts. At the bar he manifested talents 
which ranked him among the higher order of barristers, 
and procured him a popularity that introduced him to a 
seat in the Legislature of his native state, as a representa- 
tive from the town of Winslow or Waterville, as soon as 
the qualification of age would admit. In that body he 
was not an inefficient member. His political course was 
marked with action based on the principles of the 'consti- 
tution of the United States, and the rights of mankind. 
To contend with political opponents who had evinced 
talents, such as ranked them high as statesmen, was a 
task of no ordinary magnitude, and he who undertook it, 
if triumphant, was sure to stand high in party honours. 



ELEAZER WHEELOCK RIPLEY. 319 

Li January, 1812, he was elected Speaker of the Legis- 
lature of Massachusetts, in the place of the honourable 
Joseph Story, who had then just been elevated to a seat 
on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. 
At this period he had scarcely attained his 30th year, so 
fast were his "blushing honours thickening on him." 
Of the subsequent session of the Legislature, held hi May, 
he was not a member. Having removed to Portland, he 
was chosen a Senator from Cumberland and Oxford, and 
took his seat accordingly in the Senate of Massachusetts. 
In the March following, he disappointed all the fond anti- 
cipations of his friends in regard to his rising greatness, 
by accepting a Lieutenant-Colonel's commission in the 
army of the United States. The relations then existing 
between the United States and Great Britain, it was 
rightly supposed, would eventuate in an open rupture, 
and he had directed his attentions to the tented field to 
avenge the wrongs heaped on his country by that haugh- 
ty and overbearing nation. On the eve of the declaration 
of war he had been intrusted by General Dearborn with 
the command of the forts and harbours on the extreme 
Eastern coast of the Union. In this station he manifested 
an activity in disciplining his men and strengthening his 
fortifications, which proclaimed his worth as an officer. 
In September, 1812, he marched from Portland and 
reached Plattsburgh in October, a distance of more than 
400 miles. Here he joined the Northern army command- 
ed by Brigadier-General Bloomfield. After the campaign 
had closed, he retired into winter-quarters at Burlington, 
in Vermont, where, by unwearied exertions he increased 
his regiment to 700 men before the following spring. His 
regiment became remarkable for its accuracy hi discipline 
and neatness of dress. 

On the 12th of March, 1813, Lieutenant-Colonels Rip- 
ley, Gaines, and Scott, were promoted at the same time to 
the rank of Colonels. 

In ten days of that month Colonel Ripley marched his 
regiment from Plattsburgh to Sackett's Harbour. At the 
attack on York in Upper" Canada, April 27th, "he fleshed 
his maiden sword," 



320 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

General Dearborn, with 1700 chosen troopSj embarked 
nt Sackett's Harbour, and having arrived before York, 
confided the immediate command in the attack to the gal- 
lant General Pike. 

The American army, having debarked, formed in 
two lines. The 21st regiment, divided into six platoons, 
with Colonel McClure's volunteers on their flanks, com- 
posed the second line. Thus disposed, they moved on to 
the attack in columns, when the British General, panic- 
struck, retreated, blowing up one of his magazines. The 
explosion was tremendous, and friend and foe were its 
common victims — General Pike was mortally wounded, 
and died smiling in the arms of victory. — Colonel Ripley 
was slightly wounded, and the command devolved on Co- 
lonel Pearce, of the 17th regiment, until General Dear- 
born came on shore. The British General Sheaffe, was 
distinctly seen on his retreat, and the wounded Colonel 
Ripley pressed his pursuit without delay. The apprehen- 
sion of another explosion, produced an hour's delay, which 
enabled the fugitive foe to escape. The town, contain- 
ing public property of great value, was captured. Some 
excesses, by the American soldiery, were at first commit- 
ted. To put a stop to this, General Dearborn ordered Co- 
lonel Ripley and his regiment, as a town guard, to protect 
private property. The Colonel executed the command 
with the strictest propriety, and under circumstances very 
honourable to himself —for spoils which by the rules of 
war were his, he spurned to touch. By some unaccounta- 
ble neglect, he remained on duty three days and nights 
without sleep. Incessant duty and fatigue impaired his 
health. The army after it again disembarked at Niagara 
was sickly, in consequence of its exposure to rains for a 
week on board the fleet. Colonel Ripley was present at 
the capture of Fort George, on the 27th of May ; but was 
not present in the action on Stony Creek, when Generals 
Chandler and Winder were taken by surprise. In order 
to afford him an opportunity to repair his feeble health, 
General Dearborn ordered his regiment, diminished by 
hard service, to convoy the prisoners to Oswego, and then 
proceed to Saeketfs Harbour. Having accomplished this 



ELEAZER WIIEELOCK RIPLEY. 321 

duty, he was detained at that post for several days by se- 
vere sickness. His devotion to the military art, induced 
him to resist every advice of his friends while at Sackett's 
Harbour, to withdraw for some time from the duties of 
his station. His attachment to Fame, induced him to 
press forward, and make every sacrifice to enter the por- 
tals of her Temple. 

Preferring; the British mode of drill, he made his regi- 
ment perfectly acquainted therewith, prior to their embar- 
kation under General Wilkinson, in the attack against 
Montreal, the failure of which was owing to the then Sec- 
retary of War, and General Hampton. 

In descending the St. Lawrence for the attack on Mont- 
real, a severe duty was necessary — every corps of the ar- 
my was exposed to the attacks of a vigilant foe. The 
1 1th of November, was distinguished by the battle of Wil- 
liamsburgh, where the lamented and brave Covington 
fell. Colonel Ripley, with his regiment, commenced the 
action. His conduct, throughout the contest, was mark- 
ed with peculiar bravery. The troops fought in great 
confusion, and the battle lasted for three hours. In giv- 
ing orders, the fence on which he stood, was carried 
away by a cannon ball. The part of his regiment in ac- 
tion, amounted to three hundred and thirty-nine, of which 
about eighty were killed or wounded. He went into win- 
ter quarters at French Mills, in consequence of the refu- 
sal of General Hampton to unite with General Wilkinson. 
Here his regiment, on the consolidation of the army, was 
united with the 11th. His wife, to whom he was mar- 
ried in 1811, repaired to him in camp, against the entrea- 
ties of friends, in order to assist him in his feeble state of 
health. In the midst of winter, the cantonment was or- 
dered to be broken up, and the army ordered to repair to 
the Niagara frontier. Colonel Ripley was ordered to pro- 
ceed to Albany, to forward on artillery and stores for the 
ensuing campaign. At this time the consolidated regi- 
ment was restored. On the 18th of April, Colonel Ripley 
was advanced to the rank, of Brigadier-General. He took 
leave of the officers and men of his regiment on this oc- 
casion, who manifested for him every token of respect, 



322 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the officers having presented him an elegant sword as a 
grateful recollection. 

A short time previous to this. General Scott, in the ab- 
sence of General Brown, took the command of the army 
at Buffalo. This officer used every exertion to promote 
a strict and necessary discipline. Each corps was emu- 
lous to excel. General Ripley devoted his time to the 
instruction of his brigade. 

On the arrival of General Brown at Buffalo,* in June, 
1813, it was determined to invade the upper province, in 
order to attack Fort George and recover Fort Niagara, and 
thence to march round "the lake to Kingston. This pro- 
ject General Ripley opposed with all his talents, for he 
was confident that the army, which consisted of less than 
three thousand regular troops, was too feeble to accom- 
plish the proposed object. He had already accompanied 
three invasions of Canada, with an incompetent force. 
He knew that Fort Erie, directly opposite to Buffalo, must 
immediately fall ; but in respect to the ultimate objects, 
he saw no prospect of success. Although the invasion 
brought high honour to the American arms — in gaining 
which he had a full participation — yet the result justified 
his opinions. Not one of the grand objects proposed was 
accomplished. 

In making the necessary arrangements, the 9th, 11th 
and 25th regiments, were assigned to the brigade of Ge- 
neral Scott, "while General Ripley had the 21st, under 
Major Grafton, with which were incorporated, during the 
campaign, one company of the 17th under Capt. Chunn, 
and one of the 12th under Lieut. M'Donald. He had also 
a battalion of the 23d regiment under Major M'Farland, 
consisting principally of recruits lately received, and im- 
perfect in discipline. The four regiments first mention- 
ed were of New-England, and the last one of New- 
York. 

On the 3d of July, the American army crossed the Ni- 
agara river. Gen. Scott with the main body crossed from 

♦This arrangement was made by the War-Minister to cover the miscon- 
ceptions of General Brown, in regard to his orders to attark Kingston, for an 
explanation of which, sc<? note to General Brown's Life, 



ELEAZER- WHEELOCK RIPLEY. 323 

the boats below Fort Erie, while General Ripley, with the 
21st, in two United States schooners, passed up the lake, 
and disembarked a mile above the fort, which was imme- 
diately invested. It was surrendered the same day with- 
out the necessity of firing a gun. The next day the army 
marched to Chippewa, at which place General Brown 
arrived with the reserve under Gen. Ripley at 1 o'clock, 
A. M. The battle of July 5th covered Gen. Scott and his 
brigade with merited honour, for in the open field and fair 
combat he achieved a complete victory over superior 
numbers. Gen. Ripley had no opportunity to encounter 
the enemy. The American army was encamped on the 
south side of Street's Creek, distant two miles and a half 
from the enemy's strong work on the north side of Chip- 
pewa Creek. The action was fought on the intermediate 
plain. For a considerable time after the engagement com- 
menced, Gen. Ripley's brigade remained, drawn up in or- 
der of battle, exposed to the fire of the enemy's artillery, the 
shot from which ranged through his line — although he was 
very solicitous to advance. At length he was ordered, but 
at too late a period, to take the 2 1st regiment and pass to 
the left of the camp, skirt the woods so as to keep out of 
view, and fall on the rear of the enemy's right flank. 
" This order," says General Brown, " was promptly obeyed, 
and the greatest exertions were made by the 21st regiment 
to gain their position and close with the enemy, but in 
vain." General Ripley was obliged to ford Street's Creek 
to the left of the bridge, crossing a morass almost impassa- 
ble — when he arrived on the Chippewa, the battle was 
over. Had this detour been suffered to be made as soon 
as the action commenced, the enemy must have lost many 
prisoners ; and if the retreat across Chippewa draw-bridge 
to his works could have been cut off, General Riall's 
whole force would inevitably have been captured. Pru- 
dence indeed might forbid the commanding General to 
send out a party of his reserve on such a duty, at the 
very beginning of an action, the result of which was 
doubtful ; but the detour was ordered before the result of 
the action could be foreseen. General Brown, says,— 
'•' from General Ripley and his brigade. I have received 



324 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

every assistance that I gave them an opportunity of ren- 
dering." 

The American troops gained a splendid victory, but 
the enemy was yet secure in a position of great strength 
behind a deep creek, which could not be forded within a 
distance of forty miles. It was determined to construct a 
bridge, and force a passage. July 8th, General Ripley 
was detached on this duty. Crossing the bridge over 
Street's Creek, he opened a road two or three miles 
through the woods on the left, and reaching the Chippewa 
one or two miles above the British, planted his heavy tram 
of artillery for the protection of the artificers, and even 
began to construct the bridge without exciting alarm or 
being molested. But the British soon appeared with seve- 
ral pieces of artillery, and opened a fire of shells and round 
shot, which was returned so vigorously with grape and 
canister as to force them to retreat. Hearing this tremen- 
dous cannonade of our 18 pounders at a point which he 
supposed inaccessible to our artillery, General Riall, in- 
stead of strengthening the party which he had detached, 
immediately abandoned his strong position, and retired 
precipitately upon Queenston. The whole American ar- 
my encamped the same night in the enemy's works, hav- 
ing encountered but little of the resistance, which might 
have been made to the passage of the Chippewa, and 
which perhaps could have been made with complete suc- 
cess. 

July 9th, the United States' army proceeded to Queens- 
ton. Gen. Riall retired to Fort George, leaving a suffi- 
cient garrison encamped at Twelve Mile Creek, three miles 
distant from the American camp, making every exertion 
to call out the militia, and sending down the lake for re- 
gular troops. General Ripley, persuaded that this was a 
favourable moment for a decisive action, strongly urged 
the necessity of immediately pursuing the enemy. But 
our troops remained ten days idle at Queenston, and then 
attempted to besiege Fort George. In the mean time, 
General Riall's army recovered from the late panic, and 
was strengthened by the large numbers of militia, called 
out en masse. Had our troops remained three days longer 



ELEAZER UTiKKLOCK KIPLEY. 325 

before Port George, their safety would have been put to 
the most imminent 1 m /.aid. for within that time strong - re- 
enforcements arrive;! from Kingston to the enemy, so that 
Riall would have been emboldened to seize a strong posi- 
tion in our rear. This position must have been carried 
by our army in order to effect a retreat; for being destitute 
of boats, it was impossible to cross the Niagara below the 
falls. But on the 22d of July our troops fell back to 
Queenston Heights, and on the 24th to Chippewa. 

About this time General Ripley's brigade was strength- 
ened by the veteran battalion of the 23d regiment, under 
Major Brooke, from Plattsburgh, and Colonel Miller, who 
was promoted to the 21st, arrived and took command of 
that regiment. 

The memorable battle of Niagara Falls, July 25th, co- 
vered General Ripley and his brigade with military glory ; 
which, though not so durable as the thunder of the cata- 
ract, will yet be as permanent as the memory of the action 
and as the honours which are awarded to the brave. 

Tiie British having received strong re-enforcements from 
Kingston, were put in motion in pursuit of the American 
army. A column of five hundred British, under Lieute- 
nant-Colonel Tucker, was detached to Lewistown, on the 
American side of the Niagara to capture the American 
sick and baggage. — General Riall advanced from his en- 
campment at Twelve Mile Creek by the Lundy-Lane road, 
which intersects the river road just below the falls ; — and 
General Drummond marched up from Fort George, on the 
river road direct to Chippewa. General Brown, who was 
now meditating the pursuit of General Riall, and a long 
march to Burlington Heights, did not apprehend that the 
enemy was near him, and in a capacity to fight him. To 
recall Colonel Tucker from the American side of the river, 
and to prevent his marching towards Buffalo, General 
Brown determined to make a movement towards Queens- 
ton, seven miles below the falls. 

General Scott, who was detached with about 1000 men, 
marched in the afternoon ; but when he reached the junc- 
tion of the Lundy-Lane road with the road down the river, 
he found General Riall, who had just arrived from the 
2S 



326 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Twelve Mile Creek, occupying a strong position. The 
action immediately commenced, at the distance of about 
three miles from the American camp. As soon as the firing 
was heard, General Ripley formed his brigade, and by 
order of General Brown advanced to the support of Gene- 
ral Scott. His brigade that morning reported 730 men fit 
for duty ; of these a hundred or more were on guard, or 
out of camp, when he was ordered to march. He proceed- 
ed instantly and with his uncommon rapidity, his men 
actually running a part of the way, and arrived on the 
ground between sunset and dark. At this time General 
Scott's brigade having suffered extremely by the tremen- 
dous fire of the enemy's artillery of nine pieces planted on 
a height in the centre of their line, was covered in the 
woods. General Ripley, as is stated by General Brown, 
was ordered to disengage and relieve General Scott, by 
forming a new line ; but the precise order was, that he 
should form on the right of General Scott ; and this was 
the only order which !ie received, except the order at the 
close of the action to retire from the field. His aid, Lieu- 
tenant M'Donald, bringing intelligence that the right ot 
General Scott would bring him in the woods out of the 
fight, he resolved to advance directly towards the enemy. 
As he advanced, the fire of the battery was directed at his 
brigade. Two shrapnell shells only, striking the 23d re- 
giment, killed and wounded twenty-four men. To remain 
exposed to this dreadful fire, was impossible, for his bri- 
gade also would soon be cut in pieces. There was no al- 
ternative but either to carry the battery, or abandon the 
field. Having made his decision, General Ripley put his 
brigade in motion to execute the desperate enterprise. 
Regardless of the enemy's fire, he marched down the road 
until he arrived within a short distance in front of the 
height. Here the smoke and darkness favoured him, and 
being in a hollow, the shot passed over his head. In or- 
der to execute his intentions, he formed in line his gallant 
21st regiment, in which, as well as in Colonel Miller, he 
had perfect confidence, directly fronting the battery. He 
determined to lead the 23d regiment, which consisted 
partly of recruits, and required his presence, and attack 



ELEAZLR WHEELOCK RIPLEY. 827 

rhe enemy's left flank to divert their attention from the 
21st. 

Having made his arrangements, he marched off the 23d 
regiment a little to the right, then giving it a direction to- 
wards the battery, led his troops to the attack, he being on 
horseback. Receiving the fire of the enemy, the regiment 
faltered, but he immediately rallied it and renewed the 
action. Colonel Miller made the assault in front with de- 
termined bravery ; and the line of infantry, posted for the 
support of the artillery, being dispersed by the attack on 
the flank, the battery was carried at the first charge. Con- 
fident that the utmost efforts would be directed to the re- 
covery of this position and of the artillery, General Rip- 
ley immediately sent his aid to General Brown, to apprise 
him of what had been done, and to request him to remove 
and secure the cannon, but the request was disregarded. 
Advancing his line some distance in front of the battery, 
the 23d regiment, with Towson's artillery, was formed on 
the right of the 21st. A part of the 1st regiment, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholas, was stationed on the left, 
and on the extreme left the brave General Porter with his 
volunteers. Before the close of the battle, the 25th regi- 
ment also, under Major Jessup, was directed to be brought 
up, and was formed on the right of the whole. In this or- 
der the attack was awaited. General Ripley directed the 
front rank to kneel, and that not a gun should be fired un- 
til the enemy had delivered his fire — then, that deliberate 
aim should be taken. As the British advanced to the at- 
tack, they received such a deadly fire, as to be driven 
again down the hill. These charges were repeated five 
or six times with the same result. At this period General 
Scott, eager to strike a decisive blow, threw himself be- 
fore General Ripley's line, without apprising him of the 
movement, attacked the enemy, but was wounded and re- 
pulsed. Being between two fires, it is supposed that, in 
consequence of the darkness and confusion, he suffered 
from both. Obstinate and indignant at the loss of the 
battery, and at the result of every attempt to recover it, 
the British forces advanced with heroic determination. 
(general Ripley's brigade, and other troops under bis com- 



328 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

mand, were formed as before. Notwithstanding a most 
destructive fire, the enemy pressed on and engaged with 
the point of the bayonet. Overcome by numbers, our 
troops on the right and left gave way ; Towson was oblig- 
ed to spike and abandon his pieces, and total discomfiture 
seemed unavoidable. But a part of the central brigade, 
animated by the gallantry of their commander, remained 
firm ; the flanks were rallied by his exertions, and the ex- 
ertions of the brave officers, and the enemy was again 
forced down the hill. This was the termination of the 
conflict, for at this period, after the enemy had been re- 
pulsed in the last attack, General Ripley received an or- 
der from General Brown to collect his wounded, and retire 
immediately to camp. Upon going to his rear, and finding 
that the cannon had not been removed, and " the trophies 
of victory had not been accomplished" according to his re- 
quest, he ordered a detachment of Porter's volunteers to 
drag them off the ground ; but the want of ropes rendered 
it necessary to leave them behind. Besides, the men, after 
fighting five or six hours, were exhausted by fatigue, and 
incapable of exertion. Nor was it safe to linger in the 
rear, for the enemy immediately pressed up the hill, and 
actually took several prisoners by the side of the artillery. 
As General Ripley marched from the held of battle, but 
two platoons of General Scott's brigade, under Major Le- 
venworth, could be collected ; and of the whole army, it 
was estimated by several officers, that not more than five 
hundred men returned with him to camp, the rest having 
been dispersed. 

Such was the heroic enterprise, which was projected, 
ordered, and executed, by General Ripley, who was on 
horsebaek, and frequently in front, during the whole en- 
gagement. Two musket balls pierced his hat, another 
struck a button of his coat, and another wounded his 
horse. The principal officer belonging to his brigade, that 
fell, was the bravo Major M'Farland of the 23d. Of six 
Generals present, (bur were severely, and one slightly 
wounded. General Ripley alone", although exposed to 
every danger, was unhurt. In this action, was a greater 
loss of men in killed and wounded, than occurred in any 



ELEAZER WHEELOCK R1PLET. 320 

battle during the war of the revolution — the British ac- 
knowledging a loss of eight hundred and seventy-eight ; 
and our loss but seven hundred and forty-three. The last 
charge, about midnight, was a fearful and "tremendous 
conflict. 

After the return to camp, General Brown, who states 
that he had assigned the command to General Ripley, yet 
ordered him, as the day dawned, u to put himself on the 
field of battle, and meet the enemy if he appeared. 7 ' He 
was ordered to take bis own brigade and Porter's volun- 
teers. He marched accordingly ; but after crossing the 
Chippewa, was ordered to furnish refreshments to the men. 
At this time, and not before, the first of General Scott's 
brigade was added to his command. Coming in sight of 
the enemy, and finding that they occupied the battle 
ground, retaining their cannon, he halted his troops, de- 
termined not to risk a general action with an enemy "su- 
perior in numbers and position." The wisdom of aban- 
doning the battery in the night, in order to take it again 
in the morning, was to him inexplicable. If he was beaten, 
he knew that he had no place of retreat, and that the 
whole army would be lost ; whereas, if the enemy, by a 
miracle, should again be dislodged and beaten, they would 
retire in safety to Fort George. He therefore determined 
to exercise that prudence which indeed is not always re- 
putable, but which is essential to the character of a good 
general, and frequently necessary to the safety of an army. 
General Porter concurring with him in opinion respecting 
the impolicy of the proposed attack, he now resolved to be 
actual, and not merely nominal, commander of the army, 
For the sake of harmony, however, he first made a repre- 
sentation to General Brown, who at length ordered the 
troops to return to camp, and soon crossed over to the 
American side of the river. 

Our army, now left in the unquestioned command of 
General Ripley, was in a critical situation, for the whole 
effective strength, regulars and volunteers, did not exceed 
two thousand men. Sending off the sick and wounded, 
General Ripley burnt the bridge over the ChippeAva, and 
commenced his retreat in good order upon Erie, destroying 
28* 



330 GLORY OF AMERICA, 

every bridge as he passed it. to impede the advance of the 
enemy. He encamped for the night opposite to Black 
Rock. July 27th, he took up a position opposite Buffalo ; 
his riffht resting on Fort Erie, and his line extending about 
eight hundred yards to Snake Hill on the left. Here he 
determined to fortify, designating the line of defence. 
Majors M'Ree and Wood were the engineers. The old 
Fort Erie, which was extremely feeble, was strengthened, 
and a strong work, called Fort Williams, or Towson's 
battery, was constructed on Snake Hill. These two prin- 
cipal works were connected by a line of intrenchments and 
traverses, which extended also on the right from Fort Erie 
to Niagara river. On the left, from Snake Hill to the 
lake, was an abattis. ;is a triangular space was en- 

closed. The whole ar : laboured on the lines through 
the day, and some of the more athletic in the night. Du- 
ring the whole night, one third of the officers and men 
were kept up to the works, attended by General Ripley, or 
some one of his family, ready to resist a sudden attack. 
By such great exertions a table defence was in a 

few days constructed. It was four or five days before Ge- 
neral Drummond, with a much superior force, encamped 
opposite to Black Rock, having unaccountably lost an op- 
portunity, which could not be i d. To his surprise, 
he found our troops strongly fortified. 

General Gaines, who arrived from Sackett's Harbour on 
the 4th or 5th of August, being superior in rank, took the 
command at Fort Erie : but the system of vigilance and 
defence, which had been instituted, was continued. Gene- 
ral Ripley resumed the command of his brigade, which 
was stati >ned on the left flank. 

The camp at Fort Erie was attacked by the British on 
the 15th of August. They were repulsed. On this occa- 
sion, the dispositions of General Ripley were so judiciously 
made, 1 bat be received no ord , i from the commanding 
officer, General Gaines. The pa rl iculars of this affair are 
distinctly given, in con: f the unwarrantable re- 

port of General Brown, r 1st, censuring him 

" for not meeting and. be; tng the enemy on the 26th of 
July." Apprehensive of the designs of the British^ Gene- 



ELEAZER WIIKKLOCK l!fi>l,EY. 331 

ral Ripley ordered up his whole brigade to the works, and 
apprized General Gaines of the intentions of the British, 
who wen^ advancing, fifteen hundred strong, on the left, 
by the Point Abino road, secretly, with no flints in their 
guns, relying on the bayonets for success. Lieutenant 
Belknap, of the 23d, who commanded the picket guard, 
two hundred yards in advance, first discovered the enemy, 
gave them his fire, and retired in good order. His exer- 
tions to save his men had nearly cost him his life, as he 
was so hard pushed that he was bayoneted when entering 
the sally port, but recovered. The attack was so much 
resisted by a destructive fire from Towson's battery, and 
the 21st regiment of infantry, under Major Wood, who 
commanded in the absence of Colonel Miller, that they 
were compelled to retreat. The enemy renewed the attack, 
and were again repulsed. Two hundred of the British 
waded into the lake in order to pass the American abattis 
and gain possession of their works. These were repulsed 
by a destructive fire of two companies of reserve, under 
Captain Marston, ordered down to the water's edge by 
General Ripley. The British were repulsed on his flank, 
with the loss of one hundred and forty-seven prisoners ; 
and General Ripley detached five companies to aid the 
American right. The loss of the British was, by their 
own report, nine hundred and five, while that of the 
Americans amounted only to eighty-four. General Gaines 
did not judare it prudent to make a sortie. General Gaines 
was wounded in his quarters by a shell on the 28th of 
August, and General Ripley was continued in command, 
by General Brown, during the siege, which lasted six 
weeks. He w T as frequently exposed to clanger from the 
numerous shells which the enemy threw into the fort, 
during its investment. The report of General Brown, 
induced General Ripley to demand a court of inquiry ; — 
fearful of its result. General Brown refused the equitable 
request. In order to wipe away the stigma, ungenerously 
attempted to be cast on his reputation, General Ripley 
applied to the Secretary at War for redress, and the 
Secretary promised that a court of inquiry should be held, 
as soon as the officers requisite for holding such a court 



332 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

could be spared from the service. In executing a sortie, 
on the 17th of September, General Ripley commanded the 
reserve, which he early brought up to support the advance. 
After the British batteries were carried, General Brown 
committed the whole to General Ripley's command, with 
orders to act as circumstances might require. The Gene- 
ral attempted an attack on the enemy's camp, and was 
wounded in the advance by a musket ball, and carried, 
apparently dead, to Fort Erie. The attempt was success- 
ful — the cannon of two or three of their batteries were 
spiked, and the Americans returned to their quarters, the 
loss of both parties being nearly equal. At the close of the 
campaign, fort Erie was abandoned, and the American 
army crossed over to Buffalo. Ripley's wound was very 
dano-erous, and his sufferino-s were excruciating. He 
travelled by slow stages, and arrived at Albany, in Feb- 
ruary, 1815, and finally recovered. As soon as the service 
permitted, Generals Dearborn, Bissel, and Major Porter, 
were appointed a court of inquiry, and witnesses sum- 
moned, according to General Ripley's request. General 
Brown used every exertion to prevent the sitting ol the 
court, but General Ripley persisted in his request. How- 
ever, to save the reputation of General Brown in public 
opinion, an order from the Secretary at War, by direction 
of the President of the United States, was received in 
March, dissolving the court, and, as a salvo for Ripley's 
wounded feelings, a Major-General's commission by brevet, 
was awarded him, bearing date the 25th of July, pre- 
ceding the day on which the battle of Niagara was fought. 
Peace was shortly after announced, which caused a reduc- 
tion in the army. The General had not occasion to say 
entirely, that republics are ungrateful, whatever may have 
been the disposition of the cabinet towards him, in award- 
ing to others undeserved honours. The legislature of 
Georgia passed him a vote of thanks — that of New- York, 
a vote of thanks, and a sword ; and the congress of the 
United States, a vote of thanks, and a gold medal, as a re- 
cognition of his valuable services. On the reduction of the 
army, the voice of the public in his favour was such, that 
he was continued on the peace establishment ; though 



ELEAZEB. WHEELOGK RIl'LKV. 333 

some otherSj who had spenl their lives in their country's 
service, through intrigue and cabal, were thrown into the 
vale of obscurity and private lili 1 . 



WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 



William Bainbridge, son of Dr. Absalom Bainbridge, 

a respectable physician of Princeton, New Jersey, was born 
at that place, on the seventh of May, 1774. While yet a 
child, his parents removed to New York, and he was left 
under the care of his grandfather, John Taylor, Esq., of 
Monmouth county, where he received his education, which, 
as he was originally destined to mercantile pursuits, was 
confined to the ordinary branches of English instruction, 
and the rudiments of the French language. At sixteen, 
he was placed in a counting house at New York, but was 
soon removed by his grandfather to Philadelphia, and 
placed as an apprentice to the sea service, in the employ 
of Messrs. Miller and Murray, merchants, whom he was 
to serve for a certain time without indentures and free of 
expense. In their employ, he made many voyages, and 
soon rose to command. At eighteen years of age, while 
mate of the ship Hope, on her way to Holland, the crew, 
taking advantage of a violent gale of wind, rose against 
the officers, seized the captain, and had nearly succeeded 
in throwing him overboard, when young Bainbridge, hear- 
ing the alarm, ran on deck with an old pistol without a 
lock, and being assisted by an apprentice boy and an Irish 
sailor, who was attached to him from being an old ship- 
mate, rescued the captain, seized the ringleaders, and 
quelled the mutiny. So satisfied were his employers with 
this, as well as his general conduct, that before his term 
of service had expired, he received the command of a ship 
in the Dutch trade, when only nineteen years of age. 
From this time 1793, till die year 1798, he commanded 



834 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

merchant ships in the trade from Philadelphia to Europe. 
In one of these voyages, in the year 1796, on his way from 
Bordeaux to St. Thomas, in the small ship Hope, with four 
small carriage guns and nine men, he had an emragrement 
with a British schooner of eight guns and thirty-live men, 
commanded by a sailing master in the navy, and after a 
smart action, compelled her to strike her colours. As, 
however, the two countries were at peace, and he of course 
was acting only on the defensive, he could not take pos 
session of her ; but sent her off contemptuously to make a 
report of her action. The Hope lost no men, but the ene- 
my had many killed and wounded. 

In July, 1798, while preparing to sail for Spain, he re- 
ceived unexpectedly, and without any application on his 
part, an offer of the command of the United States' schoon- 
er Retaliation, of fourteen guns, to be employed against 
France, against which power the United States had re- 
cently commenced hostilities. He accepted the appoint- 
ment, on condition that he should have a commission as 
Lieutenant and commander in the navy, and be placed 
first of that grade on the list of promotion. Having re- 
ceived this, he sailed in the Retaliation, and after cruising 
during the summer along the coast of the United States, 
accompanied the squadron under Commodore Murray on 
a cruise in the West Indies. While cruising to the wind- 
ward of Guadaloupe, the Retaliation was captured, in No- 
vember, by two French frigates and a lugger, and taken 
into that island, where she remained three months. On 
board the frigate which captured her, was General Des- 
fourneaux, on his way to Cuadaloupe, to supersede Victor 
Hughes in the command of the island. This officer, de- 
sirous, as it would appear from his conduct, of seeming to 
be the friend of the United States, proposed to Lieutenant 
Bainbridge to resume the command of his vessel, and re- 
turn to the United States. This offer was accompanied 
by assurance of the respect and regard in which he held 
(he American people. His conduct, however, rendered 
these plausible appearances but too suspicious. Whilst 
affecting an ostentatious generosity in giving up the Reta- 
liation, other American ships, of far more value, were re- 



WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 335 

tained, and his assurances of respect were contradicted by 
the harsh and rigorous treatment of many Americans, 
whom lie refused to regard as prisoners, but who were 
confined and treated with as much severity as criminals. 
Lieutenant Bainbridge replied, that he knew of no other 
light in which he could be regarded, than either as a pri- 
soner or as entirely free — that if General Desfourneaux 
returned him his ship and his commission, that commis- 
sion required him to cruise against the commerce of France, 
an injunction which he dared not disobey. On the other 
hand, if he were a prisoner, the proper course would be 
to make his ship a cartel, and send her home in that way. 
He remonstrated at the same time with great firmness 
against the treatment which his countrymen were daily 
receiving. General Desfourneaux insisted on his resu- 
ming his command, threatened him with imprisonment if 
he refused, and declared that if, on receiving the Retalia- 
tion, he should cruise against the French, every American 
would be put to the sword. Lieutenant Bainbridge replied, 
that no threats should induce him to act unworthy of his 
character as an American officer ; till at last, finding that 
he was not to be won over to this plan of dissembled friend- 
ship, General Desfourneaux gave him a declaration, that 
he had been obliged by force to resume the command of 
his vessel, with her crew reduced to forty men ; and with 
this justification for his government, Lieutenant Bainbridge 
sailed, in company with two flags of truce, for the United 
States. 

He reached home in February, 1799, and his exchange 
being soon effected, he received a commission of Master 
Commandant, and sailed in the brig Norfolk, of eighteen 
guns, on a second cruise to the West Indies. Here he re- 
mained, convoying the trade of the United States, for some 
months, during which time he captured a French priva- 
teer, ran ashore another of sixteen guns, destroyed a num- 
ber of barges, besides taking several of the enemy's mer- 
chant vessels. On his return to the United States in Au- 
gust of the same year, he found that, during his absence, 
five lieutenants had been promoted over him to the rank 
of captain. As his conduct had uniformly received the 



►»• 



336 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

approbation of the government, and as none of those who 
were promoted had had any opportunity of distinguishing 
themselves particularly, he remonstrated of course against 
such a violation of his rights. He received, however, no 
other satisfaction, than a promise that no such appointment 
should take place for the future. Were it not for this ir- 
regularity, he would now have ranked as second captain 
in the navy, Although mortified and disappointed, his 
attachment to the service induced him still to remain in 
it ; and he again sailed with a squadron of four brigs and 
a ship, destined to protect the trade of the United States to 
Cuba ; a service which he performed so much to the satis- 
faction of all who were interested in it, that on leaving the 
station in April, 1800, an address was presented to him 
from the American merchants and others concerned in the 
United States' trade, expressive of their regret at his ap- 
proaching absence, and their testimony "of the vigilance, 
perseverance, and urbanity which had marked his conduct 
during his arduous command on this station," and the 
" essential services which he had rendered to his country." 
When he returned to the United States, he received a 
captain's commission, and was appointed to the command 
of the frigate George Washington, in which he shortly after- 
wards sailed for Algiers, with the presents which the United 
States were by treaty bound to make to that Regency. He 
arrived in safety at Algiers on the seventeenth of Septem- 
ber, 1800, and proceeded to land the presents, which were 
well received, and every attention paid to Captain Bain- 
bridge, to whom the Dey presented an elegant Turkish 
sword. In a few days, however, these friendly appear- 
ances vanished, and the Dey made a most unexpected and 
extraordinary demand, that the George Washington should 
carry his ambassador with presents to the Grand Seignior 
at Constantinople. This demand was made under pre- 
tence of one of the stipulations in our treaty with Algiers, 
by which it is declared that, "should the Dey want to 
freight any American vessel that may be in the Regency 
or Turkey, said vessel not being engaged, in consequence 
of the friendship subsisting between the two nations, he 
expects to have the preference given him, on his paying 



WILLIAM HAINBRIDGE. 349 

them. He was very apprehensive on this point. The 
Danish Consul endeavoured to explain to the Tripolitan 
government the nature of a parole among Europeans ; and 
assured the government, that hy prevailing on them to 
pledge their honour, they would make no attempt to es- 
cape, and would lie more safe than by all his guards, his 
bolts and his bars ; but this the Pacha could not under- 
stand, and he could not be made to believe that any pri- 
soner who had the chance to escape, would be deterred 
from doing so merely because he had passed his word. It 
was debated in the Divan, whether it would not be advis- 
able to put the officers to hard labour, under the idea that 
Commodore Preble, as soon as he heard of it, would, on 
their account, be more solicitous for peace. But it was 
justly concluded, that it would have a contrary tendency ; 
that it would irritate and exasperate their countrymen, 
and induce a more vigorous prosecution of the war. The 
project was therefore abandoned. 

When the news was received that General Eaton had 
taken Derne, and in conjunction with the dethroned Pa- 
cha, was advancing towards Tripoli, Eaton's force was 
greatly exaggerated, and the Pacha became alarmed. He 
sent word to Captain Bainbridge, that heretofore he con- 
sidered the war as one of interest only ; that the United 
States prosecuted it in order to get away their countrymen 
for as small a sum of money as possible, and that he con- 
tinued it to get as much as possible for his prisoners ; but 
that now the Americans had made common cause with his 
exiled brother, and that consequently, he must succeed 
against Eaton or lose his kingdom ; that he had the means 
of injuring the feelings of the American people in a most 
delicate point, (meaning by putting the prisoners to death,) 
and that in a case of extremity he should enforce these 
means. The Pacha thought to alarm Captain Bainbridge, 
and induce him to write to the Commodore or to Eaton. 
Captain Bainbridge, however, replied, that he and his offi- 
cers were in the power of the Pacha, and that he might 
do with them as he pleased ; that the United States had 
many officers and seamen, and that consequently they 
should be little loss to their country. This spirited replv 
30 



350 GLORY 6F AMEIrfCAi 

saved him from any more such messages. It is impossi- 
ble to say whether the Pacha would or would not have 
gone to this extremity. He is a man of strong passions, 
and ambitious ; and had he been driven from his king- 
dom, be might have been nrged to this violence ; as it 
cannot be supposed, that he should entertain the same 
sentiments of abhorrence at the atrocity of sacrificing his 
prisoners, as would be felt by an European. A place in 
the interior had certainly been fixed on as a place of secu- 
rity for them, in case it became necessary to remove them 
from the capital. 

While thus confined, without exercise or change of 
scene, their time, it may be easily imagined, passed heavily. 
But their youth, and the hardy frame of mind, created by 
their profession, were qualified to resist for a long time, 
the depressing effects of misfortune. After the short inter- 
val of unavailing regret had passed, they collected their 
spirits and resources, and endeavoured to derive amuse- 
ment and occupation from every quarter. 

When they were taken, they lost all their clothes. The 
officers of the Vixen, as soon as they heard of this circum- 
stance, sent a part of their clothes, which came very sea- 
sonably. Soon after, some of their own were brought to 
tire prison, for sale, and each officer, having thus an op- 
portunity of purchasing some of his former wardrobe, they 
had a sufficient supply. Some of their books were also 
taken to them to be sold, and were purchased from the 
Tripolitans, to whom they were entirely useless, at a price 
generally much below their value. 

These furnished the means of constant employment, as 
the olliccrs were enabled to pursue the studies to which 
they were attached, and the prison became a sort of aca- 
demy, in which navigation, the French language, and 
other instructive studies were cultivated. Occasionally, 
too, they found some relief against ennui in theatrical per- 
formances. Among the books purchased was an odd vo- 
lume of plays, containing the Castle Spectre, the Heir at 
Law, the Stranger, and Secrets Worth Knowing. . These 
were successively got up and performed. This resource 
was husbanded very carefully. Thus they were busily 



WILLIAM BAlNBRtOQE. 351 

occupied for some time in preparing the scenery, then the 
dresses, then in rehearsing-, and finally, after great exer- 
tions for three or four weeks, the theatre was opened. The 
scenery was painted in such colours as could be procured; 
the gayer dresses of the ladies were formed of sheets, while 
black silk handkerchiefs sewed together furnished suits of 
wo ; and leaves and paper completed the materials of the 
female toilet. After this, criticisms upon the performance 
and dresses of the several actors and actresses, kept them 
alive, and sometimes cheerful for a fortnight ; and now 
again they began to prepare for another play. 

Another great resource was, that sometimes they re- 
ceived letters from their friends in America. This indeed 
was rare ; but it always had a most, lively and permanent 
effect on them. Their greatest comfort, however, certainly 
was, that they were all kept together. Had they been se- 
parated, and deprived of the support of each others' soci- 
ety, they could not have survived so long a captivity. 

Among their comforts, too, the actiA'e and friendly hu- 
manity of Mr. Nissen, the Danish Consul, must not be for- 
gotten — a gentleman whose generous, manly, and honour- 
able conduct should be connected with every mention of 
the Tripolitan war. While the other agents of foreign 
countries, the French, English and Spanish Consuls, kept 
aloof from some paltry consideration of timidity, or com- 
mercial jealousy, or wrote to the captives a cold and for- 
mal and complimentary and unmeaning offer of service, 
Mr. Nissen came forward at once, and from the first' to 
the last hour of their captivity, was a constant, unremit- 
ting, anxious, and affectionate friend. Money, clothes, 
books, every thing which could contribute to render the 
situation of the captives less irksome, was lavished by the 
friendly zeal of Mr. Nissen. When the period of their 
captivity was about expiring, they addressed him a letter 
of thanks for his disinterested friendship, and as soon as 
they were released, presented to him an urn, as a lasting 
monument of his benevolence and their gratitude. 

Besides other modes of occupying their time, their minds 
were frequently excited by hopes and efforts to escape. 
An attempt was made in the latter end of April, 1804, to 



352 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

undermine the castle and escape under the wall. They 
commenced digging in the room of the warrant officers ; 
but after working four days, they reached, at the depth of 
twenty-five feet, a loose sand and water, and found that 
the foundation of the castle was built on made ground, of 
so loose a texture, that it was impracticable to undermine 
it horizontally the requisite distance, which was one hun- 
dred and fifty yards, without boards to prop it and prevent 
its falling in ; and as they had none of these, they were 
obliged to look to some other means of escape. In the 
following May they adopted another scheme. One of the 
inner walls of the prison communicated with a subterra- 
neous passage which they hoped would lead to the out- 
ward wall of the castle, and by perforating this, they ex- 
pected to find a passage into the town. Accordingly they 
began - to take out one by one the stones of this wall, which 
were carefully replaced to avoid suspicion. For this la- 
bour they had nothing but their case-knives, a dull axe, 
and an iron bolt ; but they at last found the way into a 
long, dark, subterraneous passage, which they followed for 
some time, till their progress was stopped by another wall. 
This they perforated ; but to their surprise and mortifica- 
tion, they found a space of made earth, or terrace, on 
which the top of the castle rested. They were not, how- 
ever, disheartened, but began to excavate a space large 
enough for a man to crawl in on his hands and knees, 
carefully removing the earth to a distance, and scattering 
it through the subterranean passage; but they had not 
made much progress, before the movements of the soldiers 
and the great weight on the top of the terrace made it cave 
in, and destroyed the whole enterprise. Fortunately, the 
suspicions of the guard were not excited, and the plan re- 
mained undiscovered. 

Another and bolder attempt had no better success. It 
was intended to reach, by a difficult and dangerous way, 
to the window at the top of the prison, through which they 
were to climb the terrace, and taking advantage of some 
moment when the guards were asleep or inattentive, cross 
the terrace, a distance of fifty or sixty yards, to the para- 
pot of the wall. In one of the embrasures of this they 



William rainbridok. $58 

were to make fast a rope, formed of all the sheets tied to- 
gether, and descend the height of ninety feet to the beach. 
The first who should go down were to swim to a Spanish 
vessel about half a mile off, cut her boat adrift, and bring 
it ashore, and the whole party were then to embark and 
endeavour to gain the American squadron. 

This plan was confined to Captain Bainbridge and a 
few of the original projectors of it. On the eve of its exe- 
cution, Captain Bainbridge wrote to the Tripolitan minis- 
ter, to inform him, that as no regard had been paid to their 
parole, he deemed himself justified in attempting to regain 
his liberty, and recommending the officers who should be 
left behind to his particular care and attention. To those 
officers he addressed a note, slating, that as all could not. 
make the attempt, it was necessarily confined to its project- 
ors ; that the escape of himself and so many officers would 
enable them to render the greatest services to those who 
remained, and hasten the period of their liberation, by 
lessening the sum to be demanded by the Tripoli tans. 
When these arrangements were concluded, the party 
reached the window, but it blew so violent a gale of wind, 
that they were obliged to postpone the project ; and Cap- 
tain Bainbridge, finding that his departure excited uneasi- 
ness in the minds of some of the officers, abandoned the 
expedition, and determined to share their fate. The at- 
tempt was then made by three lieutenants and as many 
midshipmen. At midnight, on the twenty-first day of May, 
they reached the terrace, and remained there for nearly 
two hours, endeavouring to seek a moment to cross the 
parapet ; but the terrace was covered with guards, and 
they found no opportunity of getting off. The failure of 
this scheme put an end to all plans of escape, and they 
prtiently waited their liberation from the hands of their 
countrymen. • 

During the bombardment of the town, they were the 
melancholy and inactive witnesses of the efforts of their 
countrymen. The burning of the Philadelphia, the ex- 
plosion of the fire-ship, commanded by Captain Somers, 
and the various attacks made on the town, all passed be- 
fore their eves. Sometimes too they were exposed from 
'30* 



354 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

their situation to great danger. On one occasion, a twen- 
ty-four pound shot came into Captain Bainbridge's bed- 
room, and passed within six inches of his head. 

While the officers were confined, the men were kept at 
work during the day, and locked up at night. The work, 
however, which was required of them was always light, 
and nothing more than wholesome exercise. It was 
scarcely as severe as the ordinary duty which is exacted 
from them on board a ship. The Tripolitans are, gene- 
rally speaking, and excepting the people employed in the 
gun-boats, of a mild, humane character. The prisoners 
were often obstinate, uncomplying, and mischievous ; yet 
the Tripolitans who had charge of them were rarely pro- 
voked to punish them. They used often to say, that the 
Americans were the most difficult to manage of any peo- 
ple they had ever seen. Several of the crew turned Ma- 
hometans, and thus gained their freedom ; but the rest 
remained faithful to their country and their religion. 

It would be unjust not to record an instance of the ge- 
nerosity of these seamen. Among the drivers who super- 
intended them while at work was a Neapolitan, also a 
captive, who had often relented into pity for them, and 
done them acts of kindness. Touched by this treatment, 
the crew, as they were about to leave Tripoli, made a sub- 
scription out of their wages of between three and four 
hundred dollars, with which they purchased the liberty of 
the Neapolitan, who was thus restored at the same time 
with themselves to freedom and his country. 

At last Colonel Lear appeared off the harbour to nego- 
tiate a peace with Tripoli. The first overtures were em- 
barrassed by the employment of the Spanish Consul, who 
was at length put aside, and Captain Bainbridge proposed, 
as the shortest mode of pacification, that he should be per- 
mitted to visit the squadron. This request was so new 
in Barbary, that the officers of the Philadelphia were 
obliged to give a written declaration, that in case he did 
not return they would submit to any punishment the Pa- 
cha might inflict. Under this guarantee he had an inter- 
view with the American officers, and a treaty was at last 
concluded between the two countries : by which the 



WILLIAM BAINBRIDGK. 35 



r* 



American and Tripolitan prisoners were exchanged, and 
the sum oi'sixty thousand dollars given to the Pacha. On 
the third of June, 1805, the officers were liberated, after a 
confinement of nineteen months and three days ; and on 
the fourth they, as well as the crew, embarked on hoard 
the squadron, and soon after sailed for America. 

Captain Bainbridge reached the United States in the 
autumn of 1 805, and the reception which he met from his 
country was such as to satisfy completely the feelings of 
a meritorious, but unfortunate officer. He was received 
rather as a returning conqueror than as a vanquished pri- 
soner—a most unequivocal proof of public confidence, 
since that merit must indeed be sterling which could stand 
the test of such misfortunes. Nor were the opinions of 
his brother officers less honourable and liberal. At his 
request a court of inquiry had been held on the loss of the 
frigate, and the judgment of the court was, that it " was 
decidedly of opinion that Captain Bainbridge acted with 
fortitude and good conduct in the loss of the United States' 
frigate Philadelphia ; and that no degree of censure should 
attach itself to him from that event." 

Early in 1 806, he was ordered to take the command of 
the naval station at New- York ; but soon after, obtained a 
furlough to perform a voyage in the merchant service ; 
w r hich, from the reduced state of his funds had become 
necessary to make some provision for his family. He 
returned in 1807, and was employed in various naval 
duties, until March, 1808, when he was appointed to the 
Portland station, which had become vacant by the death 
of Commodore Preble. In December following, he was 
called to Washington, to superintend the repairs of the 
frigate President, which he was appointed to command. 
Having completed the ship, he sailed in July, 1809, from 
Washington, and cruised on our coast till the next spring, 
when he again obtained permission from the navy depart- 
ment to engage in the merchant service. 

Having returned from his mercantile pursuits in Feb- 
ruary, 1812, he was appointed to the command of the 
navy yard at Charlestown, Massachusetts, and the public 
vessels on the eastern station. 



?5f> fil.OKV OF AMERICA. 

On -the declaration of war against Great Britain, it was 
submitted by the government to his own inclination, 
either to retain his post at the navy-yard, or to cruise 
against the enemy on the ocean. Accustomed to a life of 
active service, and preferring the hazard of warfare and 
the chance of victory, to the security of inaction, he did 
not hesitate to choose the former, and was accordingly 
appointed to command the frigate Constellation ; but on 
the arrival at Boston of Captain Hull, after his victory 
over the British frigate Guerriere, he applied for a fur- 
lough to attend to his private concerns, and Commodore 
Bainbridge was permitted to take command of the Consti- 
tution. In a few weeks he sailed, in company with the 
sloop of war Hornet, Captain Lawrence, on a cruise to 
the East-Indies. After parting company with Captain 
Lawrence, he was running down the coast of Brazil, 
when on Thursday, the 20th of December, he discovered, 
about nine in the morning, two sail, one of which was 
standing off shore towards him. He immediately made 
sail to meet the strange ship, and finding, as he approach- 
ed her, that she did not answer his private signals, pro- 
ceeded out to sea in order to separate her from her com- 
panion, and draw her off the neutral coast." About one 
o'clock, having readied what he considered a proper 
distance from the shore, he hoisted his ensign and pen- 
di at, which was answered by English colours, and per- 
ceiving that she was an English frigate, the Java, Captain 
^ Lambert, he took in the royals, tacked, and stood for the 
enemy. The Java immediately bore down, intending to 
rake, which the Constitution avoided by wearing. The 
enemy being now within half a mile to windward, and 
having hauled down his flag, the Constitution fired a gun 
ahead to make him show his colours, and immediately 
poured into her a whole broadside, on which English co- 
lours were hoisted, and the fire returned. On this, the 
action became general, within grape and canister distance. 
In a few minutes the wheel of the Constitution was shot 
away ; and in about half an hour, Commodore Bainbridge 
finding that his adversary still kept too far off, determined 
to Hose with him at the risk of being raked. Ho there- 



WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 'Jo7 

fore luffed up so close to the Java, that in passing, her 
jib-boom was foul of the Constitution's mizen rigging ; and 
having now gained a nearer position, he poured in so well 
directed a fire, that in ten minutes he shot away the Ja- 
va's jib-boom and part of the bowsprit ; in five minutes 
more her foremast went by the board — her maintopmast 
followed — then the gaft and spanker boom, and lastly, the 
mizen-mast went nearly by the board. At five minutes 
past four, one hoar and. fifty-five minutes from the com- 
mencement of the action, the Java's fire was completely 
silenced, and her colours being down, Commodore Bain- 
bridge supposed that she had struck ; he therefore shot 
ahead to repair his rigging ; but while hove to for that 
purpose, discovered that her colours were still flying, al- 
though her mainmast had just gone by the board. He 
therefore bore down again upon her, and having come 
close athwart her bows, was on the point of raking her 
with a broadside, when she hauled down her colours, be- 
ing a completely unmanageable wreck, entirely dismasted, 
without a spar of any sort standing. On boarding her, 
it was found that Captain Lambert had been mortally 
wounded, and that the Java was so much injured, that it 
would be impossible to bring her to the United States. 
All the prisoners and the baggage were therefore brought 
on board the Constitution, a service which required two 
days to perform, but a single boat being left between the 
two frigates. On the 31st she was blown up, and the 
Constitution put into St. Salvador. The Java carried 
forty-nine guns, and upwards of four hundred men : she 
was bound to the East-Indies, and had, in addition to her 
own crew, upwards of one hundred supernumerary offi- 
cers and seamen, for different ships on the East-India sta- 
tion — amono- whom was a master and Commander in the 
navy, and also Lieutenant-General Hislop and Ins two 
aids, of the British army. 

Her loss was sixty killed ; and among these Captain 
Lambert. Of the wounded, the accounts varied from one 
hundred and one (which were ascertained positively) to 
one hundred and seventy. 

On board thp Consiitution. nine were killed, and 



358 CLORY OF AMERICA. 

twenty-five wounded ; among whom was the Commo- 
dore. 

This victory was scarcely less honourable to Commo- 
dore Bainbridge, than the generosity with which he exer- 
cised the rights of a conqueror. "While on board, the 
prisoners were treated with the most respectful attention. 
Immediately on their landing at St. Salvador, they were 
set at liberty on parole, and received every article of their 
baggage : and particularly, a service of plate belonging to 
General Hislop, was carefully preserved and restored to 
him. These proofs of honourable courtesy were not lost 
on the prisoners, who expressed their gratitude in a man- 
ner as creditable to themselves as to the victors. 

The decayed state of the Constitution, and other cir- 
cumstances, combining to interfere with the original plan 
' of the cruise, Commodore Bainbridge now left the Hornet 
to blockade a superior British force at St. Salvador, and 
returned to the United States. 

On his arrival at Boston, he was received with an en- 
thusiastic welcome by his countrymen, who felt peculiar 
pleasure in seeing that fortune had at last relented, and 
given him an opportunity of adding success to his merit. 
Fifty thousand dollars prize-money, as a compensation for 
the loss of the Java, were given by congress to the officers 
and crew, and a gold medal presented to the commodore. 
These were followed by votes of thanks and testimonials 
of respect, from several of the stale legislatures, and also 
from various corporate bodies and meetings of the citizens 
generally. 

After his return, he was appointed to command the 
Eastern station, from Portsmouth to Connecticut, within 
which limits he had charge of the Constitution and two 
brigs ; and the construction of two sloops of war and a 
seventy-four. 

The arrangement of the differences of the United Stages 
with Great Britain did not let him remain long in the in- 
action of peace. Having superintended the building of 
the Independence, a ship of 74 guns, he had the honour of 
waving his flag on board the first line of battle ship be- 
longing In the United States, that ever floated. The has- 



WILLIAM BAINBRIBGOE. 359 

tile demeanour of the governments of Barbary. induced 
the American government, in 1S15, to equip two squa- 
drons, one under Decatur, and another under Bainbridge, 
for the Mediterranean, to use the lex talionis of kings, to 
bring them to a due sense of the estimation in which the 
people of the United States ought to be held. Hi jua- 
dron consisted of the Independence, 74, flagship; sloop of 
war Erie, 18 guns, brig Chippewa, 18 guns; and schoon- 
er Lynx. In his voyage to the Mediterranean, he found 
his ship to exceed his most sanguine expectations, and the 
alacrity of Commodore Decatur, in bringing the Barbary 
powers to a peaceful demeanour, left him on his arrival in 
that sea, no share of the honours he expected to reap from 
the object of his destination, 

He arrived in the harbour of Carthagena, in Spain, on 
the 5th of August, 1815, and on the 10th of the same 
month, informed the secretary of the navy, by letter, that 
peace having taken place with the Regency of Algiers, it 
only remained for him to obey the secretary's instructions, 
by showing his squadron oil'' Tunis and Tripoli, leaving 
one frigate'and two smaller vessels in the gut of Gibraltar, 
and returning to Newport, Rhode Island, with the residue 
of his squadron, where he expected to arrive sometime in 
the following September. 

According to his instructions, he presented himself be- 
fore Algiers, and exhibited his force. He then presented 
himself before Tripoli, where he had the mortification to 
find that Commodore Decatur had shorn him of his expect- 
ed laurels, by a previous visit. 

After running down the Barbary coast, he arrived in Ma- 
laga Roads, on the 13th of September, where he remained 
some days waiting to form a junction with Commodore 
Decatur's squadron. As soon as this was effected, he sail- 
ed for the United States, and arrived at Newport, Rhode 
Island, on the 15th of November, 1815, leaving under 
Captain Shaw, the senior officer, the frigates United States 
and Constellation, and the sloops of war Ontario and Erie, 
to enforce a due respect among the Barbary States to the 
conditions of the late peace. 

After the impatience! and ^plnt-stirrrng recitals of hair- 



360 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

breadth scapes, and feats of valour wrought mid scenes of 
blood and carnage, the morbid sensibilities which these 
tales have sustained, sinks into listlessness, when succeed- 
ed by " the dull pursuits of civil life." So, after long hear- 
ing the discordant noises of the bustling city, pressing 
through crowds, witnessing mobs and riots, and being ut- 
terly disgusted with the scenes and scents, the sights and 
sounds unholy of a crowded population ; to many, the 
sweets of the country, the stillness of the scene, and the 
peace of society, seem tame and tiresome. Having there- 
fore closed the more active part of the life of this individu- 
al, we shall mention its close, which occurred in Philadel- 
phia, during the last summer. He was buried with military 
honours, and rests in the bosom of his mother earth, where 
rest both the tyrant and the slave — the monarch and his 
meanest subject. 

No further seek his merits to disclose, 

Nor draw his frailties from their dark abode. 



THOMAS JMACDONOUGH 

Was a native of Delaware. Of his early years nothing 
has been said. At the siege of Tripoli, he held a midship- 
man's warrant, and served under Commodore Decatur, 
whose favourable report of his good conduct to Commodore 
Preble, as one of the heroic volunteers by whom the fri- 
gate Philadelphia and Turkish gun-boats were destroyed, 
induced that officer to promote him. From that period to 
his appearance on Lake Champlain, nothing in the life 
of Macdonough is known. 

It had become an object of solicitude with the bellige- 
rant parties on the northern frontier, to obtain the superi- 
ority on the lakes. Indeed, the success of the land opera- 
tions was considered to be entirely dependent on that of 
the marine. Commodore Perry had already established 
our dominion on Lake. Eric: and that of Lake Ontario, 
had been Successfully disputed by Commodore Chauncey, 



WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 337 

the same freight offered by any other nation." Against 
this requisition Captain Bainbridge, and the American 
Consul, Mr. O'Brien, remonstrated warmly and strenu- 
ously. It was evident, they said, that this stipulation could 
apply only to merchant ships, not to national vessels, 
charged by their own government with specific employ- 
ment's ; — that Captain Bainbridge had received positive 
instructions for his voyage, from which he dared not and 
would not deviate; — and that there were other ships in the 
harbour which would answer the purpose equally well. 
The Dey, however, persisted in his demand; and left Cap- 
tain Bainbridge only a choice of great difficulties and em- 
barrassments. On the one hand, an Ambassador, with a 
retinue of two hundred Turks as passengers, and presents 
to the amount of five or six hundred thousand dollars, 
were to be forced on board the frigate, and carried to Con- 
stantinople at the entire risk of the United States. If in 
the new and dangerous navigation to that place accidents 
happened to the Dey's property, the United States would 
be held responsible to indemnify him ; if any cruisers of 
the Portuguese, Neapolitans, or other powers at war with 
Algiers, should meet the George Washington, and capture 
her, still the United States would be bound to reimburse 
the loss ; and the American vessels in the Mediterranean 
would be instantly seized by the Algerines as a security 
for it. Should he be more fortunate, and beat off these 
enemies, they might consider this cover of Algerine pro- 
perty as a violation of neutrality, and think themselves 
justified in retaliating on the defenceless commerce, of the 
United States in the Mediterranean. Besides which, he 
would deviate from his orders, by undertaking for six 
months, a voyage not sanctioned by his government. On 
the other hand, a refusal to comply would occasion the de- 
tention of the frigate, which was now in the power of the 
Dey, and be followed by an immediate declaration of war 
against the United States, for this alleged breach of the 
treaty, and a seizure of all American vessels in the Medi- 
terranean. In this situation, Captain Bainbridge opposed 
the Dey as long and as vigorously as possible. The Dey 
promised, that if a Swedish frigate, which was then expect- 
29 



333 



GLORY OF AMERICA. 



ed, arrived, he would take her in place of the George 
Washington. But she did not come. A British twenty- 
four gun ship arrived, and offered to carry the presents. 
This, however, the Dey refused, because he would not be 
under obligations to England ; and at last, exasperated by 
opposition, he sent for Captain Bainbridge and the Consul, 
and peremptorily demanded that the frigate should go to 
Constantinople, threatening, in case, of refusal, to make 
slaves of all the Americans in Algiers, to detain the frigate, 
and send out his cruisers against the defenceless trade of 
the United States. The liberty of his countrymen, and the 
safety of the American commerce, decided Captain Bain- 
bridge at last to smother his indignation at this unpleasant 
and humiliating service, and he consented to receive the 
Algerine ambassador. 

Another difference arose about the flag : Captain Bain- 
bridge declared that the frigate should carry her own co- 
lours ; but the Dey insisted that the flag of Algiers should 
be worn during the voyage. It was vain to resist, however 
mortifying to obey. 

They sailed from Algiers on the nineteenth of October. 
The winds were unfavourable, the weather bad, and the 
society of the Turks not calculated to console the officers 
for these inconveniences ; but they submitted with as good 
a grace as possible to a humiliation which they deemed 
necessary for their country's service. The frigate anchor- 
ed at the lower end of Constantinople in twenty-three days 
from her departure, and the next morning, the twelfth of 
November, the American flag was hoisted at the mizen, 
the Algerine at the main. Soon afterwards, three officers, 
in succession, were sent on board by the Grand Seignior, 
to inquire what ship that was, and what colours she had 
hoisted. They were told it was an American frigate and 
an American flag. They said they did not know any 
such country. Captain Bainbridge then explained that 
America was the New World — by which name they had 
some idea of the country. After these inquiries, the frigate 
came into harbour, saluted the Grand Seignior's palace 
with twenty-one guns, and proceeded to unload the Alge- 
rine cargo. The ambassador was not permitted to have 



• WILLIAM BAINBIUDGE. 339 

his audience before the arrival of the Capudan Pacha, or 
High Admiral from Egypt, and it was necessary for the 
frigate to wait the result. Captain Bainbridge endeavoured 
to employ the interval in giving to the Turkish govern- 
ment a favourable impression of a country, of which his 
ship and crew were tbe only specimens they had ever an 
opportunity of seeing. At this time an embassy to Con- 
stantinople was projected, and William L. Smith, Esq. 
then minister of the United States in Portugal, was desig- 
nated as the American Ambassador. It was therefore de- 
sirable that his arrival should be preceded by as advanta- 
geous an opinion as possible of his country. How well 
Captain Bainbridge succeeded in making these impres- 
sions, we may learn from the following unsuspicious testi- 
mony of a distinguished traveller, Mr. Clarke, who was 
then at Constantinople, and with whom Captain Bain- 
bridge contracted a friendly intimacy. 

" The arrival of an American frigate for the first time, 
at Constantinople, caused considerable sensation, not only 
among the Turks, but also throughout the whole diplo- 
matic corps stationed in Pera. This ship, commanded 
by Captain Bainbridge, came from Algiers, with a letter 
and presents from the Dey to the Sultan and Capudan 
Pacha. The presents consisted of tigers and other ani- 
mals, sent witii a view to conciliate the Turkish govern- 
ment, whom the Dey had offended. When she came to 
an anchor, and a message went to the Porte that an Ame- 
rican frigate was in the harbour, the Turks were altogether 
unable to comprehend where the country was situated 
whose flag they had to salute. A great deal of time was 
therefore lost in settling this important point, and in con- 
sidering how to receive the stranger. In the mean time, 
we went on board to visit the Captain ; and were sitting 
with him in his cabin, when a messenger came from the 
Turkish government to ask whether America was not 
otherwise called the new world ; and, being answered in 
the affirmative, assured the Captain that he was welcome, 
and would be treated with the utmost cordiality and re- 
spect. The messenger from the Dey was then ordered 
onboard the Capudan Pacha's ship; who, receiving the 



340 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

letter from their sovereign with great rage, first spat, and 
then stamped on it ; telling him to go hack to their master, 
and inform him that he would be served after the same 
manner, whenever the Turkish Admiral met him. Captain 
Bainbridge was, however, received with every mark of 
attention, and rewarded with a shawl and a fur cloak ; 
together worth about four hundred dollars, as presents. 
The fine order of his ship, and the healthy state of her 
crew, became topics of general conversation in Pera ; 
and the different ministers strove who should receive him 
in their palaces. We accompanied him in his long boat 
to the Black Sea, as he was desirous of hoisting there, for 
the first time, the American flag ; and on his return, were 
amused by a very singular entertainment at his table 
during dinner. On the four corners were as many decan- 
ters, containing fresh water from as many quarters of the 
globe. The natives of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, 
sat down together, to the same table, and were regaled 
with flesh, fruit, bread, and other viands ; while of every 
article, a sample from each quarter of the globe was pre- 
sented at the same time. The means of accomplishing 
this are easily explained, by his having touched at Algiers, 
in his passage from America, and being at anchor so near 
the shores both of Europe and Asia." 
. - On the arrival of the Capudan Pacha, the Algerine 
Ambassador was denied an audience, and both his letters 
and presents refused, on account of the many depredations 
committed by Algiers on the commerce of Austria and 
other nations friendly to the Porte, and also for having 
made peace with France, without consulting the Grand 
Seignior. The Ambassador and his suite were not suf- 
fered to leave their houses, the Dey of Algiers was ordered 
to declare war against France, and sixty days allowed to 
receive in Constantinople the account of his compliance, 
on pain of immediate war. 

Captain Bainbridge was, however, received by the 
Capudan Pacha with distinguished politeness. He took 
the frigate under his immediate protection ; requested 
Captain Bainbridge to haul down the Algerine flag and 
carry the American ; and being fond of ship-building and, 



WILLIAM BAINBIlirKin. 34L 

naval affairs, conceived from the seaman-like conduct of 
the officers, and the state of the frigate, a high idea of the 
American marine character. These attentions were pecu- 
liarly grateful, as this officer was related by marriage to 
the Grand Seignior, and supposed to possess great influ- 
ence in public affairs. He afterwards addressed a friendly 
letter to Mr. Smith, the expected Ambassador, and the two 
countries might have formed a commercial treaty under 
very favourable auspices ; but the mission to Constanti- 
nople was afterwards discountenanced by our government. 
The different diplomatic characters at Constantinople 
paid to Captain Bainbridge very marked civilities — more 
particularly Lord Elgin, the British, and Baron de Hubsch, 
the Danish Ambassador. Every thing being at length 
arranged, the George "Washington sailed from Constanti- 
nople in December, carrying the Turkish Ambassador's 
secretary back to Algiers, with an account of the unfa- 
vourable result of his embassy. 

This voyage to Constantinople, though irksome to the 
officers, was ultimately the means of acquiring much 
honour to the United States, and might have been ren- 
dered highly serviceable. Fortunately for us, tbe George 
Washington arrived suddenly before Constantinople, which 
no Christian vessel was permitted to do — the laws of the 
Porte requiring that all foreign vessels should wait one 
hundred and twenty miles below the city, in order to ob- 
tain leave to come up ; and as the American flag and 
nation were then unknown, and the ministers of foreign 
powers would of course have been unwilling to see a 
young, adventurous people, admitted to share the advan- 
tages of a trade which tbey were enjoying exclusively, the 
probability is that the frigate never would have reached 
Constantinople. Arriving, however, as she did, a fine 
ship, with an excellent crew, in the best discipline, she 
gave the Turks a high idea of the naval character of the 
United States — a character which they have since seen us 
sustain with so much glory in the war with Tripoli. After 
landing some Turks at Malta, as a favour to the Capudan 
Pacha, Captain Bainbridge arrived off Algiers on the 
twenty-first of January. Warned by his past misfortune, 
29* 



34.2 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

he did not venture his frigate within reach of the fort, but 
sent the Ambassador's secretary on shore in a boat, al- 
though the Dey desired that he would come into port to 
discharge some guns, belonging to Algiers, which he had 
taken in there, as ballast, for the voyage to Constantinople. 
The Dey, however, insisted, and Captain Bainbridge, fear- 
ful of the consequences to the unprotected commerce of the 
United States, again ventured within the Dey's power, 
delivered the old guns, and took other ballast. The tyrant 
was now so effectually humbled by the orders of the Grand 
Seignior, that he instantly released four hundred prisoners, 
who had been taken with British and Austrian passports, 
and declared war against France. Finding too that 
Captain Bainbridge was on friendly terms with the Capu- 
dan Pacha, his menaces softened into great mildness, 
After having been thus instrumental in the release of so 
many prisoners, Captain Bainbridge was now enabled to 
serve the interests of humanity in another way. On the 
declaration of war with France, the Consul, and all the 
French subjects, then in Algiers, were ordered to leave the 
country in forty-eight hours, and as their longer stay 
would have exposed them to captivity, they were all taken 
on board the George Washington. 

He sailed from Algiers about the last of January, and 
after landing the French passengers at Alicant, arrived at 
Philadelphia in April, 1891, and received the marked 
approbation of the government for his conduct, during this 
long, unpleasant, and delicate service. Before his return, 
the cessation of hostilities with France, had caused a re- 
duction of the na \ _, , and the retained were only nine 
Captains, of whom he had the satisfaction of finding him- 
self one. In the following J une, he received the command 
of the frigate Essex. About this time, the regency of Tri- 
poli, emboldened by the success of the Algerines, com- 
menced hostilities against the United States; to oppose 
which, a squadron of frigates, among which was the Essex, 
was sent to the Mediterranean. Here he continued for 
thirteen or fourteen months, engaged in convoying Ameri- 
can ships and other neutrals in the Mediterranean, and 
cruising against the Tripolitan ships of war, with none of 



"WILLIAM BAINBRIDCK. 343 

which, however, he had the good fortune to engage. He 
returned to New York in July, 1802, and remained on 
shore for about nine months, engaged in superintending 
the building of the United States' brigs Syren and Vixen. 

In May, 1803, he was appointed to command the Phi- 
ladelphia, a frigate built by the merchants of Philadelphia, 
and presented to the government of the United States. 
He sailed in her from the port of Philadelphia, in July, 
1803, for the Mediterranean, to join the squadron then 
under Commodore Preble. On reaching Gibraltar, he 
heard of two Tripolitan cruisers off Cape de Gatt, and im- 
mediately shaped his course after them. On the 26th of 
August, he discovered a ship with a brig in company, both 
under a foresail only. As it was night, the wind blowing 
very fresh, and the ship's guns housed, it was not till the 
Philadelphia hailed her, that she proved to be a vessel of 
war, from the coast of Barbary. On ordering her boat on 
board witli the ship's passports, she was found to be the 
Mazouda, a cruiser of twenty-two guns, and one hundred 
and ten men, from Morocco, and by concealing from the 
Moorish officer who came on board, the nation to which 
the Essex belonged, he was led to mention that the brig: 
was an American going to Spain, whom they had boarded, 
but not detained. The low sail under which the brig was, 
however, exciting some suspicion, Captain Bainbridge sent 
his first lieutenant, to examine if the ship had any Ameri- 
can prisoners ; but he was prevented by the Captain of 
the ship. A boat well manned and armed was sent to 
enforce a compliance, and they found on board, the Ame- 
can Captain of the brig, who, with his crew, were all con- 
fined below, the brig having been captured by the Moorish 
cruiser nine days before. After this act of hostility, Cap- 
tain Bainbridge had no hesitation in making prize of the 
ship, which was immediately maimed from the Philadel- 
phia, and th^ two ships proceeded to cruise for the brig, 
which had made off during this examination. It was 
after a search among a fleet of vessels, all the next day, 
that she was discovered, pursued, and taken, and both ves- 
sels carried into Gibraltar. 

On board the Mazouda, were cruising orders from the 



344 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

governor of Tangier, which proved the hostile disposition 
of the Emperor of Morocco, who was about letting loose 
his forces against the American commerce. The capture 
*of one of his finest ships, at the commencement of his 
scheme, convinced him of the folly of it, and afforded 
Commodore Preble, on his arrival at Gibraltar, the means 
of bringing the Emperor to a speedy and permanent peace 
with the United States. 

While he was detained by this negotiation, Captain 
Bainbridge, in company with the Vixen, Captain Smith, 
had proceeded to blockade the harbonr of Tripoli. Here 
he soon received information, that a Tripolitan cruiser 
had escaped from the port, and he despatched the Vixen 
to cruise off Cape Bon in quest of her. After her depar- 
ture, the Philadelphia was driven from her cruising ground 
for several days, by the prevalence of strong westerly 
gales ; but the wind having changed to the eastward, she 
was returning to her station, when, on the thirty-first of 
October, not many leagues to the cast of the town, at about 
nine o'clock in the morning, a strange ship was seen in 
shore, to which chase was immediately given. The 
chase kept as close in shore as she dared, and ran for the 
. harbour of Tripoli. The Philadelphia continued to chase 
along the land, not venturing into shoaler water than 
seven fathoms, and keeping up a constant fire ; but find- 
ing she could not cut the chase off from the harbour, gave 
up the pursuit, and hauled her wind to the northward, 
which was directly off from Vne land; when, about half 
after eleven o'clock, as she was going at the rate of six or 
seven knots, she ran on rocks about four miles and a half 
from the town. These rocks are a continuation of a reef, 
which, directly opposite the town are above water, and 
extend a long distance to- the eastward. They were not 
laid down in any charts on board, nor had they been dis- 
covered by our public ships, which had before cruised on 
this coast: nor, although three leads were kept heaving, 
were they perceived till she struck. Great exertions were 
instantly made to float the ship. A part of the guns were 
thrown overboard ; the anchors cut away from the bows ; 
the water started ; the foremast cut away ; but all to no 



WILLIAM BA1NBRIOGE 345 

purpose. As soon as she had grounded, the gun-boats 
came out to attack her. They took a position on her 
quarters ; but her stern-chasers compelled them to change 
their station ; and while the ship continued upright, with 
the few guns that could be brought to bear she could keep 
the enemy at a distance ; but she soon lay over so much 
on one side, that she conld not use her guns. At length, 
after she had sustained the enemy's fire for between five or 
six hours, and seeing no chance of getting the ship off, a 
council of war was called of all the officers, who gave a 
unanimous opinion, that, as it was impossible to defend 
themselves, or to annoy the enemy, any farther show of 
resistance would only expose the lives of the crew, and 
that the painful alternative of surrender was all that re- 
mained for them. The magazine was therefore drowned ; 
the arms and every article of value thrown overboard - 
the ship scuttled ; the pumps choked and the. colours 
were then hauled down at five o'clock. One of the boats 
was sent to acquaint the enemy that the ship would make 
no farther resistance. " On approaching the enemy," says 
one of the officers employed on this occasion, " we were 
hailed by almost every one, and each ordered us along 
side of his boat. One, however, fired a shot, which struck 
near us, and presuming him to be the Commodore, we 
rowed towards him, when one of the near gun-boats, per- 
ceiving we were not coming to him, manned his boat and 
came after us. About fifteen men were in this boat, all 
armed with pistols, with sabres, and a long musket sus- 
pended over their backs. They were a ferocious and sa- 
vage set. They sprung into our boat, and immediately 
two seized Lieutenant Porter, and two others seized me. 
My coat was soon off, my vest unbuttoned, and my cravat 
torn from my neck. I thought, for my own part, I should 
not have time to count my beads ; but we soon perceived, 
that their violence was only with the view of getting from 
us whatever money or valuables we might have concealed 
about our persons. We now proceeded towards the shore, 
the gun-boat men continuing in our boat. It was just dark 
when we approached the beach, which was covered with 
people, armed, and shouting most hideously, and landed 



346 ©LORY OF AMERICA. 

amidst the shouts of the populace, by whom we were 
pushed about rudely. We were conducted to the gate of 
the Pacha's castle, followed by the crowd. Here we were 
detained some minutes, his highness not being ready to 
receive us. We were, however", at length ushered into his 
presence. We now felt ourselves safe. The Pacha was 
seated in state, with his ministers and principal officers 
about him, and surrounded by a numerous guard. We 
were desired to be seated, while the boat's crew stood at 
some distance back. A variety of questions were put to 
us ; how many men were in the Philadelphia ; how many 
guns had she? were any of the guns of brass I how much 
powder was there ? was there any money in the ship ? 
where was Commodore Morris ? where was the schooner 
Enterprize ? and other similar questions. Three glasses 
of sherbet were brought, one for each, of which we 
drank." 

The same scene of plunder was renewed when the 
Tripolitan came on board. They took from Captain 
Bainbridge his watch and epauletts, and the cravat from 
his neck ; but with much struggling and difficulty he 
saved the miniature of his wife. When he was brought 
into the castle, the same set of questions was repeated by 
the Pacha, who observed, among other things, that the 
fortune of war had placed Captain Bainbridge in his pre- 
sent situation. They were then sent to another apartment, 
where a supper was provided for the officers ; after which 
they were brought in a body before the Pacha, who grati- 
fied himself by taking a view of them collectively. The 
complacency with which he surveyed them, his cheerful 
and animated countenance, sufficiently denoted his satis- 
faction at seeing them. His reception of them, however, 
made favourable impressions of his character. He pre- 
sented them to his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sudi Mu- 
hamed Dghies, who was to have charge of them, and who, 
the Bashaw observed, would take good care of them. 
This indeed they found to be strictly true ; for they were 
now conducted to the house of the late American Consul, 
and, although it was by this time one o'clock in the morn- 
ing, the Minister sent for the Danish Consul, Mr. Nissen, 



WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 347 

whom he introduced to Captain Bainbridge as his parti- 
cular friend, and one who would render the officers every 
service in his power. This estimable man immediately 
brought refreshments, and all the bedding which he could 
collect at that hour ; and about two o'clock the officers lay 
down to sleep, as well as their new and terrible misfortune 
would permit them. The next day the Minister of Fo- 
reign Affairs requested Captain Bainbridge and his offi- 
cers, to give their parole, in order that he might, in turn, 
pledge his word to the Pacha for their safety. This was 
complied with. The officers also presented a unanimous 
address to the Captain, in which they stated their belief, 
that the charts and soundings justified as near an approach 
to the shore as they had made ; and declaring, that on 
this as on every other occasion, his conduct had always 
been correct and honourable. Soothed by this proof of 
confidence and attachment, Captain Bainbridge endea- 
voured to render the situation of his officers and crew as 
comfortable as possible. The Consular house was com- 
modious, and though not large enough for the accommo- 
dation of so many persons, was at least airy, and the 
atmosphere they breathed was pure. About a fortnight 
after this, however, the Pacha's Minister acquainted Cap- 
tain Bainbridge, that letters had been received from the 
Tripoli tans who had been taken by Captain Rodgers, in 
the John Adams, complaining of being ill-treated by him, 
and Captain Bainbridge was requested to sign an order 
upon Commodore Preble, to give up these Tripolitan pri- 
soners, with a declaration, that if he refused, the ill-treat- 
ment shown to the Tripolitan prisoners should be retali- 
ated upon the officers of the Philadelphia. Captain 
Bainbridge peremptorily refused to sign this order, and 
accordingly, by way of punishment, they were conducted 
by the slave driver to the prison, where the crew were 
confined at work. Here they remained one day, when 
the Tripolitan government, finding Captain Bainbridge's 
firmness not to be shaken, they were reconducted in the 
evening to the Consular house, and an apology received 
from the Minister for the indignity they had suffered. 
Here they continued, and were permitted occasionally to 



348 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

walk out to the country in small parties, accompanied by 
a guard. 

On the sixteenth of February, 1804, the Philadelphia 
was burnt by Decatur. This mortified the Pacha exceed- 
ingly ; though he affected to consider it as the fortune oi 
war. Some of the bodies of persons who were known 
to have been on board the Philadelphia, floated ashore, 
from which the Pacha pretended to believe that Decatur, 
after getting clear of the harbour, had, in cold blood, killed 
the prisoners. This was the pretext, for increasing the se- 
verity of their confinement. Accordingly, they were re- 
moved to apartments in the Pacha's castle, exceedingly 
small, and but ill adapted to accommodate so many. They 
were without windows, and all the light, as well as fresh 
air, was admitted through a small opening at the top, gra- 
ted over with iron railing. The door was constantly 
bolted and watched by a strong guard, as was also the top 
of the prison. The atmosphere they breathed, while thus 
closely confined, soon become unhealthy, and Captain 
Bainbridge repeatedly represented to the minister, that they 
could not exist so crowded together and with such con- 
fined air. After much delay, and when the warm weather 
came on, and they were all becoming sick, these accommo- 
dations were enlarged by the addition of other rooms. Still 
they were much crowded, and they could not have sus- 
tained such confinement, but that the climate of Tripoli is 
the mildest and most delightful in the world. While in 
this confinement, they were sometimes, whan none of the 
American cruisers were off, permitted to walk into the 
country ; but there was one period of nearly eight months, 
that they were not allowed this indulgence, and these eight 
months included one whole summer, a season when the 
weather was warm, and consequently they most needed 
exercise and fresh air. They continued in this confine- 
ment until the peace of .Time, 1S05. 

The conduct of the Pacha and his officers was. how- 
ever, far more mild than they had been led to anticipate, 
and even this rigorous confinement was imposed, not so 
much with a view to make them suffer, as because the 
Pacha thought it the only mode by which he could secure 



THOMAS MACDONOUGH. 561 

with Sir James Yeo. Vermont and New- York were 
threatened from Lake Champlain. To counteract hos- 
tile attempts from this quarter, the command of the Ameri- 
can squadron on this lake, was intrusted to Commodore 
Macdonough ; while the defence of Plattsburgh depended 
on the exertions of General Macomb, and his gallant little 
army. In September. 1S14, an attack was anticipated on 
these youthful commanders; accordingly, on the 11th of 
that month, the expected event took place. 

For several days, the enemy had been on his way to 
Plattsburgh, by land and water, and it was well under- 
stood, that an attack would be made at the same time, by 
his fend and naval forces. Commodore Macdonough de- 
termined to await at anchor the approach of the latter. 

At eight o'clock in the morning, the look-out boat an- 
nounced the approach of the enemy. At nine, he anchor- 
ed in a line ahead, at about three hundred yards distance 
from the American line : his flag-ship, the Confiance, un- 
der Commodore Downie, was opposed to Commodore 
Macdonough's ship, the Saratoga ; the brig Linnet, was 
opposed to" the Eagle, Captain Robert Henley ; the ene- 
my's gallies, thirteen in number, to the schooner, sloop, 
and a division of galleys, one of his sloops assisting his 
ship and bris: ; the others assisting his galleys : the re- 
maining American galleys being with the Saratoga and 
Eaafle. 

In this situation, the whole force on both sides became 
engaged ; the Saratoga suffered much from the heavy 
fire of the Confiance, though the fire of the former was 
very destructive to her antagonist. The Ticonderoga, 
Lieutenant-commander Cassin, gallantly sustained her full 
share of the action. At half past ten o'clock, the Eagle, 
not being able to bring her guns to bear, cut her cable 
and anchored in a more eligible position, between the Sa- 
ratoga and the Ticonderoga, where she very much an- 
noyed the enemy, but unfortunately left her Commodore 
exposed to a galling fire from the enemy's brig. The 
guns of the Saratoga on the starboard side, being nearly 
all dismounted or not manageable, a stern anchor was let 
go, the bower cable cut, and the ship winded with a fresh 



362 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

broadside on the Confiance, which soon after surrendered, 
The broadside of the Saratoga was then sprung to bear on 
the briar, which surrendered within about fifteen minutes. 

The sloop that was opposed to the Eagle, had struck 
some time before, and drifted down the line ; the sloop 
which was with the enemy's galleys, having also struck. 
Three of them were sunk, and the others pulled off. 
While Macdonough's galleys were in the act of obeying 
the signal to follow them, all the vessels were reported to 
him to be in a sinking state ; it then became necessary to 
countermand the signal to the galleys, and order their men 
to the pumps. 

At this time not a mast was standing in either squad- 
ron, in a condition to hold up a sail ; the lower rigging 
bein<y nearly all shot away, hung down along the masts. 

The action lasted without intermission two hours and 
twenty minutes. The Confiance had one hundred and 
five round shot in her hull. Her shot passing principally 
over the heads of her antagonists, the hull of the Sarato- 
ga received but fifty-five shot, and at the close of the ac- 
tion, not twenty whole hammocks were in the nettings. 
The Confiance had one hundred and ninety men killed ; 
and one of the captured sloops, the Chub, bad but five 
men alive. The British Commodore, Downie, was killed 
at the first broadside. Commodore Macdonough was 
three times knocked down, by the splinters, and falling 
spars and blocks, but escaped with trifling injury. The 
Saratoga was twice set on fire by hot shot from the ene- 
my's ship. 

The following is a statement of the killed and wounded 
on board the American squadron, and of the force enga- 
ged on each side, taken from Commodore Macdonough's 
letter to the Secretary of the Navy, dated, " United States' 
ship Saratoga, at anchor off Plattsburgh, September 13th, 
1814," accompanying the flags taken from the enemy. 

American Force. 
- Saratoga, eight long 24 pounders ; six 42 pound car- 
ronadcs ; twelve 32 pound do. — total 26. 

Eagle, twelve 32 pound carronades, and eight long 18 
pounijers : — total 20. 



THOMAS MACDONOUGH. 363 

Ticonderoga, eight long 12 pounders; four long 18 
do. ; five 32 pound carronades : — total ] 7. 

Preble, seven long 9 pounders : — total 7. 

Ten galleys, viz. : — Allen, Burrows, Borer, Nettle, Viper, 
and Centipede, one long 24 pounder, and one 18 pounder, 
Columbiad, each ; — and Ludlow, Wilmer, Aylwin, and 
Ballard, of one long 12 pounder, each. — Grand total 86 
guns. 
recapitulation. — 14 long 24 pounders, 

6 42 pound carronades, 
29 32 pound do. 

12 long 18 pounders, 
12 12 do. 

7 9 do. 

6 18 pound columbiads. 
Total 86 guns. 

Enemy's Force. 

Frigate Confiance, twenty-seven long 24 pounders ; 
four 32 pound carronades ; six 24 pound do. ; and two 
long 18 pounders, on berth deck :— total 39. 

Brig Linnet, sixteen long 12 pounders : — total 16. 

Sloop Chub, ten 18 pound carronades ; one long six 
pounder : — total 11. 

Sloop Finch, six 18 pound carronades ; one 18 pound 
Columbiad, and four long 6 pounders : — total 11. 

Thirteen galleys, viz. : — Sir James Yeo, one long 24 
pounder, and one 32 pound carronade : — total 2. 

Sir George Provost, one long 24 pounder, and one 32 
pound carronade : — total 2. 

Sir Sy Beckwith, one long 24 pounder, and one 32, 
pound carronade : — total 2. 

Broke, one long 18 pounder, and one 32 pound carron- 
ade : — total 2. 

Murray, one long 18 pounder, and one 18 pound car- 
ronade : — total 2. 

Wellington, one long 18 pounder : — total 1. 

Tecumseh, one long 18 do. — total 1 . 

Name unknown, one long 18 do. — total 1. 

Drummond, one 32 pound carronade : — total 1. 

Simcoe, one 32 do. — total 1 . 



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" led me :r )t 5 ?ost-Mas*er. Middkcown, Cos- 
31* 



366 «LORT OF AMERICA. 

necticut, contains the account of his death and funeral so- 
lemnities. 

Middletown, December 3, 1825. 
Honoured Sir : 

I have just returned from a melancholy service, having 
acted as one of the military escort of Cadets at the fune- 
ral of Commodore Macdonough. He died at sea on the 
10th of last month, and was brought for interment to this 
place, where he had resided for many years. 1 never be- 
fore witnessed a military funeral. In the morning, thir- 
ty-nine minute guns, corresponding with the age of the 
deceased, were fired at the Academy. At one, P. M. the 
procession moved from the house lately occupied by the 
Commodore, now a desolate mansion, to the Presbyterian 
Church, in the following order : — 

Music, 

Playing a Dead March. 

Military Escort. 

Physicians. 

Rev. Clergy. 

Pall-Bearers. \ CORPSE. I Pall-Bearers. 



Mourners. 

Officers of the Navy. 

Masters of Vessels. 

Officers of the Army. 

Masons. 

Officers of the Militia and Military Companies. 

Judges of the Supreme Court. 

Mayor and Corporation. 

Civil Authority. 

Omcers and Instructors of the A. L. S. & M. Academy. 

Cadets. 
Citizens, 
i rayers were read by the Right Rev. Bishop Brownell. 
After the benediction, the procession again moved through 
Mam-Street to the North Burying Ground, where the re- 
mains of the Commodore were deposited, with appropriate 
religious ceremonies, by the side of Mrs. Macdonough, 
who died a few months since. Minute guns were fired 



THOMAS MACDJNOl'GH. '56? 

while the proeession was moving, and the flags of all the 
vessels in port were at half-mast, and so continued until 
sunset. After firing three volleys over the grave, the pro- 
cession returned, not as it came, with arms reversed, muf- 
fled drums, and solemn music, but with a quick and airy 
step to the cheerful notes of the fife and bugle. The sud- 
den change by no means accorded with my feelings, and 
struck me as altogether inconsistent with the occasion ; 
but according to military rules, a soldier ceases to mourn 
for a companion, after he has committed him to the earth. 
On reflection, I am satisfied that the sentiment is not op- 
posed to the principles of Christianity. We cannot fail to 
lament the cause which has brought death into the world, 
as we convey the body of a departed friend to the house 
appointed for all the living ; but, since life and immortali- 
ty have been brought to light by the Gospel, we are for- 
bidden to mourn as those who have no hope. Hopeless 
regret was certainly not the feeling which we were called 
to entertain at the interment of the Commodore. His 
piety, uniform, unaffected, and sincere, is a bright example 
to all, who follow the profession of arms. He was brave 
without ostentation, serious and dignified in his deport- 
m :;t, but modest and unassuming; and a model of cor- 
rectness in all the relations of private life. No one dared 
to speak ill of him ; no one cherished any thoughts con- 
cerning him, but those of respect and affection. He was 
most esteemed by those who knew him best. His name 
and his services will long be remembered by a grateful 
country. He has been removed in the midst of his repu- 
tation and usefulness. He has bequeathed to his juniors 
an eminent lesson on the vanity cf human glory, and 
taught them, by his example, to direct their attention to 
the higher honours of a nobler state of existence. 

The following is a copy of the letter enveloping an ac- 
count of the funeral solemnities, and containing the in- 
scription at his grave. 

At the head of his grave is a neat pillar, with the fol- 
lowing inscription. " Sacred to the memory of Commo- 
dore Thomas Macdonough, of the United States Navy. 
He was born in the State of Delaware, December, 1783 



368 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

and died at sea of Pulmonary Consumption, while on his 
return from the command of the American squadron in 
the Mediterranean, on the 10th of November, 1825. He 
was distinguished in the world as the Hero of Lake 
Champlain; in the Church of Christ, as a faithful, zealous, 
and consistent Christian ; in the community where he resi- 
ded, when absent from professional duties, as an amia- 
ble, upright, and valuable Citizen." 

A single occurrence, not known by me as published, 
and which I had from his own lips, I think deserves notice. 
It was this : At the close of the action on Lake Cham- 
plain, Provost, as it was supposed, wishing to have some 
delay, while he could prepare for his retreat, sent a flag to 
our Commodore, requesting him to inform by what means 
his victory was obtained. The Commodore, being then 
greatly and necessarily engaged in attending to the wound- 
ed, had no time to correspond with the enemy ; he there- 
fore took out his pencil, and on the same paper sent to 
him, he wrote these emphatical words — " By hard fight- 
ing, Sir. n 



WILLIAM CARROLL 

Was born near Pittsburgh, -Pennsylvania, about the 
year 1789, and was educated and brought up to mercan- 
tile pursuits. Of his early years, nothing is known which 
gives pre-eminence. He removed to Tennessee, in the 
year 1810, and settled at Nashville. When the political 
horizon was thickening and portended a tempest, he be- 
came a member and was elected Captain of the "Nash- 
ville Uniform Volunteers" which company tendered 
their services to the Government of the United States, a 
short time prior to the hostile attitude assumed by theii 
country, in June, 1812. This tender was promptly ac- 
cepted by the National Executive, and from this period, 
the military career of Carroll is dated. Suffice it to say, 



WILLIAM CARROLL. 3<59 

that the officers and men of that corps emulated each the 
other in bringing their discipline to the highest state of 
perfection in their power. Captain Carroll, in particular, 
devoted much of his time to improve his knowledge of the 
military art. 

Shortly after the government of the United States had 
made known to the world its determination to resist the 
aggressions of Great Britain on our National Indepen- 
dence, by an appeal to arms, a body of volunteers from 
Tennessee, commanded by General Andrew Jackson, was 
ordered by the general government to descend the Missis- 
sippi for the defence of the lower country, where invasion 
was at that time apprehended. On this occasion, Captain 
Carroll was appointed Brigade Inspector of the whole 
command, by the hero of New Orleans. During this ex- 
pedition, officers and men, by their perseverance, patience, 
and correct discipline, drew from the late General Coving- 
ton, at their discharge from Natchez, his marked approba- 
tion. 

The hostile demeanour of the Creek Indians impelled the 
government of the United States to direct an irruption of 
military force into the Creek countries, in the autumn of 
1813. General Andrew Jackson, with his Tennessee Vo- 
lunteers, was again ordered to take the field. At this 
time, Carroll, who had* been advanced to a majority in the 
militia of Tennessee, was at Pittsburgh on business. The 
moment he was made acquainted with this news, he start- 
ed for General Jackson's head-quarters, considering him- 
self attached to the forces then on the hostile expedition. 
He reached head-quarters just as the army was entering 
the Indian territory, and General Jackson announced him 
the next morning, in a general order, as Inspector-Gene- 
ral of that army, ordering that he should be obeyed ac- 
cordingly. 

A short time only elapsed before the Tennesseans had 
an opportunity to test their prowess in battle. In the first 
general engagement which General Jackson brought on 
with the Indians, Colonel Carroll solicited and obtained 
the command of the van, two hundred strong, and was 
ordered to attack the enemy, feign a retreat, and thus; 



370 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

draw them into open action. His van found them shel- 
tered by a morass. They were attacked and driven from 
their strong position. As was wished, this attack drew on 
a general action, and the Indians were totally routed, with 
the loss of three hundred killed. To Carroll, the post of 
honour was that of danger. He rode in front of his 
troops, in the hottest of the action, urging them on to vic- 
tory or death. He was frequently solicited to retire to a 
place of greater security, for the sake of the troops whom 
he commanded, and he as frequently refused. His signal 
services were particularly recognised by General Jackson, 
in his official report. 

Having effected its objects, this force was disbanded, 
and a less numerous one, consisting of mounted gun-men, 
and a single company of artillery, penetrated into the 
heart of the enemy's country. This incursion drew on 
several very sanguinary conflicts, wherein Colonel Carroll 
partook of the greatest dangers, and evinced his dauntless 
courage and military skill. 

The 22d of January, 1814, was a day which formed a 
conspicuous era in his military career. At dawn of day, 
General Jackson's forces were assailed by the savage foe, 
who fought with desperation, and supported the attack for 
nearly an hour. The onset was made against the right 
wing of the Americans, a post to which Carroll hastened, 
and fought until the enemy was compelled to fly, when he 
headed the pursuit. 

Jackson's forces were honoured on that day with two 
attacks from the savages. The smallness of his numbers, 
scarcity of provisions, and the necessary details to wait on 
his wounded, determined him to fall back on his strong 
hold, at Fort Strother, on the Coosee, to await the arrival 
of a large reinforcement which was hastening to his sup- 
port. Apprehensive of attack in his retrograde movement, 
having made every necessary disposition, he committed 
the command of the rear, which was most exposed to the 
enemy, to Colonel Carroll. The army had scarcely taken 
up its line of march, on the morning of the 24th, and 
cleared the fortifications, when the rear of the right and 
left columns, and rearguard, were si mu 1 tan eon si v attacked 



WILLIAM CARROLL. 371 

by the savages, most furiously. A panic spread through- 
out his command, and Carroll was left with about thirty 
men to sustain the conflict. These few exhibited Spartan 
prowess, until the loss of half their numbers induced their 
brave commander to fall back on a corps of artillery which 
bravely stood its ground with musketry. The arrival of 
a six-pounder, charged with grape-shot, soon compelled 
the savages to fly for shelter to the adjacent hills. A re- 
inforcement from the advance of the retreating army, ena- 
bled Colonel Carroll to pursue the Indians a considerable 
distance. In this conflict, the loss of the savages was very 
considerable. 

Tehupeait, on the river Talapoosee, next witnessed his 
deeds of bravery. Here, in a position impervious both by 
nature and art to artillery, the Indians posted themselves, 
Jackson instantly determined to storm their intrenchments. 
The Americans rushed forward under a heavy fire, and 
carried the breastwork ; this was succeeded by an imme- 
diate discomfiture of the Indians, who lost, according to 
General Jackson's calculation, eight hundred in killed, 
wounded, and prisoners. A small party of the fleeing foe, 
sheltered by some brushwood, impenetrable to musketry, 
continued a galling fire. Colonel Carroll requested and 
obtained the command of a small detachment, with which 
he instantly charged the Indians with fixed bayonets, and 
routed them. In this rencounter, he received a flesh 
wound, but did not leave the field of contest. The hum- 
bled savages sued for peace : the result was an honoura- 
ble treaty. 

In the following October, General Jackson received the 
appointment of Major-General in the regular army ol the 
United States, which vacated the command of the second 
division of Tennessee militia. The field officers of that 
division elected Colonel Carroll their Major-General to 
supply the vacancy. A few days after, he received or- 
ders from the Governor of Tennessee to repair with three 
thousand men of his division to New-Orleans, to assist in 
the defence of that important post, which was menaced by 
the British. 

General Carroll concentrated his troops at Nashville, on 



372 ©LORY OF 1 AMERICA. 

the 14th of November, 1814, after which, they were or- 
ganized, equipped, and arrived at New-Orleans, their point 
of destination, in twenty-two days — a distance of one 
thousand three hundred miles. The enemy had debark- 
ed — Coffee had engaged their advanced posts, and Gene- 
ral Jackson was busily engaged in fortifying himself in a 
most advantageous position, a few miles below New-Or- 
leans, at Carroll's arrival. This auxiliary force was 
greeted with a most hearty welcome. Jackson had his 
front supported by a ditch and breastwork ; his right by 
the river Mississippi, and his left by a deep swamp. The 
enemy in full view at about a mile distance, had thrown- 
up ample defences. In the intervening plain some san- 
guinary conflicts took place before the final discomfiture 
of the British. 

On the 28th of December, the British advanced some 
columns with a show of storming the American lines. 
These were met by General Carroll with his command, 
who compelled them to retire within their works. In this 
affair, the loss of the British was very considerable, while 
that of Carroll's was twelve killed and twenty wounded. 
On the 1st and 6th of January, 1815, the British made 
similar attempts on the American lines, with like ill suc- 
cess. On the morning of the 8th, General Packenham 
determined to put his strength at final issue. A lieute- 
nant-general in rank, the brother-in-law of the famous 
Wellington, with veteran troops inured to service on the 
Hesperian peninsula, Packenham was sure of success. In 
fact, so certain was the British government of the issue of 
this expedition, that in its equipment, it was accompanied 
by the entire intended civil department of the expected 
conquered province ; but, alas ! the frailty of all human 
calculations — the project miscarried, and instead of spread- 
ing desolation and distress with his well trained myrmi- 
dons, graced with the garlands of victorious infamy, the 
plumed warrior was destined to bite the dust. The even- 
ing preceding the attack, Packenham, by a deserter, was 
made acquainted with Carroll's position in the centre of 
the American line of defences, and advised of the certainty 
of their giving way at the first attack, determined to make 



WILLIAM CARROLL. 373 

them sustain the heaviest of the battle. With his best and 
heaviest column, next morning, lie advanced against Car- 
roll's division. Within seventy-five yards of the American 
lines, he boldly dis] hived bis columns, amidst a very hea- 
vy and incessant fire of artillery from the American bat- 
teries. The enemy advanced with slow and regular step 
to the attack. Carroll bad given positive orders to his 
troops to reserve their fire until the near approach of the 
enemy rendered the work of death certain and inevitable. 
The enemy readied the ditch — Carroll gave the word 
« fire," — the enemy, strewing the ground with the dead 
and dying, fled in confusion. Thrice their officers ral- 
lied and led to the charge with like success. Although 
the attack was general, the treachery of a deserter led the 
brunt of the attack against the Tenm scans. A retreat 
took place — the proud conquerors of Talavera fled before 
the raw yeomanry of the American forests and their bre- 
thren in arms. The Americans lost about six killed and 
twelve wounded, while the loss of the British in killed, 
wounded, and prisoners, was two thousand five hundred, 
a parallel scarcely to be found in any period of history. 
Among the killed, was the British Commander-in-chief, 
Sir Edward Packenham, and Major-General Gibbs : Ma- 
jor-General Keane was severely wounded, and a number 
of field and platoon officers, and only four hundred pri- 
vates out of the two thousand five hundred, were made 
prisoners. 

General Morgan having been driven from his position 
on the west bank of the Mississippi, in this action, General 
Jackson, who commanded in chief on the whole American 
lines, directed General Carroll to pass the river, take com- 
mand of Morgan's detachment, and dislodge the enemy 
from their recent conquest. In obedience to orders, he 
passed the river and took command — he harangued the 
lately discomfited troops, who greeted him with applause, 
while he promised to lead them to victory or death. As 
they advanced to the attack in regular order, the enemy 
retreated precipitately from their new position — he repla- 
ced them at their former posts, repassed the river, and re- 
sumed the command of his own division. 
32 



374. GLORY OF AMERICA. 

The British having been totally defeated before New 
Orleans, with unparalleled disparity of loss, retreated to 
their shipping, and relinquished any farther thoughts ot 
subjugating that section of the United States. Peace was 
soon after proclaimed, and General Carroll, according to 
orders, marched his men home, and discharged them. On 
this march he measured his way home with his troops on 
foot, sharing equal fatigue with the lowest of his soldiers. 
To his troops he was kind and affectionate, bestowing par- 
ticular care on the sick, and attention to the health and 
welfare of the whole. On bis arrival at home, he was 
greeted with unbounded applause by his fellow citizens. 
In the. short space of his military career, no one marched 
to the goal of renown with more rapid strides ; and no man 
in his sphere appeared more deserving. Of a form athle- 
tic, sanguine temperament, and zealous in his disposition 
and undertaking, he seemed capable of surmounting the 
greatest fatigue and hardships. Beloved by his troops, 
they parted from him with regret, and the calumet ot 
peace suffered each to repose under his own vine and fig- 
tree, and enjoy domestic repose under the banners of free- 
dom. 



JACOB liROWN. 



The ancestors of General Brown emigrated from Eng- 
land with William Peon, in the first settlement of Penn- 
sylvania, and for successive generations, have been re- 
spectable members of the society of Friends, improperly 
called Quakers. The general was born in Bucks county, 
Pennsylvania, a few miles below Trenton, in New Jersey. 
He received a plain country education, taught a country 
school in his early years, according to report; and acquir- 
ed a knowledge of surveying, the practice of which art led 
him to emi £rate, at the age of twenty-three, to New York, 
where he became acquainted with an agent who had the 



JACOB BROWN. 375 

direction of a large landed concern in the vicinity of the 
waters of Lake < Jrrtario. With this man he contracted for 
a tract of several thousand acres of land, not far from Sack- 
ett's Harbour, and began its settlement in 1799. Here he 
resided in the laudable pursuits of agricultural improve- 
ment, beloved and -respected. In 1808 he was elected a 
member of the New York Agricultural and Philosophical 
Society. His acceptance, in 1809, of a colonelcy, in the 
New York Militia, the first military office he ever held, 
proclaimed him no longer a member of that religious fra- 
ternity to which his family had been for ages attached. 
In consequence of the rage of party spirit, the appoint- 
ments made by the New York Council of Appointment, 
particularly in times of peace, were often governed more 
by the consideration of the political influence of the person 
to be commissioned, than by his capacity to discharge the 
duties annexed to the station they design him to fill. Con- 
siderations of this nature, no doubt, induced Colonel 
Brown's promotion to the rank of Brigadier General, in 
1811. as lie was not led to this important station by gra- 
dation or singular military services. Practices of this 
sort, while they reflect no dishonour on persons thus ap- 
pointed, deserve the highest censure, because, while the 
elevation is not derived from conspicuous services, it tram- 
ples on the rights of seniority in commission. 

It is thus accounted for, that, at the commencement of 
hostilities on the part of the United States against Great 
Britain, an important frontier of the state of New York 
was found under the military command of General Jacob 
Brown. Of the first detachment of New York militia, 
called into the actual service of the United States, one bri- 
gade was committed to his charge. That the subsequent 
development of General Brown's military character can- 
not be ascribed to the wisdom and foresight of that body 
to whom he owed his commission, the preceding observa- 
tions will amply warrant ; hence it is but fair to infer, that 
his subsequent military career is ascribable alone to his 
prowess and talents, perhaps not unaided by Executive 
favour. 

The General's first command embraced the whole line 



376 



GLORY OF AMERICA. 



of frontier from Oswego to St. Regis, a distance of more 
than three hundred miles. Within this line was included 
the important post -of Sackett's Harbour, the security of 
which, being essential to the success of ulterior operations, 
constituted the first object of his attention. Having forti- 
fied this in the best manner his time and scanty means 
would allow, he reconnoitered in person the shores of the 
St. Lawrence, and provided, as far as practicable, for the 
defence of the country. His transportation, a short time 
afterwards, of a party of four hundred men from Sackett's 
Harbour to Ogdensburgh, manifested firmness of purpose 
and intrepidity of spirit. The roads were impassable for 
baggage and artillery, and the enemy was in undisputed 
possession of the lake and river. On the subject of a pas- 
sage by water, but one -pinion existed ; an attempt of this 
description was considered as fraught with destruction. 
The General, however, having been ordered to proceed, 
was bent on obedience. He accordingly embarked with 
his troops in the best flotilla he could provide for the pur- 
pose, and, determined to fight his way through whatever 
might oppose him, arrived in safety at his place of desti- 
nation. 

While stationed at Ogdensburgh, he so galled and ha- 
rassed the enemy, in the navigation of the St. Lawrence, 
that, impatient of further annoyance, they fitted out a for- 
midable expedition for his capture or destruction. The 
number of men they despatched on this enterprise was 
upwards of eight hundred, commanded by some of their 
best officers, and provided with every thing deemed neces- 
sary to ensure success. The American force opposed to 
them was less than four hundred. Notwithstanding this 
vast numerical difference, General Brown forced the ene- 
my to retreat precipitately, with considerable loss in boats 
and men, mot one of his party having received even a 
wound. No farther attempts were made to dislodge him 
during the. continuance of his force at that post. 

His term of service having soon afterwards expired, the 
General returned to his family at Brownville, and resum- 
ed his agricultural pursuits. In the spring of 1813, Gene- 
ral Brown again took the field, and once more was in- 



JACOB BROWN. 377 

trusted with the defence of Sackett's Harbour, then me- 
naced by a serious attack from the enemy. 

All the regular troops, excepting about four hundred, 
who, from their recent arrival on the spot, were but little 
better than fresh recruits, had been removed from the 
harbour, to co-operate in the meditated reduction of Fort 
George. .The furniture of the cannon having been car- 
ried off to complete the outfit for the same service, the bat- 
teries were nearly in a dismantled state. Nor could any 
efficient aid be derived from the co-operation of the fleet,' 
in as much as that, with the exception of two small 
schooners, was all employed in the expedition up the lake. 
In fact, considering its exposed situation, and the vital im- 
portance of the post, Sackett's Harbour had been, to the 
astonishment of all military men, left in a most unprotect- 
ed and perilous condition. To aid in its defence, General 
Brown imbodied, with all practicable promptitude, a few 
hundred militia from the adjacent district, who had scarce- 
ly arrived, when the enemy made his appearance. The 
General's situation was critical, and to the heart of a sol- 
dier trying in the extreme. It was his duty to meet the 
fire, perhaps the bayonets of veterans, with a handful of 
raw, undisciplined troops, many of them but a few days 
from the bosom of their families, their domestic feelings 
still awake — and their habits of civil life perfectly 
unbroken, none of whom having ever before faced an 
enemy in the field. But his own activity, valour, and 
sk 11, aided by the determined bravery of Lieutenant- 
C( lonel Backus, of the regular army, supplied all defi- 
ciencies. Arrangements were made to receive the enemy 
with a warm and galling fire at his place of landing, 
and to contest the ground with him in his advance 
towards the fort. 

The regin ' nited States' troops was stationed in 

the rear, while General Brown, at the head of his new le- 
vies, occupied the first post of danger. On the second fire 
the militia broke and fled in disorder, but were rallied 
again by the exertions of their commander. During the 
remainder of the conflict, which was warm, and continued 
some time with varying success, the presence of the Gene- 
32* 



378 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

ral was every where felt, applauding the brave, encourag- 
ing the timid, and rallying the flying, till his efforts were 
ultimately crowned with victory. In consequence of the 
firm front presented by the regulars, and the judicious dis- 
position of a body of militia threatening his rear, the ene- 
my was compelled to relinquish the contest, without ac- 
complishing his object, and retreat in great haste and 
disorder, to his place of embarkation. 

General Brown, returning once more to private life, was 
offered the command of a regiment in Jhe regular army. 
This offer he unhesitatingly declined. The acceptance 
of it would have placed him below officers whom he might 
then command, and, as the regiment was yet to be raised, 
a considerable time must have elapsed before he could pos- 
sibly have taken the field. In plain terms, lie felt himself 
entitled to a higher rank. The government soon appoint- 
ed him a Brio;adier-General in the army of the United 
States. 

The first service in which General Brown was engaged 
under his new appointment, was the superintendence and 
direction of the ..ments for transporting from Sack- 

ett's Harbour, down the St. Lawrence, the army command- 
ed by General Wilkinson, in the autumn of the year 1813, 
in the abortive expedition for the reduction of Mon- 
treal. For the completion of these arrangements from 
the time of their commencement, only three weeks were 
allowed. 

In the expo, ion down the St. Lawrence, and during 
the course of the winter that succeeded, the duties and ser- 
vices in which General Brown was engaged were of the 
utmost importance to the operations and well-being of 
the army, and in all of them he acquitted himself with 
distinguished reputation. 

In the winter of 1813 — 14, the enemy having gained 
possession of Fort Niagara, and being in considerable 
force en the opposite shore, a determination was formed 
to remove once more the seat of war to that frontier. 
Perceivii "... the conflict would be arduous and san- 
guinary, and that the master spirits of the army alone 
could encounter it with any reasonable prospect of sue- 



JACOB BROWN. 379 

cess, the Executive appointed General Brown to lead the 
expedition.* 

The preceding campaign being darkened by disasters, 
General Brown and his officers were fully sensible of the 
deep stake which both themselves and their country held 
on the issue of the present. 

The movements of the army were conducted with ce- 
lerity, silence, and vigour. General Brown had advanced 
on his march almost to Buffalo, before it was generally 
known that he had left his encampment at Sackett's Har- 
bour. 

The first achievement of General Brown, on entering 
the enemy's territory, was the reduction of Fort Erie, the 
garrison of which surrendered with but little resistance. 
He then declared martial law, and made known his views 
in a proclamation. 

No sooner had the General made the necessary ar- 
rangements in relation to the occupancy and security of 

* General Armstrong was Secretary of War — possessing the science and 
the spirit of the modern art of war, his mind was occupied more in the ap- 
plication of the enlarged plan of a system where large armies move, than on 
the particular modes adapted to small armies and regions so extensive and 
unsettled: he possessed the ambition of great enterprise, but his mind ap- 
peared to confound the most opposite circumstances, and to suppose that 
the same principles would apply to every place and every sort of character; 
the want of judgment which may be traced, perhaps to an undervaluation of 
men in general, was most conspicuous in his unfortunate choice of men un- 
fit to execute his designs, or his rejection of those who were most fit, or his 
desire to execute every thing personally. 

The greatest disasters arose out of these unfortunate circumstances. He 
had meditated a bold and important design — it was to attack Kingston in • 
Canada; but his mode of operation was circuitous — his means dispropor- 
tionate — he was wholly unprovided with means of subsistence to support 
a successful enterprise — and unfortunate in the choice of a chief to conduct 
it. Perhaps history offers no example of a series of blunders so preposte- 
rous and ludicrous, and yet so unfortunate as to their issue and the blood- 
shed which f Howed without any good effect. 

Willi a view to the attack on Kingston, he determined that the officer who 
was to command should not be apprizi d of the service until at the moment 
when lie was ordered to execute it. For this purpose he issued an ordei to 
Brigadier-General Ja^ob Brown, then commanding at Sackett's Harbour, 
for an attack on Kingst n with the force under his command, and contem- 
poraneously a large body of New York militia were ordered to join him, to 
act as a reinforcement, and to occupy the positions evacuated by the army 
carrieo rtto Canada. 

Enclosed in this letter, officially addressed to the General, was another: 
this letter was in the hand-writing of the war-minister, and in terms ordered 
the Genera] with all his force, excepting only a small guard, to move upon 
Niagara by forced marches ; that the voice of the country exclaimed against 
its possession by the enemy; and directed it to be taken at all hazards. 



380 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Fort Erie, than he marched to attack the enemy, who lay 
intrenched in his works at Chippewa. 

On the morning of the 4th of July, General Scott, with 
his brigade, and a corps of artillery, advanced. After 
some skirmishing with the enemy, he selected a judicious 
position for the night; his right resting on the river, and 
a ravine in front ; at eleven P. M. General Brown joined 
him with the reserve under General Ripley, and a corps 
of artillery, under Major Hindman — a field and battering 
train were also brought up ; General Porter arrived in 
the morning with a part of the New York and Pennsyl- 
vania volunteers, and some of the warriors of the Six 
Nations. 

Early in the morning of the 5th, the enemy attacked 
the pickets ; by noon he showed himself on the left of the 
army, and attacked one of the pickets, as it was return- 
ing to camp. Captain Treat, who commanded the picket. 

He was advised that when he should reach the valley of Onondaga, about 
midway between Sackett's Harbour and Niagara, that he would there be 
joined by Colonel Games, and a numerous additional force, artillery, and 
stores. 

The General, on perusing the order to go against Kingston, and the en- 
closure directing his march on Niagara, appears to have overlooked the use 
that was hinted rather than ordered to be used. The enclosure was in fact 
intended to be used as a deception on the enemy, and General Brown was 
expected to contrive some means by which this letter should be intercepted 
by the enemy; who would thereby be induced to withdraw his forces from 
Kingston to reinforce Niagara arid Fort George, and thus prepare the way 
for the success of the masked design on Kingston. Instead of obeying the 
orders which were regularly issued from the war department, General 
Brown, not conceiving the drift of the letter of General Armstrong, which 
was to have fallen intentionally into the hands of the enemy, determined to 
acton it, regardless of the other. He con equently marched his troops to 
attack Niagara and Fort George. When he reached Onondaga Hollow he 
found no troops there as the letter had promised. He was surprised and 
knew not what to do. Meetii . however, with Colonel Gaines shortly af- 
ter by mere accident, he inl inn d Gaines of his situation and disappoint- 
ment. General Brown exhibited his orders and letter to Gaines, who, im- 
mediately perceiving the intentions of Armstrong, informed him that he 
ought to have acted on his orders, to contrive to let the letter fall into the 
hands of the enemy. A despatch was sent immediately to General Arm- 
strong, apprizing him of the blund r. 

The minister of * .i\ to save the character of a favourite officer of the 
Cabinet, directed an immediate change of operations instead of what he 
had intended, and ordered that the pretended attack on Niagara and Fort 
George, instead of serving only as a rv.se de-gut rre, should become the basis 
of military operations for thai campaign. To this blunder of a General. 
and the complacency of a war-minister to screen his favourite, is ascribed 
the useless d< vastation and carnage which took place on the Niagara fron- 
tier, during that summer and autumn ; an event which will long be remem- 
bered by the inhabitants of its vicinity. 



JACOB BROWN. 381 

retired, leaving a wounded man on the ground. Captain 
Biddle, of the artillery, promptly assumed the command 
of this picket, led it back to the wounded man, and 
brought him oif the field. 

General Brown very improperly ordered Captain Treat 
to retire from the army, and ordered that his name, and 
that of another officer, should be struck from the roll of 
the army. 

Captain Treat demanded a Court of Inquiry ; it was 
not granted ; but a Court-Martial was ordered at Fort 
Erie. The left division of the army marched to Sackett's 
Harbour soon after, and the Court was dissolved. 

Captain Treat immediately proceeded to Sackett's Har- 
bour, by permission from Major-General Izard, and re- 
quested another Court-Martial. Major-General Brown, on 
the 5th of April, 1815, after the repeated solicitations of 
Captain Treat, issued an order, organizing a Court, con- 
sisting of Colonel M'Feely, President ; Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Smith, Major Croker, Major Boyle, Major Mullany, 
Major Chane, Captain White, members; Captain Sey- 
mour, supernumerary ; Lieutenant Anderson, 13th regi- 
ment, Judge Advocate. 

The court met, and proceeded on the trial the 6th of 
April, 1815, at Sackett's Harbour. They closed the in- 
vestigation on the 8th of May, when Captain Treat was 
honourably acquitted. 

The sentence of the Court was approved by Major- 
General Brown, and promulgated on the 28th of June, 
at Sackett's Harbour. 

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, General Porter advanced 
with the volunteers and Indians, in order to induce the 
enemy to come forth. General Porter's command met the 
light parties of the enemy in the woods. The enemy 
was driven, and Porter pursued until near Chippewa, 
where he met their whole column, in order of battle. 
The heavy firing induced a belief that the entire force 
of the enemy was in motion, and prepared for action. 
General Scott was ordered to advance with his brigade, 
and Towson's artillery. The General advanced in the 
most prompt and officer-like manner, and, in a few mi- 



382 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

nutes, was in close action with a superior force of the 
enemy. By this time, General Porter's command had 
given way, and fled in disorder, notwithstanding the great 
exertions of the General to rally them. This retreat left 
the left flank of General Scott's brigade greatly exposed. 
Captain Harris was directed, with his dragoons, to stop the 
fugitives, behind the ravine, fronting the American camp. 
General Ripley, with the 21st regiment, which formed 
part of the reserve, passed to the left of the camp, under 
cover of the wood, to relieve General Scott, by tailing on 
the enemy's right flank, but, before the 21st could come 
into its position, the line commanded by General Scott, 
closed with the enemy. Major Jessup, commanding the 
left flank battalion, finding himself pressed in front and 
flank, and his men falling fast around him, ordered his 
battalion to " support arms, and advance ;" the order was 
promptly obeyed, amid the most deadly and destructive 
fire. Having gained a better position, he poured on the 
enemy a fire so galling, as caused him to retire. The 
enemy's entire line now fell back, and continued to retreat, 
until at the sloping ground, descending towards Chippe- 
wa, when they broke, and fled to their works. 

General Brown, finding the pursuit of the troops check- 
ed by the batteries of the enemy, ordered up his ordnance, 
in order to force the place, by a direct attack, but was in- 
duced, by the report of Major Wood, and Captain Austin, 
who reconnoitered the enemy's works, the lateness of the 
hour, and the advice of his officers, to order the forces to 
retire to camp. The American troops on no occasion be- 
haved with more gallantry than on the present. The 
British regulars suffered defeat from a number of men, 
principally volunteers and militia, inferior to the van- 
quished enemy, in every thing but courage ; and the gal- 
lant Brown, a woodsman, " a soldier of yesterday," put at 
defiance the military tactics of the experienced Major- 
( reneral Riall. 

On tbe 25th of July, General Brown's army was en- 
camped above Chippewa, near the battle ground of the 
5th. The brigade under General Scott moved past Chip- 
pewa, and halted at Bridgewater, in view of Niagara- 



JACOB BROWN. 383 

falls. At half past 4, P. M. the battle was commenced by 
the enemy. The enemy, being numerically superior to the 
Americans, he was able to extend his line so as to attempt 
to flank. In order to counteract the apparent view of 
General Riall, he was fought in detachments — he was 
charged in column. The ground was obstinately contest- 
ed until 9 o'clock in the evening, when General Brown 
decided to storm a battery, which the enemy had on a 
commanding: eminence. Colonel Miller commanded on 
this enterprise, which was so resolutely commenced, that 
the enemy, unable to withstand the charge, retired to the 
bottom of the hill, and abandoned his cannon. The ene- 
my now gave way, and was pursued some distance. The 
American army then attended to the security of the pri- 
soners, and bringing off the wounded. 

While the army was trius employed, General Drum- 
mond arrived with a reinforcement to the enemy, when he, 
unexpectedly to the Ameircans, renewed the battle, with 
a view to recover his cannon. The army, having quickly 
formed, resisted the attack with courage ; and, after a 
close engagement, the enemy Mas repulsed, as he was in 
two other similar attempts. The American army having 
effected the removal of nearly all the wounded, retired 
from the ground a little before midnight, and returned to 
camp. 

On the morning after the battle, the Americans, under 
Generals Ripley and Porter, reconnoitered the enemy, 
who did not show any disposition to renew the contest, and 
then burned the enemy's barracks and a bridge at Chip- 
pewa, after which they returned to Fort Erie. 

The enemy was believed to have lost between twelve 
and thirteen hundred men, including Major-General Riall, 
who was wounded, and, with eighteen other officers, and 
one hundred and fifty non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates, taken prisoners. The Americans lost — killed, one 
hundred and seventy-one ; wounded, five hundred and 
i seventy-two ; missing, one hundred and seventeen — total, 
i eight hundred and sixty. 

The British force engaged, amounted, by their own con- 
: fession, to four thousand five hundred men, mostly, or 



384 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

wholly regulars, besides a host of Indians ; the American 
force did not exceed two thousand eight hundred men, 
consisting in a great proportion of the militia of Pennsyl- 
vania and New York. 

General Brown received two wounds, but continued to 
command till the action ended. The General was obliged, 
by the severity of his wounds, to retire from the com- 
mand, which devolved on General Piipley. 

In the space of a few weeks, he was again at the head 
of his army, within the walls of Fort Erie. In the inte- 
rim, the troops in that fortress had been much harassed 
and pressed by the enemy, now become superior in a still 
higher degree by reinforcements, and exasperated to mad- 
ness by their late defeats. An assault of the works had 
been attempted, but was gallantly repelled by the Ameri- 
can forces, then under the command of General Gaines. 
Not long afterwards, that officer received a serious wound 
from the bursting of a shell, which obliged him to retire, 
for a time, from service. 

Menaced in front by a powerful enemy, and having a 
river of difficult passage in their rear, the troops in Fort 
Erie began to be considered in a very perilous situation; 
but while General Drummond was engaged in formidable 
arrangements, intended for the destruction of the Ameri- 
can forces, General Brown was still more actively employ- 
ed in devising means for their safety and glory. 

By the middle of September, the enemy had nearly 
completed a line of batteries to command the fort, which, 
when in full operation, would have rendered the position 
of the Americans at least unsafe, if not untenable. On 
the 17th of September, the day before the fire from the 
batteries was to commence, General Brown made a sortie, 
not in the form of a " night attack," of which a distin- 
guished British officer had so bitterly complained, but in 
the face of day, drove the enemy from his strong hold 
with the loss of more than eight hundred men, spiked his 
cannon, and destroyed his works. 

Shortly after the destruction of his works, General 
Drummond retreated from before Fort Erie, and fell back 
on Fort George, leaving the American army in security 



JACOB BRCTWN. 385 

and repose. The conflict in that quarter being now ap- 
parently at an end, General Brown was transferred from 
the Niagara frontier, to the command of Sackett's Har- 
bour. 

After the war was ended, and the army reduced to 
a peace establishment, General Brown was retained in 
service, as senior Major-General, and was intrusted with 
the command of the Northern Military District. 

In some of the movements of his army on the Canada 
frontier, General Brown has been accused of betraying an 
ignorance of military affairs, ill-suited to his station, and 
an obstinacy of disposition which only yielded to those 
whom he conceived to be armed with executive favour 
and superior knowledge. 

The treatment of General Brown to Captain Treat sub- 
jected him to a great deal of censure. His correspond- 
ence with Commodore Chauncey, and his conduct in re- 
gard to General Ripley, did not contribute much to raise 
him in the esteem of" those gentlemen. In fine, his career 
has been brilliant, checkered with bravery, a little fault, 
some vanity, and much good conduct. That his errors 
were so few, is matter of applause to him, when his rocket 
elevation to command, without a previous knowledge of 
the elementary principles of military science, is consider- 
ed ; and what is more astonishing, is, that an experienced 
adversary should outweigh him in the commission of 
error. The General is certainly an exception to the rule 
which requires regular military education to complete the 
Commander. Had he lived under some of the monarchs 
of Europe, he would very probably have to select between 
a return to his farm, and a lieutenancy of regulars. It 
belongs to republics to develope and reward personal me- 
rit. When the people become party in a war, every citi- 
zen is, or ought to be, esteemed according to his intrinsic 
value. 

The General died while in commission, at Washington 
City, February 24th, 1828, and was buried with military 
honours. The particulars of his obsequies are not at 
hand, nor are they perhaps materially important. Major- 
General Alexander Macomb is his successor. 
33 



COMMODORE JOHN RODGERS 

Was born in Harford county, Maryland, of which his 
father was a respectable citizen, about the year 1765. He 
was bred to the sea, and even in the Revolutionary war, 
although a youth, he rose, before its termination, to a re- 
spectable rank in the American Navy. From the peace 
of 1783 to the establishment of the Navy, he was a com- 
mander of various vessels in the merchant service. After 
the determination of the United States government to cre- 
ate a naval establishment, he was among the first appoint- 
ed to command. 

In August, 1803, he commanded the frigates New York 
and John Adams, (being the senior captain,) with the title 
of commodore, and assisted Commodore Preble in indu- 
cing the Emperor of Morocco, whose conduct had assumed 
a hostile attitude towards the United States, to restore the 
American vessels and other property then captured or de- 
tained, and to compel him to renew the former treaty 
which existed between the two governments. He then 
returned, according to orders, with his command, to the 
United States. During the calm of years which succeeded 
the Barbary warfare, nothing occurred to bring the Com- 
modore on the public stage, until the affair of the Little 
Belt. Pursuant to his instructions, Commodore Rodgers, 
commanding the United States' frigate President, sailed 
on the 10th of May, 1811, from Annapolis for New York. 
About midday, on the 16th, within six leagues from land, 
he descried a sail to the eastward, standing towards him. 
The Commodore supposed her to be the British frigate 
Guerriere, which, it was supposed, had a few days be- 
fore impressed a boy from on board an American brig, off 
Sandy Hook. He resolved to speak her, and induce, if 
possible, her commander to restore the lad to his nation 
and to his freedom. Although Captain Rodgerr- saw at 



•JOHN RODGERS. 387 

half past three that the President was gaining on the 
other, it was not until it was too dark, when the President 
came up with her, to discover to what nation she belong- 
ed, as she displayed no colours. The conduct of the com- 
mander of the strange vessel led to a rencontre, (he having 
refused to answer, when hailed, and fired upon the Presi- 
dent,) in which he lost nine men killed and twenty-two 
wounded ; tying by her all night to afford assistance, the 
Commodore at daybreak sent on board to learn what ves- 
sel she was, and who was her commander, and at the same 
time to offer any assistance that might be wanted. On the 
return of his officer, the Commodore learned that she was 
the British sloop of war Little Belt, Bingham, commander, 
who declined receiving any assistance. The account ren- 
dered to the British government by the commander of the 
Little Belt, was in a strain of boasting and censure ; but 
the modest narration of Commodore Rodgers, supported 
by his officers and men, obtained belief. INone was killed 
on board of the President, and one boy only slightly wound- 
ed. The conduct of Commodore Rodgers was approved 
by the American government, and the British Cabinet had 
approbated on former occasions conduct of her own officers, 
too infamous to take any notice of this affair. Affairs, 
however, between the United States and Great Britain 
were drawing: to a crisis. The British asfffressions on the 
neutral rights of the United States were not redressed — 
remonstrance was unavailing. The violation of the mu- 
nicipal laws of the American government was encouraged 
by Great Britain, and the government publicly contemned 
every right which appertained to the United States as a 
neutral nation. She had carried on against them for some 
•years, a war in disguise, and the Congress of the United 
States, as a dernier resort, was obliged, on the 18th of June, 
1812, to authorize a defensive warfare. This was formally 
done ; and on the 21st of the same month, the frigates Pre- 
sident, (Commodore Rodgers,) Congress, and brigs Hornet 
and Argus, sailed from New York in quest of a British 
fleet of merchantmen, which had sailed from Jamaica for 
England the preceding month. The Commodore learned 
that this fleet, under convoy, had passed, four days before, 



3S8 CLORY OF AMERICA. 

and the American squadron crowded all sail for the pui- 
Biiit. Commodore Rodgers, however, the next day, was 
induced to alter his course, in consequence of the appear- 
ance of the British frigate Belvidere, to which he gave 
chase. The British Captain outsailed the Commodore by- 
starting his water casks, cutting away his anchors, and 
throwing overboard whatever he could spare, and escaped. 
In the pursuit, one of the President's chase-guns burst, 
and killed and wounded sixteen of her men. Among the 
wounded was the Commodore himself, whose lesr was 
fractured. In the firing from the President, the Belvidere 
had one man killed and six wounded from the first shot. 
The Commodore gave up the chase, and put into Boston, 
whence he again put to sea on the 8th of October, in 
the President, accompanied by the frigates United States 
and Congress, and brig Argus. On the 13th, the frigate 
United States and brig Argus parted from the President 
and Congress in a gfale. 

On the 15th, the President and Congress captured the 
British Packet Swallow, having on board specie to the 
amount of $200,000, and gold dust supposed to be worth 
$100,000. This prize arrived safely in an American port, 
and the property was deposited in one of the Banks, car- 
ried in several wagons, under a naval escort. On the 
3lst, they captured a South Sea ship, laden with oil. The 
Galatea, British frigate, which convoyed her and another, 
was chased, but escaped by means of a heavy fog. The 
Nymph frigate was afterwards descried and chased, but 
escaped under cover of night. In this cruise the frigates 
President and Congress traversed more than 8,000 miles, 
and no other opportunity was offered their commanders to 
try their prowess than those enumerated. They returned 
to Boston, much chagrined, on the last day of December, 
1812. 

The Commodore remained on shore until the 23d of 
April, 1813, when he again put to sea from Boston, in the 
President frigate, accompanied by the Congress, Captain 
Smith, and cleared President Roads on the 30th of the 
same month. In this, his third cruise after the declaration 
of hostilities, he met no vessel of equal force to his own. 



john iionor.Rf:. 



m 



He visited the coasts of Bergen, Norway, and the Shetland 
Isles, and returned to Newport, Rhode Island, on the 23d of 
September. In this cruise he captured twelve vessels, the 
crews of which amounted to 271 persons. In his absence 
from the United States on this occasion, the burning and 
sacking- of Havre-de-Grace, Maryland, took place under 
the command of the renoumed Admiral Cockburn. who 
never faced an equal foe. The dwelling of the Com- 
modore shared the fate of those of the rest of the in- 
habitants. The Commodore was plundered of some of 
his Mediterranean presents, received for his merits in the 
Barbary warfare. The schooner Highflyer, a privateer 
out of Baltimore, a remarkably fast sailer, had been cap- 
tured and converted into a tender, belonging to the Bri- 
tish squadron on the New England station. This vessel 
the Commodore had the good fortune to capture by decoy, 
on the 22d of September, off Rhode Island, having obtained 
possession of the private signals of the British navy ; and 
it is somewhat singular, if report be true, that the sword 
which the British Lieutenant commanding the Highflyer 
tendered to the Commodore on surrendering, was the Com- 
modore's own sword, plundered from his house in Havre- 
de-Grace, during the disgraceful and barbarous expedition 
of Cockburn, and which had been presented to him in 
Sicily, for. friendly and humane services to natives of that 
Island. 

Ever after the chase of the British frigate Belvidere, 
the Commodore could not find a British frigate of equal 
force with his own, unaccompanied with a seventy-four. 
Although in three cruises in search of the enemy, no op- 
portunity presented itself to signalize himself in combat, 
yet from his unwearied exertions he rendered his country 
signal services, and his reputation stood, and yet stands, 
deservedly high in public estimation. 

At the attack on Baltimore, he, with his seamen, was 
stationed in Fort Covington, and Commodore Barney's 
flotilla-men in the six-gam battery. These were the first, 
during the night bombardment, who descried and repul- 
sed a body of the British, one thousand two hundred and 
fifty strong, who. in fifty boats, with muffled oars, under 
" 33* 



390 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the mantle of darkness, had passed Fort M'Henry, with 
scaling ladders, for landing and attacking it in the rear. 

During the siege, Commodore Rodgers was indefatiga- 
ble in rendering all the aid of which he was capable, for 
which he received public acknowledgments, and various 
testimonials of respect, among which was a splendid ser- 
vice of plate. 

On the return of peace, Congress constituted a board of 
Commissioners of the navy, to relieve the Secretary from 
a part of his duties, by which it was judged the public ser- 
vice would be benefited, of which the Commodore was ap- 
pointed one. 



AUGUSTUS C. LUDLOW. 



The biography of a young officer, who has not arrived 
to chief command, is generally barren of events which can 
attract public notice. The limited sphere in which he 
must necessarily move precludes notoriety, until some sig- 
nal event brings him before the public. 

Lieutenant Ludlow was a native of Orange county, 
New York, where his relatives reside. His mother united 
herself in a second marriage, to a Mr. W. Jones, a native 
of Ireland, who followed the mercantile business. Young 
Ludlow, after having received his education, adapted the 
profession of a seaman, and very early entered a midship- 
man in the United States' service, where, by his s^ood con- 
duct, he secured universal cst^pm, and rose to the rank of 
first Lieutenant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake. 

The circumstance of the ensragement" between the Bri- 
tish frigate Shannon and the United States' frigate Chesa- 
peake, the 2d of June, 1813, which ended in the capture 
of the latter vessel, more particularly belongs to the bio- 
graphy of her commander, Captain Lawrence. In the ac- 
tion, Lieutenant Ludlow was mortally wounded in attempt- 



AUGUSTUS C. LUDLOW. 391 

ing to repel the enemy's boarders, and died a few days af- 
terwards. The Chesapeake having been carried into Ha- 
lifax, Lieutenant Ludlow, in conjunction with his lamented 
commander, was buried with every mark of respect and 
honour due to a brave, but unfortunate foe. Their re- 
mains were afterwards disinterred, brought to the United 
States, and interred at New York, amid the tears of rela- 
tives, friends, and fellow citizens, who thus paid their last 
tribute of affection to the mortal remains of departed worth. 



JAMES BIDDLE. 



James Biddle was the son of Charles Biddle, Esq., of 
Philadelphia, born on the 18th of February, 1783. He 
was educated at the University of Pennsylvania. He ob- 
tained a midshipman's warrant in the year 1800 — was on 
board of the Philadelphia frigate at the time she was taken 
by the Tripolitans, and suffered a rigorous confinement 
oi* nineteen months. 

At the conclusion of the peace with the Bashaw of Tri- 
poli, in which the release of prisoners was stipulated, Mr. 
Eiddle returned to the United States with Captain Bain- 
bridge. They landed at Norfolk, and travelled thence by 
land to Philadelphia, where they arrived in September, 
1S05. From this period, Mr. Biddle, who, on his release, 
had been promoted to a lieutenancy, was engaged in vari- 
ous situations, until the breaking out of the war with 
Great Britain. He cruised for some time in a gim-boat on 
the southern coast, in company with the John Adams ; 
was employed in surveying the harbour of Beaufort ; 
whence he came to Philade'phi?; where, after residing 
some time with his family, he obtained a furlough, and 
made a voyage to China in a merchant ship. On his re- 
turn, he was employed under Commodore Murray in a 
flotilla of gun-boats, enforcing the Embargo. No other 
service than that of the gun-boats was, during this period, 



392 «LORY OF AMERICA. 

open to our officers, as the Chesapeake was the only fri- 
gate in commission. 

In the year 1S09, however, the equipment of a number 
of vessels being authorized, and Commodore Bainbridge 
appointed to the President, Mr. Biddle was assigned as his 
second lieutenant. In consequence of there being no pros- 
pect of active service. Captain Bainbridge, in 1810, obtain- 
ed a furlough, and in consequence relinquished the com- 
mand of the President. Lieutenant Biddle was then or- 
dered to take charge of the Syren from Philadelphia to 
Hampton Roads, where he joined the Constitution, Cap- 
tain Hull. Thence, in expectation that an affair would 
occur between a British frigate and the President, he went 
on board the latter vessel, which was short in her comple- 
ment of lieutenants. This expectation was founded on 
the irritation then subsisting, on account of that disgrace- 
ful event which is known by the appellation of the affair 
of the Chesapeake. The President sailed scon after, but 
met with no British frigate. This vessel being laid up for 
the winter at New London, Mr. Biddle made a voyage to 
Lisbon, and on his return carried out despatches to our 
minister at Paris, where he remained nearly four months. 

Mr. Biddle returned to Philadelphia, and used various 
other efforts to obtain active service, but though govern- 
ment was aware of his talents, and well disposed to grant 
his wishes, no opportunity occurred, until the arrival of 
the Wasp, Captain Jones, with despatches from our minis- 
ter in France. She was deficient in the necessary num- 
ber of officers, and an order "was forwarded from the navy 
department for Mr. Biddle to join her as first lieutenant. 
The Wasp proceeded to sea the 13th of October, 1812, and 
six days after fell in with six sail of British merchantmen, 
four of them mounting from sixteen to eighteen guns, and 
carrying from forty to fifty men each. It was immediately 
determined to attack the sloop of war under whose con- 
voy they were. 

On taking possession of the Frolic, Captain Jones placed 
her under the orders of Lieutenant Biddle, who was di- 
rected to rig jury masts, in the room of her main and fore- 
masts, that had gone over very soon after the action, and 



JAMES BIDDLE. 893 

to make the best of his way to a southern port of the 
United States. Before they separated, however, they had 
the misfortune to fall in with the Poictiers of seventy-four 
guns, and as the situation of both vessels precluded every 
.hope of escape or resistance, both were surrendered. The 
Captain and officers were carried to Bermuda, released on 
their parole after a short detention, and returned in safety 
to the United States. 

On his being exchanged, Lieutenant Biddle was pro- 
moted to the rank of Master-Commandant in the navy, 
and assumed the command of all the gun-boats that were 
stationed in the Delaware. He afterwards succeeded 
Captain Lawrence in the command of the Hornet, which 
vessel was at first intended to join the Chesapeake in a 
cruise against the British trade to the Canadas. On the 
capture of that ever unlucky vessel, whose destiny out- 
weighed even the valour and the fortunes of a Lawrence, 
Captain Biddle, pursuant to subsequent orders, joined the 
squadron under Commodore Decatur, which was block- 
aded in the harbour of New London, by a superior force 
of the enemy, until the conclusion of the war. 

The squadron to which Captain Biddle belonged, re- 
mained in the harbour of New London, in the hope of get- 
ting out to sea during the season of heavy gales ; but 
when this had passed away without affording any oppor- 
tunity, the two frigates were moored as high up the river 
as possible, and dismantled ; Commodore Decatur and his 
crew being transferred to the frigate President. When this 
arrangement had taken place, and the season favourable 
for the enemy to make an attack on those vessels, if they 
had such an intention, had passed away, Captain Biddle, 
for the second time, applied for and obtained permission 
to attempt his escape in the Hornet. He succeeded in 
evading the British squadron, and joined a force at New 
York, intended to cruise under Commodore Decatur in 
the East Indies. That officer went to sea_ in the Presi- 
dent, on the 14th of January, 1815, leaving'the sloops of 
war Peacock, Captain Warrington, and Hornet, to convoy 
the store ship, which was not in readiness to accompany 
them at that time. They did not sail until the 23d of 



394 «LORY OF AMERICA. 

January, and separated a few days afterwards, in conse- 
quence of the Hornet chasing a vessel, which, on being 
overhauled, proved to be a Portuguese. .From this they 
proceeded singly for their first rendezvous, which was the 
Island of Tristan d'Acunha. 

On the morning of the 23d of March, at the moment the 
Hornet was preparing to anchor off that island, a sail hove 
in sight, steering to the northward, with a fine breeze, and 
disappeared in a few minutes behind a projecting point of 
land. The Hornet immediately made sail, and on clear- 
ing the point, discovered the same vessel, bearing down 
before the wind, when Captain Biddle shortened sail, and 
hove to for her to come up with him. When the stranger 
came near, he began also to shorten sail, and took in his 
steering sails very clumsily for the purpose of practising a 
deception, as it afterwards appeared. He also came down 
stern on, in order, as the officers afterwards acknowledged, 
that the Hornet should not see her broadside and attempt 
to escape. The engagement cannot be better described 
than in the words of Captain Biddle's official letter. 

" At lh. 40m. P. M., being nearly within musket shot 
distance, she hauled her wind on the starboard tack, hoist- 
ed English colours, and fired a gun. We immediately 
luffed to, hoisted our ensign, and gave the enemy a broad- 
side. • The action being thus commenced, a quick and 
well directed fire was kept up from this ship, the enemy 
gradually shifting nearer to us, when at lh. 55m. he bore 
up apparently to run us on board. As soon as I perceived 
that he would certainly fall on board, I called the boarders, 
so as to be ready to repel any attempt to board us. At 
the instant every officer and man repaired to the quarter- 
leck, where the two vessels were coming in contact, and 
eagerly pressed me to permit them to board the enemy. 
But this I would not permit, as it was evident from the 
commencement of the action, that our fire was greatly su- 
perior, both in quickness and effect. The enemy's bow- 
sprit came in between our main and mizen rigging, on the 
starboard side, which afforded him an opportunity of 
boarding us if such had been his design, but no attempt 
was made. There was a considerable swell on, and as 



JAMES BIDDLE. 395 

the sea lifted ns ahead, the enemy's bowsprit carried away 
our mizen shrouds, stern davits, and spanker-boom ; and 
he hung upon our larboard quarter. At this moment an 
officer, who was afterwards recognised to be Mr. M'Donald, 
the first lieutenant, and the then commanding officer, 
called out that they had surrendered. I directed the ma- 
rines and musketry-men to cease firing, and while on the 
taffrail asking if they had surrendered, I received a wound 
in the neck. The enemy just then got clear of us, and 
his foremast and bowsprit being both gone, and perceiving 
us wearing to give him a fresh broadside, he again called, 
out that he had surrendered. It was with difficulty I 
could restrain my crew from firing into him again, as he 
had certainly fired into us after having surrendered. 
From the firing of the first gun, to the last time the enemy 
cried out he had surrendered, it was exactly twenty-two 
minutes by the watch. She proved to be his Britannic 
majesty's brig Penguin, mounting sixteen thirty-two pound 
carronades, two long twelves, and a twelve pound carro- 
nade on the top-gallant forecastle, with swivels on the 
capstan, and on the tops. She had a spare port forward 
so as to fight both her long guns of a side. She sailed 
from England in September last. She was shorter on 
deck than this ship by two feet, but had greater length of 
keel, greater breadth of beam, thicker sides, and higher bul- 
warks, than this ship, and was in all respects a remarkably 
fine vessel of her class. The enemy acknowledged a com- 
plement of one hundred and thirty-two, twelve of them su- 
pernumerary marines from the Medway, seventy-four, re- 
ceived on board in consequence of her being ordered to 
cruise for the .American privateer Young Wasp. They 
acknowledged also a loss of fourteen killed and twenty- 
eight wounded ; but Mr. Mayo, who was in charge of the 
prize, assures me that the number of killed was certainly 
greater." The Hornet had one killed and eleven wound- 
ed. Among the lulled of the Penguin was Captain Dick- 
inson, her commander, who is represented to have been a 
deserving and favourite officer. Not a single round shot 
struck the hull of the Hornet, but her sides were filled 
with grape, and her sails and rigging much cut. The 



396 



GLORY OF AMERICA; 



Penguin was so severely cut, had lost so many of her 
spars, and those remaining were so crippled, that it was 
determined not to attempt to send her in, and she was ac- 
cordingly scuttled. 

A few days after this action, Captain Biddle was joined 
by Captain Warrington, in the Peacock, accompanied by 
the ship Tom Bowline, and as the Hornet required but 
few repairs, she was soon again ready for service. Hav- 
ing waited the appointed time at Tristan d'Acunha, 
without being joined by the President, they converted the 
Tom Bowline into a cartel, despatched her to St. Salvador 
with the prisoners, and on the 12th of April, set sail for the 
Cape of Good Hope. On the 27th they saw a strange 
sail, to which they gave chase, but did not approach near 
enough to ascertain what she was until the afternoon of 
the next day, when the Peacock, being the headmost ves- 
sel, made signal that she was a ship of the line, and an 
enemy. On this the Hornet hauled upon a wind, and the 
enemy commenced a chase, which lasted nearly thirty-six 
hours, during which time he fired several times into the 
Hornet, at not more than a distance of three quarters of a 
mile. On this occasion, Captain Biddle displayed a degree 
of skill, perseverance, and fortitude, highly honourable to 
the character of our navy. 

The loss of her guns, and various other articles of equip- 
ment, thrown overboard during this chase, rendered it ne- 
cessary for the Hornet to return to some port ; and as it 
would have been extremely hazardous to attempt going 
home under such circumstances, Captain Biddle determi- 
ned to make for St. Salvador. His intention was to refit 
at that place, and continue his cruise ; but on his arrival 
there, he learned the ratification of peace between the Uni- 
ted States and Great Britain, and proceeded in consequence 
to New York, where he arrived on the 30th of July. Du- 
ring his absence, he had been promoted to the rank of post 
captain ; and on his return, the citizens of New York gave 
him a public dinner, while those of Philadelphia, with 
their characteristic liberality, raised a subscription for a 
service of plate to be presented to him, in consideration of 
his public services and private worth. A court of inquiry 



JAMES RIDDLE. 397 

Was held, at his desire, to investigate the cause of the re- 
turn of the Hornet, as well as the circumstances which led 
to the loss of her armament, and Captain Biddle was ac- 
quitted, with merited compliments to his skill and perseve- 
ring gallantly. 



WINFIELD SCOTT. 



Virginia claims the honour of General Winfield Scott's 
birth. He was born in Dinvviddie county, near Peters- 
burg, on the 13th of June, 1785. His classic pursuits 
were closed in William and Mary College. Having un- 
dergone the probationary studies of the law, he settled in 
Petersburg, and commenced its practice in 1806, after he 
had attained bis 21st year. However he may have been 
flattered with the prospects of success, is immaterial. Af- 
ter the affair of the Chesapeake, in 1807, he applied and 
received a Captain's commission in the regiment of light 
artillery raised by Congress, upon the enlargement of the 
United States' army, after that event. At Richmond, late 
in the fall of 1808," Captain Scott received the pay of his 
men for the months of September and October, as appear- 
ed by the pay-roll of his company. Early in 1809, he 
embarked under Colonel Parker, from Norfolk, for New 
Orleans. After his arrival at his destination, he complain- 
ed of the appointment of a Captain Banckhead over him. 
His General informed him of the proper mode of redress, 
for which the Captain was very thankful. In the incipi- 
ency of the summer of the same year, he applied for, and 
obtained a furlough from General Wilkinson for sixty or 
ninety days, to return to Virginia, having declared that it 
was his intention to resign, his only motive for entering 
the army being the spur of the occasion, in consequence 
of the Chesapeake affair. 

During this period, he was engaged with a Dr. Claude, 
34 



398 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

of Maryland, a Surgeon in the army, in an affair of a per- 
sonal nature, and, however great he may have displayed 
personal courage amid the conflict of armies, he is said not 
to have manifested that cool intrepidity on this occasion so 
highly appreciated in the character of a knight-errant, in 
the days of ancient chivalry. 

As soon as Colonel Parker had a knowledge of Captain 
Scott's furlough by report, he applied to General Wilkin- 
son to know its truth. The General verified it. On this, 
Colonel Parker remarked to the General, that he hoped 
Captain Scott would settle with his men for their two 
month's pay prior to his departure. Captain Scott having 
debarked for Virginia on furlough, his command devolved 
on Lieutenant John H. T. Estis, to whom his company 
preferred a formal complaint at Terre-au-Boeuf, which, 
with accompanying documents, was delivered to General 
Wilkinson, in 1810. The letter of Lieutenant Estis is 
dated July 9, 1810. The certificate from the War De- 
partment, verifying the pay-roll as given in by Captain 
Scott, is dated June 28, 1810. A number of the non- 
commissioned officers, musicians, and privates of the Cap- 
tain's command, made oath at Terre-au-Boeuf the 9th of 
July, 1809, that at no time had they ever receipted any 
roll for pay, or received any money due them from tire 
United States, for their services during the months of Sep- 
tember and October, 1808. 

On his arrival at the seat of Government, the Captain 
obtained an extension of furlough, and did not rejoin his 
company until the last month of autumn, or the first of 
winter, following. 

Dr. Upshaw, a surgeon in the army, had a difference 
with Captain Scott, prior to his departure to the Atlantic 
States, and a personal interview of parties was prevented 
by a sick-bed, which almost prostrated the Doctor at ths 
threshold of a more direful opponent. However, the Doc- 
tor having recovered, after the return of Captain Scott, 
he, on a knowledge of the Captain's delinquency, prefer- 
red charges against him. A court of inquiry was held, 
which resulted in the call of a court martial. The court, 
after giving him a full hearing, in consequence of ample 



WTNFIF.LT> SCOTT. 399 

testimony, found him guilty, in a qualified sense, and sus- 
pended him from command for twelve months. The con- 
sequence of this, was an affair of honour between ( Jap- 
tain Scott and Dr. Upshaw. On this occasion, the Cap- 
tain is said to have behaved as he did in a similar affair 
with Dr. Claude. 

Though the charges were exhibited against Captain 
Scott, while General Wilkinson commanded on the New- 
Orleans station, yet the court was held, and the sentence 
made known, while General Hamilton was the superior 
officer. 

Captain Scott next appeared on the public stage in the 
character of a Judge Advocate, on the trial of Colonel 
dishing, in March, 1812. On this occasion he overacted 
his part in the persecution of that officer, who had grown 
gray in service. As Judge Advocate, he prepared an ac- 
count of that trial, and gave it for publication in the Ana- 
lectic Magazine, before it had received the sanction of su- 
perior power. 

Captain Scott left New Orleans with General Hampton, 
in 1812, and having arrived at the seat of Government, 
was appointed a Lieutenant-Colonel of the second regi- 
ment of artillery, under Colonel Izard, over the heads of 
men who had been from twelve to fifteen years in service. 
The confirmation of this nomination in the Senate of the 
United States met with some opposition, and owed its 
success to Mr. Giles, a Senator from Virginia. 

Early in the autumn, after his elevation, Colonel Scott 
repaired to the Niagara frontier of the United States, with 
two companies of ins regiment, and took station at Black 
Rock. The first active service in which Colonel Scott 
was ever engaged with the enemies of his country, was a 
brush with the British, in consequence of the grounding 
of the Adams under the guns of the British batteries, af- 
ter her capture from the enemy by Captain Elliot of the 
navy, assisted by Captain Towson of the United States' 
artillery, on the 9th of October. In the unsuccessful in- 
vasion of Canada on the Niagara frontier, under Major- 
General Van Rensselaer, Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, was 
taken prisoner, with one hundred and thirty-nine of his re- 



400 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

gimentj when valiantly contending against a superior force 
on dueenston Heights, and was sent as such to Quebec. 
About a month after he embarked for Boston on parole, 
and was regularly exchanged in January, 1813. After his 
return to active service, he joined General Dearborn in the 
character of Adjutant-General of the Northern army. 

Major-General Dearborn, with nearly five thousand 
men, now determined on attempting the reduction of the 
Peninsula on the opposite side of the straits. Of this,. 
Fort George was the bulwark. The necessary arrange- 
ments having been completed, at one o'clock in the morn- 
ing, May 27th, the whole army embarked on Lake Onta- 
rio, three miles east from Fort Niagara. It was arranged 
in six divisions of boats ; the first contained the advance 
guard under Colonel Scott. This was followed by Colo- 
nel Porter with the field train, the brigades of Boyd, Win- 
der and Chandler, and a reserve under Colonel Macomb. 

Commodore Chauncey, with his squadron, favoured the 
descent, by the fire of his small schooners ; and Captain 
Perry, then serving under Commodore Chauncey, volun- 
teered to conduct the divisions. In the discharge of this 
duty, he was present at every point where he could be 
useful, under showers of musketry, and rendered very 
essential services to the advance guard, which he accom- 
panied nearly to its point of attack. 

At nine in the morning, Colonel Scott effected his land- 
ing, in good order, under a heavy fire of musketry and artil- 
lery, about a mile and a quarter from the village of Newark 
and the same distance west of the mouth of the Niagara. 
He formed his line on the beach of the lake, covered by a 
bank of twelve or fifteen feet in height, which served as a 
parapet against the enemy's fire. This bank was to be 
scaled against the bayonets of the enemy, who had now 
drawn up his forces, fifteen hundred strong, immediately 
on its brow. They were soon driven from their ground 
by a brisk and vigorous charge, but rallied, and took a se- 
cond position behind a ravine, at a little distance. A short 
action ensued, which ended in the total rout of the enemy 
at every point. During the last five minutes, Boyd had 
landed in the rear of the advance guard, and a part of his 



WIXFIKLD SCOTT. 401 

brigade participated in the action. Colonel Scott pur- 
sued the rout as far as the village, where he was joined 
by the 6th regiment, under Colonel Miller ; thence the 
enemy was closely pressed at a distance of five miles up 
the river, until Scott was recalled from the pursuit by or- 
der of General Lewis. As the American troops approach- 
ed towards Fort George, it was perceived that the garri- 
son were in the act of abandoning the work. Two com- 
panies were instantly detached from the head of the pur- 
suing column, to prevent this movement, and some pri- 
soners were made. They were at the distance of about 
eighty paces from the fort, when one of its magazines 
blew up with a dreadful explosion. The front gate was 
instantly forced by the Americans ; Scott was the first to 
enter, and took with his own hands the British flag, yet 
waving over the works. At the same time, Captains 
Hindsman and Stockton snatched away tbe matches 
which had been applied by the retreating garrison to 
three other magazines. 

In these several affairs, the total loss of the American 
army, in killed and wounded, amounted to one hundred 
and twenty, of which, eighty-nine were of Colonel Scott's 
command ; one hundred and seven of the enemy were 
killed at the point of ascent from the bank, and the whole 
number of prisoners was two hundred and sixty-four. 

On being promoted to a regiment, Colonel Scott resign- 
ed the office of Adjutant-General, in July, 1813. 

It had been determined, as all our readers well remember, 
to collect a large force at Sackett's Harbour, with a view 
to an enterprise against Kingston or Montreal, towards the 
close of the campaign. The force under General Wil- 
kinson accordingly embarked at Fort George on the 2d of 
October, and proceeded down the lake. Colonel Scott 
was left in command of a garrison of some seven or eight 
hundred men, regulars and militia, for the defence of Fort 
George. The British army, in the mean while, remained 
inactive in the position which it had held for some time, 
at the distance of four miles from the fort, until October 
9th, when General De Rottenburg suddenly broke up his 
encampment, and retreated to Burlington Heigbts, a dis- 
34* 



402 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

tance of fifty-three miles, abandoning the whole Niagara 
frontier. Daring the seven days in which he was kept in 
suspense by the threatening aspect of De Rottenburg, Co- 
lonel Scott made the greatest exertions to strengthen his 
defences. The enemy, however, did not think it prudent 
to attack him. 

Colonel Scott was accordingly relieved in the command 
of Fort George, by Brigadier-General M'Clure of the 
New- York militia, and marched his garrison towards 
Sackett's Harbour, to join the expedition under General 
Wilkinson, which was then preparing to descend the St. 
Lawrence. After a forced march of nineteen days, 
through rain and mud, during the whole of which time 
the sun was not visible for twelve hours, he learned upon 
his arrival in the neighbourhood of Sackett's Harbour, 
that the expedition had already taken its departure. He 
therefore left his column, and, by a forced effort of two 
days and one night, came up with the army, and joined 
it just above Ogdensburgh and Prescott. He was assign- 
ed to the command of a battalion in the corps cVelite un- 
der Colonel Macomb. In the subsequent descent of the 
St. Lawrence, he commanded the van of the army. 

The termination of this campaign was the result of in- 
trigue, and General Wilkinson, the Commander, became 
its victim ; at the head of which were General Armstrong 
the Secretary at War, and Brigadier-General Hampton, 
who avoided the punishment of disobedience of orders by 
a timely resignation. 

Colonel Scott spent a great part of the following winter 
at Albany. Early in March, 1814, he was promoted to 
the rank of Brigadier-General, and joined Major-General 
Brown there, on his route to the Niagara frontier, early in 
April. Soon after, General Brown was recalled to Sack- 
ett's Harbour, and the command, in consequence, devolved 
on Brigadier-General Scott, who immediately assembled 
the army, and established a camp of instruction at Buffalo. 
All the officers were drilled by the commanding General 
in person ; these then instructed the rank and file ; com- 
panies were then formed and subjected to the same pro- 
cess ; next battalions, which were also instructed by Ge- 



W INFIELD SCOTT. 403 

neral Scott in person, and finally the troops were carried 
through the evolutions oi" the brigade and the line with 
the same strict attention to science and method. The 
army became well organized, and the strictest routine and 
discipline were established throughout the whole. 

In June, Major-General Brown returned to Buffalo with 
re-enforcements, and on the 3d of July the campaign open- 
ed. The Niagara was passed, and Fort Erie taken on the 
same day ; the fort was taken by a battalion of the first of 
Scott's brigade, under Major Jessup. Thence the Ameri- 
can army moved towards Chippewa, the first brigade be- 
ing ten hours in advance, and took a position a mile and 
a half above Chippewa, having a small stream immedi- 
ately in front, beyond which lay an extensive plain ; its 
right rested on the Niagara, and left upon a wood. From 
this the British, Indians, and militia, annoyed the pickets, 
until Brigadier-General Porter, with his command of mili- 
tia, volunteers, and friendly Indians, drove them back upon 
Chippewa, where he met the whole British column, in or- 
der of battle, advancing to the attack. General Porter's 
light troops soon gave way, in spite of his personal gal- 
lantry. The cloud of dust which arose, and the heavy 
firing, apprized General Brown of the approach of the 
main body of the British. It was now five o'clock in the 
afternoon, when Scott was advancing with his brigade to 
drill on the very ground on which the action had been 
fought. On the march, he met General Brown, who pass- 
ed on to put the reserve in motion. When Scott's brigade 
arrived at the bridge over the stream, two hundred paces 
in front of the camp, the enemy was discovered already in 
order of battle on the plain, supported by a heavy battery, 
within point blank shot of the bridge. Under a hea""v fire 
of artillery, General Scott passed the bridge with son,- loss, 
and formed his line ; the first and second battalions, under 
Majors Leavenworth and M'Neil, formed to the front, pa- 
rallel to the enemy, and opposite to his left and centre : 
the 3d battalion, under Major Jessup, broke off to the left, 
and advanced to the front in column to attack the enemy's 
right wing, which rested on a wood. Towson's battery 
took a position on the right of our army, resting- on the ri- 



404 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ver. General Scott soon perceived, that though there were 
no intervals in the British line, yet their right wing far 
outflanked his left. This caused the movement of Major 
Jessup ; and to remedy the defect of inferior numbers, the 
interval was greatly enlarged between the other two batta- 
lions. All these movements were made under the galling 
fire of the enemy's musketry and artillery. The action 
then became general : Major Jessup, two hundred yards 
in front, engaged and broke off the enemy's right wing in 
the wood from his general line, which continued to ad- 
vance in the plain. Brigadier-General Scott, who had 
advanced in line from his original position to meet the 
enemy, now halted for a moment. The success in the 
wood gave the enemy's line on the plain, which continu- 
ed to advance, a new flank, and the enlarged interval be- 
tween the battalions of Leavenworth and M'Neil, enabled 
the General to throw the battalion of the latter forward on 
its right, so as to stand obliquely to the enemy's charge, 
and flanking him on the right. This movement, com- 
bined with the fire of Leaven worth's battalion and that of 
Towson's battery, decided the action on the plain in fa- 
vour of inferior numbers ; while, at the same time, the 
British right in the wood was completely routed by Ma- 
jor Jessup. At the distance of thirty paces, the whole 
line broke and retreated in confusion to his works behind 
the Chippewa. 

This action was fought independent of the reserve un- 
der General Ripley, which made a detour by order of 
General Brown to the left, with a view of gaining the 
rear of the enemy, under cover of the wood. But the fate 
of the day was decided some time before the reserve could 
gain its position. Had the commanding General suffered 
the detour to have been made in due season, the victory 
would have been more complete. The relative force of 
the two armies actually engaged, was thus : Major-Gene- 
ral Riall had in his front line one thousand seven hundred 
men, all regular troops, supported by the 8th regiment, 
four hundred and fifty strong. The 100th regiment, 
which was on the left of the British line, commanded by 
the Marquis of Twcedale, late aid-de-camp to Lord Wei- 



W INFIELD SCOTT. '105 

lington, brought into action seven hundred men. He 
paraded the next day but two hundred and sixty-four. 
The other regiments engaged suffered proportionably. 

General Porter's command was not engaged after their 
retreat ; the whole action was subsequently sustained by 
Scott's brigade ; which, including Towson's artillery, con- 
sisted of but one thousand three hundred men fit for duty ; 
one hundred and fifty were on the different guards and 
pickets, and not in the action : the American force, actu- 
ally engaged, did not exceed one thousand two hundred 
men. 

Two days after the action the army passed the Chippe- 
wa ; it lay at Queenston for two weeks, part of the time 
within gun shot of the forts at the mouth of the Niagara, 
then recrossed the Chippewa, and encamped at its mouth 
on the 24th of July. 

On the 25th of July, Major-General Brown, unapprized 
of the arrival of Lieutenant-General Drummond's army 
from Kingston and Prescott, and his junction with Riall, 
received false information, that General Riall had detach- 
ed a large body of troops across the Niagara to Lewis- 
town, as was supposed, to seize or intercept the baggage 
and stores which were at Schlossher, and on the road 
thither. General Brown thought to divert the enemy 
from his object by recalling his attention to his own posts 
at the mouth of the Niagara. Brigadier-General Scott 
consequently was ordered to march rapidly against 
Queenston, and the order was promptly executed. The. 
whole force under his immediate command consisted of 
four small battalions under Colonel Brady, and Majors 
Jessup, Leavenworth, and M'Neil, with Towson's compa- 
ny of artillery, in all nine hundred and twenty men ; the 
pickets and guards of the brigade being left behind, were 
not included. To these were added Harris's troop of 
lioht dragoons and some mounted volunteers, making an 
aggregate of one thousand and fifty men. With this force 
Brigadier-General Scott marched from the camp ; the 
enemy were soon discovered, and reported to Major-Gene- 
ral Brown. At nearly three miles from the camp, and 
just in the vicinity of the cataract of Niagara, Scott learn- 



40ft GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ed that the enemy was in some force directly in front, a 
narrow piece of woodland alone intercepting them from 
his view. This proved to he the advanced corps of Drum- 
mond's army, then in march to attack the American army 
in its position at Chippewa. On a closer reconnoitre, this 
force was found to be drawn up on a ridge, running 
out at right angles from the Niagara. Notwithstanding 
their superiority of number, General Scott resolved on 
the attack. Waiting only to communicate this inform- 
ation to the commanding General, he advanced on 
them, and by the time the message was delivered, the 
action had commenced, and had already become close 
and general some time before the remainder of the division 
crossed the Chippewa. 

The enemy had already one thousand five hundred 
men in line ; the remainder of Drummond's army were 
on their march from Fort George, and arrived successive- 
ly at intervals of fifteen and twenty minutes. Of the line 
in view, the left rested on the road, between which and the 
river was a space of two hundred paces in breadth, cover- 
ed by woods. Major Jessup, sustained by Colonel Brady, 
was ordered to penetrate this wood, and turn the enemy's 
left wing. The action now opened in front, on the part 
of Scott's artillery and his two remaining battalions. The 
dragoons were not engaged on either side. The enemy, 
finding that he was far outflanked on his right, threw for- 
ward two battalions to take our army on the left. These 
were promptly beaten out of the field ; at the same moment 
the action was desperately contested in front by Towson 
and Colonel Brady, while Jessup completely succeeded in 
turning the enemy's left, taking prisoner Major-General 
Riall, and several other officers on the rear, and then 
charged back through the enemy's line, cutting off a por- 
tion of that wing, and showing himself again to his own 
army in a blaze of fire. The action, which had com- 
menced half an hour before sunset, had now lasted'until 
about half after eight. The enemy's right wing had been 
beaten out of the field, his left turned and cut off; his 
centre alone remained firm, resting on a height considera- 
bly above the general elevation of the ridge, and supported 



WINFTELD SCOTT. 407 

by nine pieces of artillery. But fresh battalions were 
joining the enemy every instant from below. Such was 
tli<' state of the action when Major-General Brown arrived 
with the reserve, after the battle had thus raged for an 
hour and forty minutes. The remainder of the action, 
after General Brown had assumed the command, cannot 
be better related than in his own words. " Apprehending 
that Scott's brigade was much exhausted, and knowing 
that it bad suffered severely, I determined to interpose a 
new line with the advancing troops, and thus disengage 
it and hold its brigade in reserve. Orders were accord- 
ingly given to General Ripley. The British artillery oc- 
cupied a hill, advantageously, which was the key to the 
whole position. It was supported by a line of infantry. 
To secure the victory, it was necessary to carry the artil- 
lery, and seize the height. This duty was assigned to 
Colonel Miller, who advanced steadily to his object, and 
carried the height and the cannon. General Ripley 
brought up the 23d to his support, and the enemy disap- 
peared. The enemy, rallying his forces, and, as is believ- 
ed, having received reinforcements, now attempted to 
drive us from our position, and regain his artillery. Our 
line was unshaken, and the enemy repulsed. Two other 
attempts, having the same object, had the same issue. 
General Scott was again engaged in repelling the former 
of those ; and the last I saw of him on the field of battle, 
he was near the head of his column, and giving to its 
march a direction that would have placed him on the 
enemy's right. Having been for some time wounded, and 
being a good deal exhausted by loss of blood, it became 
my wish to devolve the command on General Scott, and 
retire from the field : but on inquiring, I learned that he 
was disabled by wounds ; I therefore kept my post, and had 
the satisfaction to see the enemy's last effort repulsed." 

General Scott was finally disabled by a wound from a 
musket ball through his right shoulder, which he received 
about half past ten, just before the final close of the ac- 
tion. He had been wounded two hours before, in the left 
side, had lost two horses, killed under him, and his aid, 
Lieutenant Worth, and his Brigade-Major, Smith, had 



408 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

both been wounded by his side. The total loss of his 
brigade was four hundred and ninety in killed and wound- 
ed, out of nine hundred and twenty, including more than 
thirty officers. 

The conduct of General Scott in this battle, is said to 
have displayed more of bravery than of prudence ; but of 
this we do not pretend to judge. 

On the day in which this action took place, Brigadier- 
General Scott was appointed, by the President, a Major- 
General by brevet. His wounds were for some time ex- 
ceedingly painful and dangerous, and obliged him to 
retire for a time from active service. As soon as he was 
convalescent, he was appointed to the command of the 
tenth military district, where he was stationed. Besides 
his military rank, he has received many testimonials of 
respect : among which are a vote of thanks, and a medal, 
from Congress ; a sword presented by the citizens of his 
native place,. Petersburg ; a sword and vote of thanks from 
the Legislature of Virginia ; and his name has been given 
to a new county of that state. In addition to these civil 
honours, he received a literary one from Princeton Col- 
lege, which was conferred in a very flattering manner. 

He repaired to Baltimore, and assumed his command a 
short time after the enemy had retreated from that city. 
He was received with much distinction. General Smith, 
of the Maryland Militia, the hero of Mud Fort, in the re- 
volutionary war, who commanded during the attack on 
that place, immediately resigned. It was thought by the 
inhabitants, that General Scott had not treated him, on his 
arrival, with that respect which delicacy and politeness 
required — at least such was the reason assigned at the 
time, for General Smith's resignation. After peace was 
restored on the reduction of the army, General Scott was 
retained in the service, over the heads of men who bad 
grown gray in our army. Having obtained a furlough, he 
visited England and France, and on his return he was 
appointed to command, with his head-quarters at Phila- 
delphia, and afterwards transferred to New-York, where 
he now resides. In 1832, he commanded the North- 
western army, during the war against the Sacs and Foxes, 



WINFIEL1) SCOTT. 409 

but is the actual commander of what is termed the eas- 
tern division. He married a lady of one of the first 
families of Virginia, of which he is a native. 

His present biographer is averse to every species of 
flattery, and can only speak of him from the materials 
laid before the public eye, as he is not intimately acquaint- 
ed with his private history. 



LEWIS WARRINGTON. 

Lewis Warrington is a native of Virginia, and was 
partly educated at Williamsburg college. 

When fifteen years old, he being appointed a midship- 
man in the United States' navy, joined the frigate Chesa- 
peake, then lying at Norfolk, in February, 18U0. In this 
ship he cruised on the West-India station till May, 1801, 
when she returned to the United States, and then went on 
board the frigate President, under Commodore Dale. 
This ship soon after sailed for the Mediterranean, where 
she remained until 1802, blockading Tripoli. The Pre- 
sident, in May, 1802, returned to the United States, and 
Mr. Warrington then joined the frigate New- York, in 
which ship he once more sailed for the Mediterranean, 
and returned to this country in the Chesapeake frigate, in 
June, 1803. On his return, he was immediately ordered 
to the Vixen, then commanded. by Captain Smith, late of 
the Franklin, seventy-four, deceased. In this vessel War- 
rington again sailed for the Mediterranean, in August, 
1803, and remained in her during the attacks on the gun- 
boats and batteries of Tripoli, in which the Vixen always 
took a part. In November, 1804, he was made acting Lieu- 
tenant, and in July the next year, went on board the brig 
Syren as junior Lieutenant. In March, 1806, he joined 
the Enterprise, as first Lieutenant, and in July, 1807, 
returned to the United States, after an absence of four 
years. 

35 



410 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

On Lieutenant Warrington's return to the United States, 
lie was ordered to the command of a gun-boat on the Nor- 
folk station, where Commodore Decatur commanded at 
that time. 

He continued in the command of a gun-boat, until Feb- 
ruary, 1809, when he was again ordered to the Syren as 
first Lieutenant. On the return of this vessel from Eu- 
rope, whither she went with despatches, he was ordered to 
the Essex, as her first Lieutenant, in September the same 
year. In this ship he cruised on the American coast, and 
again carried out despatches for government, returning in 
August, 1812. He was then ordered to the frigate Con- 
gress, as her first Lieutenant, and sailed in her on the de- 
claration of war, in company with the squadron under 
Commodore Rodgers, intended' to intercept the British 
West-India fleet. The escape of this fleet was peculiarly 
fortunate to Great Britain, as Commodore Rodgers passed 
and repassed them with his squadron repeatedly ; but for 
thirteen or fourteen days, with very little intermission, the 
fog was so thick that his vessels could not distinguish each 
other at the distance of a quarter of a mile. Lieutenant 
Warrington continued in the Congress till March, 1813, 
when he became first lieutenant of the frigate United 
States, where he remained till his promotion to the rank 
of Master-commandant, soon after which he took the 
command of the Peacock sloop of war. 

While cruising in the Peacock, in latitude 27° 47', he 
fell in with the British brig of war Epervier, with which 
he engaged. The result of the action is thus communica- 
ted in his official letter to the Secretary of the Navy : 

" At sea, April 29th, 1814. 
"Sir, 

" I have the honour to inform you that we have this 
morning captured, after an action of forty-two minutes, 
his Britannic majesty's brig Epervier, rating and mount- 
ing eighteen thirty-two pound carronades, with one hun- 
dred and twenty-eight men, of whom eleven were killed, 
and fifteen wounded, according to the best information we 
could obtain -among the latter is her first Lieutenant, 



Lewis warrington. 411 

Who has lost an arm, and received a severe splinter-wound 
in the hip. Not a man in the Peacock was killed, and 
only two wounded, neither dangerously. The fate of the 
Epervier would have been decided in much less time, but 
for the circumstance of our fore-yard having been totally 
disabled by two round shot in the starboard-quarter from 
her first broadside, which entirely deprived us of the use 
of our fore-topsails, and compelled us to keep the ship 
large throughout the remainder of the action. 

" This, with a few topmast and topgallant backstays 
cut away, and a few shot through our sails, is the only 
injury the Peacock has sustained. Not a round shot 
touched our hull, and our masts and spars are as sound as 
ever. When the enemy struck, he had five feet water in 
his hold — his maintopmast was over the side — his main- 
boom shot away — his foremast cut nearly in two, and tot- 
tering — his fore-rigging and stays shot away — his bow- 
sprit badly wounded, and forty-five shot holes in his hull, 
twenty' of which were within a foot of his water-line, 
above and below. By great exertions we put her into 
sailing order just at night. 

"In fifteen minutes after the enemy had struck, the 
Peacock was ready for another action, in every respect, 
but the fore-yard, which was sent down, fished, and we 
had the foresail set again within forty-five minutes — such 
was the spirit and activity of our gallant crew. The 
Epervier had under convoy an English hermaphrodite 
brig, a Russian, and a Spanish ship, which all hauled 
their wind and stood to the e. n. e. I had determined on 
pursuing the former, but found that it would not be pru- 
dent to leave our prize in her then crippled state, and the 
more particularly so, as we fonnd she had on board one 
hundred and twenty thousand dollars in specie, which 
was soon transferred to this ship. Every officer, seaman, 
and marine, did his duty, which is the highest compliment 
I can pay them. 

I am, &c. 

L. Warrington." 

Captain Warrington brought his prize safely into port, 
and on his return received the usual honours, which it 



412 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

had become customary to pay to men who conquered the 
enemy. 

Early in the following year, he sailed from New- York 
in company with the Hornet, Captain Biddle, as part of a 
squadron under Commodore Decatur, in the President, 
which was intended to cruise in the Indian seas. The 
President had sailed shortly before, after appointing a ren- 
dezvous, and soon after was met by a British squadron, to 
which he was finally obliged to surrender, after having 
beaten the Endymion, their headmost ship. The Pea- 
cock and Hornet separated in chasing, and did not meet 
until they arrived at Tristan d'Acimha, the appointed 
rendezvous. Thence they proceeded to their ultimate 
destination, but were again separated in consequence ot 
falling in with a British line of battle ship, and never af- 
terwards joined. The Hornet was obliged to throw over 
her guns to escape from the enemy, which rendered it 
necessary to return to port ; but the Peacock gained the 
straits of Sunda, where she captured four vessels,- one of 
them a brig of fourteen guns, in the East-India company's 
service. From this vessel Captain Warrington received 
satisfactory assurances of the ratification of peace between 
the United States and England, and in consequence made 
the best of his way to this country, where he arrived the 
beginning of November, 1815, after an absence of almost 
a year. The Peacock was the first ship of war belonging 
to the United States that ever cruised in the straits ot 
Sunda, in no part of which is a friendly port, where she 
could calculate on receiving any supplies whatever. Af- 
ter Captain Warrington took command of that ship, she 
captured nineteen vessels, three of which were given up 
to prisoners, and sixteen destroyed. 

The last we learn of Captain Warrington, is that he 
was in the squadron under Commodore Porter, on the 
West India station, and that to him was left the command 
of the expedition for the suppression of piracy, when his 
superior was arrested and returned to the United States 
for trial. 



GEORCxE CROGHAN. 



Tins gentleman was born at Locust Grove, near the 
falls of ( >hio, on the 1 5th of November, 1791. His father, 
Major William Croghan, left Ireland at an early period,' 
was appointed an officer in our Revolutionary army, and 
discharged his duties as such, to the satisfaction of the 
Commander-in-Chief. His mother is the daughter of John 
< !lark, Esq. of Virginia, a gentleman of worth and respec- 
tability, who exerted himself greatly, and contributed 
largely towards the support of the Revolutionary contest. 
He had rive sons ; four of whom were officers in the Re- 
volutionary army. General William Clark, who, toge- 
ther with Captain Lewis, explored, and is at present the 
Governor of Louisiana, was too young to participate with 
his brothers in the achievement of that event. The mili- 
tary talents of George R. Clark, have obtained from him 
the flattering appellation of " the father of the western 
country." 

Colonel Croghan has always been esteemed generous 
and humane; and, when a boy, his manly appearance. 
and independence of sentiment and action, commanded 
the attention and admiration of all who knew him. 

While in Kentucky, his time was principally occupied 
by the study of his native tongue, geography, the ele- 
ments of geometry, and the Latin and Greek languages. 
In these different branches of literature he made a respect- 
able progress. 

In the year 1808, he left Locust Grove, for the purpose 
of prosecuting his studies in the University of William 
and Mary. In this institution he graduated as A. B. on 
the 4th of July, 1810 ; and delivered, on the day of his 
graduation, an oration on the subject of expatriation. 
This oration was deemed by the audience, concise, inge- 
nious, and argumentative, and was pronounced in a man- 
35* 



414 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ner, which did great credit to his oratorical powers. The 
ensuing summer he attended a course of lectures on law, 
and on the termination of the course, returned to his fa- 
ther's, where he prosecuted the study of the same profes- 
sion, and occasionally indulged himself in miscellaneous 
reading. Biography and history have always occupied 
much of his attention. He is, as his countenance indi- 
cates, rather of a serious cast of mind ; but no one ad- 
mires more a pleasant anecdote, or an unaffected sally of 
wit. With his friends he is affable and free from reserve 
— his manners are prepossessing ; he dislikes ostentation, 
and was never heard to utter a word in praise of himself. 

in the autumn of 1811, was fought the battle of Tippe- 
canoe. This was the first opportunity that offered for the 
display of his military talents. He embraced it with avi- 
dity ; he left his father's house in the character of a vo- 
lunteer, and was appointed Aid to General Harrison. On 
the 7th of November, an attack was made on the troops 
under the command of that officer ; the enemy were re- 
pulsed with valour ; and during the engagement young 
Croghan evinced the greatest courage, activity, and mili- 
tary skill. His services were acknowledged by all ; and 
he exhibited such proofs of a genius for war, that many of 
his companions in arms remarked, that "he was born a 
soldier." A cant saying among the troops of Tippecanoe, 
was " to do a main business," and during the battle, he 
would ride from post to post, ex iting the courage of the 
men by exclaiming, " Now my brave fellows, now is the 
time to do a main business." On the return of the troops 
from Tippecanoe, they were frequently met by persons 
coming to ascertain the fate of their children or friends. 
Among the number of these, was a very poor and aged 
man, whose son was slain in the battle. Crogfhan, having 
ascertained the situation of the old man, and observing 
his inability to perform much bodily labour, regularly 
made his fires for him every morning, and supplied him 
with provisions, clothes, and money. Many acts of this 
sort are related of him by the soldiers and officers of Tip- 
pecanoe. 

After the battle of Tippecanoe, and on the prospect of a 



GEORGE C'ROGHAST. 



415 



speedy deckxrat ion of war against Great Britain, he ex- 
pressed a desire to join the army. Recommendatory let- 
ters of the most flattering description, were written by 
Generals Harrison and Boyd to the Secretary of War, and 
on the commencement of hostilities, he was appointed 
Captain in the 17th regiment of infantry. He was sta- 
tioned some time at Clark cantonment, near the falls of 
Ohio ; but had not been long in command there, when he 
was ordered to march, with what regulars he had, to the 
head-quarters of the North-western army, then at Detroit. 
Before they had proceeded far they heard of Hull's sur- 
render. Shortly after this fatal event, Governor Harrison, 
who had received a Major-General's commission in the 
regular army, was appointed to command the United 
States' forces on the North-western frontier. 

Captain Crpghan comma i ded, a short time, Fort Defi- 
ance, on the Miami of the Lakes ; but after the defeat of 
General Winchester, he was ordered to Fort Meigs, on 
which the enemy designed an attack. Here General Har- 
rison commanded in person. Every disposition, both for 
attack and defence, was made by the conflicting parties. 
The siege began on the 28th of April, and on the 9th of 
May following, the besiegers commenced their retreat, 
covered with disgrace. Here Croghan particularly sig- 
nalized himself with his corps, by several handsome and 
brilliant charges on the enemy. For his conduct on this 
occasion, he received the particular notice of the com- 
manding General ; and was shortly afterwards advanced 
to a majority, and was stationed with his battalion at Up- 
per Sandusky. From this he was ordered to Fort Ste- 
phenson, twenty miles above the mouth of Sandusky 
river, with orders from General Harrison to destroy the 
stores, and abandon the fort, if the enemy made his ap- 
pearance. Learning that the enemy designed to attack 
him, he disobeyed hi- orders, and immortalized his fame. 
He laboured day and night to place the fort in a state of 
defence. 

The necessity of cutting a ditch round the fort, imme- 
diately presented itself to him. — This was done — but in 
order to render the enemy's plans abortive, should they 



416 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

even succeed in leaping- the ditch, which was nine feet 
wide, and six deep, he had large log-s placed on the top of 
the fort, and so adjusted that an inconsiderable weight 
would cause them to fall from their position, and crush to 
death all who might be situated below. 

A short time before the action, he wrote the following 
concise and impressive letter to a friend. " The enemy is 
not far distant : I expect an attack — 1 will defend tins post 
to the last extremity. 1 have just sent away the women 
and children, 1hat I may be able to act without encum- 
brance. Be satisfied : 1 hope to do my duty. The exam- 
"pie set me by my revolutionary kindred is before me — let 
me die rather than prove unworthy of their name." 

On the first of August, General Proctor made his ap- 
pearance before the fort. His troops consisted of five hun- 
dred regulars, and about seven hundred Indians of the 
most ferocious tribes. But one hundred and thirty-three 
effective men were in the garrison, and the works covered 
an acre of ground. The pickets were about ten feet high, 
surrounded by a ditch, with a block-house at each angle 
of the fort, one of which contained a six-pounder. This 
was the exact state of the post at the time the enemy ap- 
peared. The first movement made by the enemy, was to 
make sueh a disposition of his forces, as to prevent the 
escape of the garrison, if they should be disposed to at- 
tempt it. He then sent Colonel Elliot with a flag, to de- 
mand the surrender of the fort. He was met by Ensign 
Shipp. The British officer observed that General Proctor 
had a number of cannon, a large body of regular troops, 
and so many Indians, whom it was impossible to control, 
that if the fort was taken, as it must be, the whole of the 
garrison would be massacred. Shipp answered, that it 
was the determination of Major Croghan, his officers, and 
men, to defend the garrison, or be buried in it, and that 
they might do their best. Colonel Elliot addressed Mr. 
Ship]) again — "You are a fine young man, I pity your 
situation : tor God's sake surrender, and prevent the dread- 
ful slaughter which must follow resistance." Shipp turned 
from him with indignation, and was immediately taken 
hold of by an Indian, who attempted to wrest his sword 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 417 

from him. Major Croghan, observing what passed, called 
to Shipp to come into the fort, which was instantly obeyed, 
and the action commenced. The. firing began from the 
gun-boats in the rear, and was kept up during the night. 

At an early hour the next morning, three six-pounders, 
which had been planted during the night, within two 
hundred and fifty yards of the pickets, began to play on 
the fort, but with little effect. About four, P. M. all the 
enemy's guns were concentrated against the north-west- 
ern angle of the fort, for the purpose of making a breach. 
To counteract the effect of their fire, Major Croghan caus- 
ed that point to be strengthened by means of bags of flour, 
sand, and other materials, in such a manner that the 
picketing sustained little or no injury. But the enemy, 
supposing that their fire had sufficiently shattered the 
pickets, advanced, to the number of five hundred, to storm 
the place, at the same time making two feints on different 
points. 

The column which advanced against the north-western 
angle, was so completely enveloped in smoke, as not to be 
discovered until it had approached within eighteen or 
twenty paces of the lines, but the men being all at their 
posts, and ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and 
galling a fire as to throw the column into confusion ; but 
being cmickly rallied, T ieutenant-Colonel Short, the leader 
of the column, exclaimed, "come on my brave fellows, 
we will give these d— d yankce rascals no quarters," and 
immediately leapt into the ditch, followed by his troops ; 
as soon as the ditch was entirely filled by the assailants, 
Major Croghan ordered the six-pounder, which had been 
masked in the block-house, to be fired. It had been load- 
ed with a double charge of musket balls and slugs. This 
place completely raked the ditch from end to end. The 
first fire levelled one half in death ; the second or third 
either killed or wounded every one, except eleven, who 
were covered by the dead bodies. At the same time, the 
fire of small arms was so incessant and destructive, that 
it was in vain the British officers exerted themselves to 
lead on the balance of the column ; it retired in disorder 
under a shower of shot, and sought safety in an adjoining 



418 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

wood. The loss of the enemy in killed was about one' 
hundred and fifty, besides a considerable number of their 
allies. The Americans had bnt one killed, and seven 
slightly wounded. Early in the morning of the third, 
the enemy retreated down the river, after having abandoned 
considerable bago-age. 

The garrison was composed of regulars, all Kentuckians; 
a finer company of men was not to be found in the United 
States, perhaps not in the world. They were as humane 
as courageous. This is proved by their unceasing atten- 
tion to the wounded enemy after their discomfiture ; during 
the night they kindly received into the fort, through the 
fatal port-hole of the block-house, all those who were able 
to crawl to it ; to those unable to move, they threw canteens 
filled with water. They even parted with their clothes to 
alleviate the sufferings of the wounded. 

Notwithstanding his disobedience of orders, for the 
successful defence of this post, Major Croghan was raised 
to the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel. 

In the beginning of July, an expedition fpr the recap- 
turing of Michilimackinac, was intrusted to his command. 
This was fitted out from Detroit. 

On the 20th of July, the troops were landed at St. 
Joseph's ; and the fort, which had been evacuated, set on 
fire. Major Holmes was then ordered to the Sault St. 
Mary's, for the purpose of breaking up the enemy's esta- 
blishment at that place. He arrived the day after ; but the 
North-west agent had received notice of his approach, 
and succeeded in escaping with a considerable amount of 
goods, after setting fire to a vessel above the falls ; the 
design of this latter measure was frustrated. The vessel 
was brought down the falls on the 25th, but having bilged, 
was destroyed. Considerable property belonging to the 
enemy was taken. 

On the 4th of August, a landing of the troops under 
Croghan and Morgan was effected, at Mackinac ; but the 
strength of the enemy's works rendered it impossible to 
carry the place by storm, with a small number of troops ; 
and, after a severe conflict, a retreat became indispensable, 
and was accordingly effected. 



GEORGE CROGHAN. 419 

Though this expedition proved unsuccessful in its issue, 
its failure was not ascribable to any misconduct on the 
part of the commanding officer. Every thing was done 
that vigilance, bravery, and perseverance could achieve. 

The American loss was thirteen killed, fifty-one wounded, 
and two missing — loss of the enemy not known. 

After this affair, Colonel Croghan determined to remain 
on Lake Huron for a time, with three companies, for the 
purpose of breaking up any depots which the enemy 
might have on the east side of the lake. 

He learnt that the only line of communication from 
York to Mackinac, was by the way of Lake Simcoe and 
Nautawasaga river, which empties into Lake Huron about 
one hundred miles s. e. of Cabot's Head. 

On the 13th of August, the fleet anchored off the mouth 
of that river, and the troops were quickly disembarked on 
the peninsula formed between the river and lake, for the 
purpose of fixing a camp. 

On reconnoitering the position thus taken, it was dis- 
covered that the enemy's schooner Nancy was drawn up 
in the river a few hundred yards above, under cover of a 
block-house, erected on a commanding situation on the 
opposite shore. 

On the follow^Bg morning, a fire for a few minutes was 
kept up by the shipping on the block-house, but with little 
effect. At twelve o'clock, two howitzers being placed within 
a few hundred yards, commenced a fire, which lasted but 
a few minutes, when the block-house blew up ; at the same 
time, fire was communicated to the Nancy, by the bursting 
of one of our shells,, which was so quickly enveloped in 
flames as to render any attempts which might have been 
made to save her, unavailing, giving the enemy barely 
time to make his escape, before an explosion took place. 

The loss of the Nancy was severely felt by the enemy ; 
her cargo consisting, at the time of her being on fire, of 
several hundred barrels of provisions, intended as a six 
months supply for the garrison at Mackinac. 

Colonel Croghan afterwards returned to Detroit. 

Colonel Croghan continued in active service during the 
remainder of the war, and some time after the reduction 



* 



420 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

of the army he resigned his commission. In May, 1817, 
he was married to a daughter of John R. Livingston, Esq., 
at New York. 

Colonel Croghan is now Inspector-General of the army, 
and resides at the seat of government. 



HENRY DEARBORN 

Is a descendant from one of the first settlers of New 
Hampshire, who emigrated from Devonshire county, in 
England. 

He received a medical education under the instruction 
of Dr. Hall Jackson, of Portsmouth, who was a distin- 
guished surgeon in the revolutionary army, and justly 
celebrated as one of the most able physicians which New 
England has produced. Dearborn was settled in the 
practice of physic at Nottingham-Square, in New Hamp- 
shire, three years previous to the commencement of the 
revolutionary war, where, with several gentlemen of the 
neighbourhood, he employed his leisure hours in military 
exercises ; being convinced that the time was rapidly ap- 
proaching, when the liberties of his country must either 
be shamefully surrendered, or boldly defended at the point 
of the sword. 

This band of associates determined to be prepared for 
the worst, and equipped themselves for the last resort of 
freemen. 

On the morning of the 20th of April, 1775, notice by an 
express was received of the affair of the preceding day at 
Lexington. He assembled with abtftit sixty of the in- 
habitants of the town, and made a rapid movement for 
Cambridge, whjre they arrived the next morning at sun- 
rise — having marched a distance of fifty-five miles in less 
than twenty-four hours. After remaining several days, 
and no immediate occasion requiring their services they 



HENRY DEARBORN. 421 

returned. It being determined that a number of regiments 
should be immediately raised for the common defence, 
Dearborn was appointed captain in the first New Hamp- 
shire regiment, under the command of Colonel John Stark. 
Such was his popularity, and the confidence of the people 
in his bravery and conduct, that within ten days from the 
time he received his commission, he enlisted a full com- 
pany, and joined the regiment at Medford, on the fifteenth 
of May. Previous to the battle of Bunker Hill, he was 
engaged in a skirmish on Hog Island, whither he had 
been sent to prevent the cattle and other stock from being 
carried off by the British, and soon after took a part in an 
action with an armed vessel near Winnesimet ferry. 

On the morning of the glorious 17th of June, information 
was received that the British were preparing to come out 
from Boston, and storm the works which had been thrown 
up on Breed's Hill the previous night by the Americans. 
The regiment to which he was attached was immediately 
paraded, and marched from Mystic to Charlestown Neck. 

Dearborn's company composed the flank guards of the 
regiment. They crossed the neck under a galling fire 
from the British men of war, and the floating batteries, 
and having sustained some, loss, arrived at Bunker's 
heights. The enemy were landing on the shore opposite 
to Copp's hill, when Stark advanced and formed his regi- 
ment on the declivity of Breed's hill, in rear of a rail-fence 
which ran from the redoubt, commanded by the gallant 
Colonel Prescott, to Mystic river. The action soon com- 
menced, and the Americans stood their ground until their 
ammunition was entirely expended. Dearborn was posted 
on the right of the regiment, and being armed with a 
fusee, fired regularly with his men. 

In September he volunteered his services to join the ex- 
pedition of Arnold up Kennebec river, and through the 
wilderness to Q,neo'ec. He was permitted to select a com- 
pany from the New Hampshire regiment for this arduous 
service. Thirty-two days were employed in traversing 
the hideous wilderness between the settlements on the 
Kennebec and the Chaudiere river, during November and 
December, in which every hardship and fatigue of which 
36 



4,22 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

human nature is capable, was endured indiscriminately $ 
by the officers and troops, and a large portion of them 
starved to death. On the highlands between the Kenne- 
bec and St. Lawrence, the remnant of provisions was 
divided among the companies, who were directed to make 
the best of their way in separate divisions to the settle- 
ments on the Chaudiere. The last fragment of food in 
most of the companies was soon consumed, and Dearborn 
was reduced to the extremity of dividing his favourite dog 
among his suffering men. When they reached the Chau- 
diere, from colds, enreme hardships, and want of suste- 
nance, his strength failed him, and he was unable to walk 
even a short distance, without wading into the water to 
invigorate and stimulate his limbs. With great difficulty 
he reached a poor hut on the Chaudiere, when he told his 
men he could .accompany them no farther, and animated 
them forward to a glorious discharge of their duty. His 
company left him with tears in their eyes, expecting to see 
him no more. Dearborn was here seized with a violent 
fever, during which his life was in jeopardy for ten days; 
without medicine, and with scarcely the common neces- 
saries of life. His fine constitution at last surmounted the 
disease, and so soon as he was able to travel, he proceeded 
to Point Levi in a sleigh — crossed over to Wolfe's Cove, 
and made his unexpected appearance at the head of his 
company, a few days before the assault on Quebec. At 
four o'clock in the morning, on the thirty-first day of 
December, 1775, in a severe snow storm, and in a climate 
that vies with Norway in tempests and intense cold, the 
attack was commenced. Dearborn was attached to the 
corps under General Arnold, who was wounded early in 
the action, and carried from the field. Lieutenant Colonel 
Green succeeded to the command. They stormed the first 
hairier, and entered the lower town. Montgomery had 
already bled on immortal ground, and his division having 
made a precipitate and most shameful retreat, as soon as 
their general fell, the corps under General Green was ex- 
posed to a sanguinary, but unavailing contest. 

From the windows of the houses, which being con- 
structed of stone, each was a castle, and from the tops of 



I1EN11Y DEARBORN. 423 

the parapets, a destructive fire was poured on the assail- 
ants, which threatened inevitable destruction to everyone 
who should appear in the streets. The American troops 
maintained this desperate warfare, until at last they were 
reduced to the necessity of surrendering in small parties. 

The whole corps led on by General Arnold were killed 
or made prisoners of war. The officers were put into 
rigid confinement, and every day were tauntingly told, 
that in the spring they would be sent to England, and 
hanged as rebels. 

In May, 1776, Majors Meigs and Dearborn were per- 
mitted to return on their parole. They were sent round 
to Halifax in the frigate Niger, and treated with the usual 
contumely and hauteur of English officers. On their 
arrival at Halifax, they were put on board another ship of 
war, and the commander instructed by General Howe, tq, 
land them in some port in New England. After the ship 
had cruised with them on board for upwards of thirty 
days, during which period they met with the grossest 
insults, they were put on shore in Penobscot bay, from 
whence they proceeded to Portland by land. 

In the fore part of the following March, Dearborn was 
exchanged, and appointed a major to the third New 
Hampshire regiment, commanded by Colonel Alexander 
Scammel, and'early in May arrived with the regiment at 
Ticonderoga. 

On the 6th of July, the post of Ticonderoga was aban- 
doned on the approach of General Burgoyne's army. 
General St. Clair retreated with the main body of the 
troops, by land, through Vermont to Hudson river, near 
Saratoga, and soon after continued to retreat until the 
army had crossed the Mohawk river, near its junction 
with the Hudson, where considerable re-enforcements were 
met, and General Gates assumed the commapl of the 
northern army. 

Soon after the capture of the British detachment under 
Baum at Bennington, by General Stark, and the retreat 
of General St. Leger from Fort Stanwix, General Gates 
advanced to meet the enemy, who was encamped near 
Saratoga, When the army arrived at Stillwater, a corps 



424 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

of light infantry was formed, by detachments from the 
line, consisting of five full companies, and the command 
given to Major Dearborn, with orders from General Gates 
to act in concert with Colonel Morgan's regiment of rifle- 
men, which had joined the army a few days previous. A 
strong position was selected, called Bemis' Heights, and 
immediately occupied by the American army. The rifle- 
men and Dearborn's corps of light infantry, encamped in 
advance of the left of the main line. The British army 
had advanced from Saratoga, and encamped on the bank 
of the river, within three miles of General Gates' position. 

On the morning of the 19th of September, the advanced 
pickets announced that the right wing of the Eritish army 
was in motion, when Morgan and Dearborn, who com- 
manded separate corps, received orders from General 
Arnold to make a forward movement, to check the ap- 
proaching column. These orders were promptly obeyed, 
and the advanced guard, consisting of tories and other 
irregulars, was soon met and attacked with spirit, in which 
conflict they killed and wounded a considerable number 
of the enemy, and made twenty-two prisoners. The action 
soon after became general, and continued until the dusk 
of the evening, on the same ground on which it com- 
menced ; neither party having retreated more than twenty 
or thirty rods, and that alternately, so that the dead of 
both armies were mingled together. 

Dearborn, with his light corps, covered the left of the 
main line, while Morgan covered the right. The loss 
was severe on both sides, and especially in the New 
Hampshire line. Lieutenant-Colonels Adams and Col- 
burn being killed, Dearborn was promoted to be a lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and was at that time in the twenty-seventh 
year of his age. As his light corps was constantly em- 
ployed in reconnoitring, frequent actions occurred be- 
tween the pickets and advanced parties of the enemy. 

In the campaign of 1778, Dearborn served with the 
main army, and in the battle of Monmouth, the spirited 
conduct of Cilley's detached regiment, of which Dearborn 
was lieutenant-colonel, attracted particularly the attention 
of the commandcr-in-ebief. 



HENRY DEARBORN 1 . 42$ 

After Lee had made a precipitate and unexpected re- 
treat, Washington, among other measures which he took 
to check the advance of the British, ordered Cilley's regi- 
ment to attack a body of troops which was passing through 
an orchard on the right wing of the enemy. 

The regiment advanced under a heavy fire, with a rapid 
step and shouldered arms. The enemy filed off and form- 
ed on the edge of a morass. The Americans wheeled to 
the right, received their second fire, with shouldered arms, 
marched up within eight rods, dressed, gave a full fire, 
and charged bayonet. The British having sustained con- 
siderable loss, fled with precipitation across the morass, 
where they were protected by the main body of the enemy. 

Colonel Dearborn was then despatched to the Cone 
mander-in chief, to ask what further service was required; 
when he approached, Washington inquired, with evident 
pleasure at their gallant conduct, " What troops arc those?" 
"Full-blooded Yankees from New-Hampshire, Sir," replied 
Dearborn. Washington expressed his approbation in ex- 
plicit terms, and directed that they should fall back and 
refresh themselves, as the heat was very oppressive, and 
the troops much fatigued. 

In the general orders of the next day, Washington be- 
stowed the highest commendation on the brilliant exploit 
of the regiment. 

In 1779, Dearborn accompanied General Sullivan in his 
expedition against the Indians, and had an active share in 
the action of the 29th of August with the united forces of 
torics and Indians at Newtown. During the campaign 
of 1780, he was with the main army in New Jersey. 

In 1781, he was appointed Deputy Quarter-Master 
General, with the rank of Colonel, and served in that ca- 
pacity with Washington's army in Virginia. He was at 
the siege of Yorktown, and the capture of Lord Cornwallis 
and his army. Colonel Scammel being killed during the 
siege, Dearborn succeeded to the command of the first 
New Hampshire regiment, and was ordered to the frontier 
garrison at Saratoga during the campaign of 1782. In 
November he joined the army at Newbnrgh. 

After the American Independence was secured, and ac- 
36* 



42fi GLORY OP AMERICA. 

knowledged by the King of Great Britain, Colonel Dear- 
born, with his companions in arms, who had survived the 
fatigues, hardships, and dangers of the war, returned to 
the pursuits of private life. 

In June, 1784, he removed from New Hampshire to 
Kennebeck, in Maine. In 1787, he was elected Brigadier- 
General of the militia, and soon after appointed a Major- 
General. President Washington appointed him Marshal for 
the Maine District in the year 1789. He was twice elected 
to represent Kennebeck in the Congress of the United States. 

On the accession of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency, he 
was appointed Secretary of War, and continued in that 
office until March, 1809, when he resigned, and was ap- 
pointed Collector for Boston, and in February, 1812, he 
received a commission as senior Major-General in the army 
of the United States. 

The shameful surrender of General Hull at Detroit, 
and subsequent unfortunate transactions on the Niagara at 
Q,ueenston Heights, frustrated the plans of the campaign 
of 1812. Notwithstanding these severe checks, General 
Dearborn did not relax in activity ; for so soon as he had 
ordered his army into winter-quarters at Plattsburgh and 
Burlington, he was unremittingly employed in recruiting 
the army, and making preparations for opening the cam- 
paign early in the following spring. 

Previous to the General's departure from Albany, in 
February, 1S13, be had ordered Generals Lewis and Boyd 
to the Niagara frontier, directing the former to prepare 
boats and scows, erect batteries, and make every necessary 
arrangement for an attack and descent on Fort George. 
General Dearborn, after giving these orders, repaired to 
Utica and Whitestown, there made arrangements for the 
transportation of troops down the Oswego to Sackett's 
Harbour, and gave the necessary directions relative to all 
the military stores for the ensuing campaign. These 
accomplished, he proceeded to Sackett's Harbour, agreea- 
bly to a plan of operations which had been submitted to 
the consideration of the Secretary of War, and which 
was left to the discretion of Major-General Dearborn to 
carry into effect. 



HENRY DEARBORN. 427 

The projected plan was to capture and destroy Little 
York ; this would give Commodore Chauncey the com- 
mand of the lake, "render it impossible to furnish their 
troops and Indians with stores, and cut off all communi- 
cations between Kingston and Maiden. 

The plan was disclosed at the Harbour, to Commodore 
Chauncey and General Pike only. General Lewis, then 
at the Niagara, was also advised of the movement, and 
ordered to be in readiness for an immediate attack on Fort 
George. After the capture of York, the troops were to be 
transported to Niagara, and make an .instant attack on 
Fort George. This being effected, the army was to have 
been transported back to Sacketts Harbour ; whence, with 
an additional number of troops collecting by previous 
orders, they were to make an attack on Kingston in its 
rear ; while the fleet would batter the town, fortifications, 
and the fleet in front. 

With this system of operations in view, General Dear- 
born sailed with sixteen hundred men, as soon as the ice 
permitted the fleet to leave the harbour. York was taken 
on the 27th of April, with all the stores of the British 
army ; a ship of thirty guns burnt, and the Duke of Glou- 
cester, of fourteen guns, made a prize. The Earl of Moira 
had previously sailed for Kingston. 

On the success of the first part of the expedition, Gene- 
ral Dearborn sent an express to inform General Lewis 
what he had done, and to notify him of his intended arri- 
val with the army at Fort Niagara, at which post the 
General arrived a few days afterwards ; when he learnt 
that General Lewis was at Judge Porter's, opposite to 
Niagara falls, fourteen miles from his troops. On further 
inquiry, to the disappointment and mortification of Gene- 
ral Dearborn, it was further learnt, that no step had been 
taken by General Lewis to prepare for the contemplated 
attack. The batteries were not even commenced ; the 
boats necessary to make the descent were not furnished. 
General Dearborn had fostered a previous attachment for 
General Lewis, and out of respect to him, transmitted a 
letter to the Secretary of War, in which the violent storms 
were assigned as a public reason for the delay of the 



428 GLORY OF AMERICA, 

movement, and postponement of the intended attack ; bnt 
lest improper advantage should be taken of this circum- 
stance, to the prejudice of General Dearborn, which after- 
wards proved to be the case, another letter was transmitted, 
which particularly detailed the real causes of the delay. 

The General thus circumstanced, knowing - the enemy 
would be re-enforced before the boats to be built would be 
in readiness to convey the army, desired Commodore 
Chauncey to return to Sackett's Harbour, and in the interim 
bring up General Chandler's brigade. During this period 
five batteries were erected above Fort Niagara, and the 
boats which had been commenced were ordered to be fin- 
ished with all expedition, and brought round to Four Mile 
Creek ; the last was effected under the lire of five of the 
enemy's batteries, without any loss. 

Immediately on the return of the fleet with General 
Chandler's brigade, the General issued an order which 
never has been published, that on the next day the troops 
should breakfast at two o'clock, strike tents at three, and 
embark at four o'clock. The situation and position of the 
country had been previously obtained by spies, the place 
of landing designated, and the plan of attack delineated: 
which was submitted to Generals Lewis, Chandler, Win- 
der, and Boyd, and met their full approbation. 

Excessive fatigues, and frequent exposures to storms, 
had produced a violent fever, which ten days previous to 
the attack on Fort George confined General Dearborn to 
his bed. The morning after the general order was an- 
nounced for the attack, General Lewis called on him, and 
said, it •would be impossible for the army to be embarked. 
General Dearborn then having some suspicions of the 
military character and energy of General Lewis, replied, 
that the attack should be made as ordered ; that he was 
prepared, and no further delay would be allowed. 

The morning of the attack General Dearborn was 
mounted on his horse, by assistance, before four o'clock, in 
opposition to the opinion of his physicians, and against 
the remonstrances of the officers of the staff. He rode to 
the place of embarkation ; saw all the troops on board the 
fleet and boats : General Lewis who had the immediate 



HENRY DEARBORN. 429 

command, bow first made his appearance, and expressed 
his great astonishment at the unexpected rapidity with 
which this movement had been made. This exertion had 
so exhausted General Dearborn, that he was taken from 
his horse, led to a boat, and conveyed on board the Madi- 
son. On his way to Four Mile Creek, Dr. Mann, Hospital 
Surgeon of the army, meeting General Dearborn, said to 
him, "I apprehend yon do not intend to embark with the 
army." The General replied, " I apprehend nothing; sir ; 
I go into battle, or perish in the attempt? 

From the first dawn of day, and while the army was 
embarking, a most tremendous fire of hot shot and shells 
from Fort Niagara and the new erected batteries, was 
opened on Fort George, and continued until the block- 
houses, barracks, and stores, were enwraped in flames, and 
the guns silenced. 

General Dearborn, from his great exertions, added to his 
ill state of health, was unable to support himself more 
than fifteen or twenty minutes on his feet at a time ; but 
he was nevertheless frequently up, watching these interest- 
ing movements. The troops had all landed, when General 
Lewis, (who ought to have preceded the reserve,) still re- 
mained on board. His delay astonished General Dearborn, 
who, exercising his usual delicacy with him, merely sug- 
gested to him, whether he ought not to land, and then 
retired. Within twenty minutes, General Dearborn again 
came on deck, and finding General Lewis still on board, 
ordered him to land. The enemy had now fallen back 
between the village of Newark and Fort George. After 
General Lewis had landed, one hour and a half had passed 
away, and four thousand men, formed in order of battle, 
with a fine train of artillery, were seen standing still, 
while the enemy, not more than twelve hundred in num- 
ber, was manoeuvring for a retreat. At this moment, 
General Dearborn forgot his debility, and insisted on being 
carried on shore ; but by the strong solicitations of those 
about him, was persuaded to remain on board ; and in 
agony at the delay, sent his Deputy- Adjutant-General, 
Beebe, to General Lewis, with orders to move instantly, 
surround the enemy, and cut them up. General Lewis, 



430 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

i 

even after this order, waited an hour before Generals 
Boyd, Chandler, and Scott, with all their arguments, could 
induce him. to advance, and then only to the south side of 
Newark, perhaps three-fourths of a mile from his first 
position, where the line was again formed, and continued, 
until the enemy had retreated in the rear of Fort George, 
and took the route to Q,ueenston Heights. Colonel Scott, 
however, pursued the retreating, broken army, without 
orders, three miles, and would not desist in his pursuit, 
until four aids-de-camp of General Lewis had been des- 
patched to order his return. Late in the day, the ship 
Madison moved up the Niagara river in front of Fort 
George, where General Dearborn was taken on shore and 
carried to his quarters, much exhausted. Meeting with 
General Lewis, he expressed his disapprobation of his 
conduct, and ordered him to put the army in pursuit of 
the enemy at five o'clock in the morning. Instead of 
which, he did not move until five o'clock in the afternoon. 
On his arrival at Queenston Heights, he learnt that the 
enemy had made a rapid movement towards the head of 
Lake Ontario, a few hours previous, by the Beaver Dam, 
and sent back a report to this effect. 

On the morning of the 15th of July, the camp was in 
considerable agitation, in consequence of a report that 
General Dearborn had received orders to retire from the 
command of the army at Fort George. This report, on 
inquiry, was found to be well grounded ; and General 
Boyd, and all the field officers, immediately assembled and 
addressed to the senior General warm and earnest solicita- 
tions for him to remain in command ; to which he made 
a suitable reply. " 

At one o'clock, the officers repaired to head quarters, 
to take leave of their chief, who had directed their suc- 
cessful efforts in retrieving the honour of the American 
arms, and who had been present with them in scenes of 
privation and danger. 

No general ever gave a firmer countenance to an army in 
the hour of danger than General Dearborn. Disdaining to 
court popularity, he had acquired the confidence of every 
officer, as fully appears by their unsolicited expressions of it. 



HENRY DEARBORN. 431 

As soon as he reached Utica, he sent a letter to the 
President of the United States, respecting his sudden dis- 
missal. 

Notwithstanding General Dearborn had requested not 
to be ordered on duty until his military conduct had been 
investigated by a competent military tribunal, a different 
course was pursued by the President. 

General Dearborn thought it very extraordinary, that 
he should be called into service, before the subject of his 
removal from Fort George had been investigated. 

Notwithstanding the unceasing efforts of General Dear- 
born to obtain a hearing, before a court of inquiry, that 
justice was not done him. 

Extraordinary as General Dearborn might think the 
conduct of the general government towards him, it was 
in good keeping with Mr. Madison's administration, more 
particularly duringthe existenceof hostilities. Favouritism 
was his besetting sin ; and facts conclusively show> that 
dancing attendance at the capital during the winter, was 
a surer road to promotion, than many well fought battles. 

But, whatever was the well earned fame of General 
Dearborn, which we readily grant, he most certainly was 
not always so very tenacious of the deserts of others. His 
attack on the fame, or more properly speaking, his detrac- 
tion from the military character of General Putnam, was 
a gross libel on the noble dead. The article to which 
allusion is here made, was some years ago published in 
the Port Folio, and elicited the most able refutation from 
the surviving relatives of that unshrinking hei~o of Bun- 
ker's Hill. But we are disposed to " tread lightly on the 
ashes of the dead," and to admit what will hardly be dis- 
puted, that few, if any individuals, are free from shades 
of character, or weaknesses, which serve to tarnish the 
otherwise bright escutcheon of their fame. 

Of the death of General Dearborn we speak only from 
imperfect recollection. lie died in Massachusetts, some 
six or eight years ago, full of years and honours. All 
reasonable endeavours have been made to gain that infor- 
mation of the particulars of his obsequies, which, when 
obtained, are matters more of curiosity than of real service. 



432 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

He lived, played his part on the great theatre of action 
and departed. 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 

The subject of these memoirs was born at Detroit, in 
April, 1782: His birth place was then a military post, 
and his infancy was familiar with martial music and mi- 
litary parade. His father, Alexander Macomb, removed 
to New- York city, and was chosen a representative to the 
state legislature. During the late war with Great Britain, 
he furnished five sons for the service of his country-. 
The education of our hero commenced at the academy in 
Newark, New Jersey, when he was but eight years old, 
under the care of Reverend Uzal Ogden, president of the 
institution, pastor of the Episcopal church, and Bishop 
elect for that diocess.- 

While under tuition at this institution, the French fe- 
ver, as it was sometimes called, or that enthusiasm which 
was quickened and nourished by the French revolution, 
was the order of the day ; and the distinguishing badge 
of party among our countrymeii, young and old, was the 
French or English cockade. Nearly all political discus- 
sion, whether public or private, either through the press 
or from the pulpit, was marked by a predilection for the 
French or British party, in which all the national- indi- 
viduality of Americans seemed to be merged. The news- 
papers were full of these subjects, the French refugees 
thronged to our shores by thousands, the youth caught 
the infection, and our young hero was not disposed to re- 
sist the torrent. 

It is hardly less philosophical than amusing, to trace 
the developments of greatness to their germ ; to mark 
even the earliest indications of character ; and notice 
those little incidents which often, perhaps, have a con- 
trolling, though unsuspected agency, in forming- tho 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 433 

plastic mind of youth, that, subsequently, in the maturity 
of its strength and in the vigour of manhood, may guide 
the course, or mould the destinies, of empire. 

Under this view of the subject, a brief notice or two 
connected with the juvenile history of the youthful Ma- 
comb, may serve, in some measure, to exhibit the influ- 
ence-of early circumstances on the later periods of adult 
life. 

The students at the Academy in Newark had become 
quite numerous ; and some of them having given um- 
brage to a young son of Crispin, the facility roused them- 
selves to the field, with their allies, and appeared en masse 
before the students. The challenge could not be declined ; 
and a combat ensued, in which, after a severe struggle 
with fists, sticks, and other missiles, the sons of Crispin re- 
treated. In this affair, by that sort of instinctive impulse 
and consent, which, in assemblies, whether of boys or 
men, "ssumes and yields the ascendant, young Macomb 
exercised the command. In a subsequent affray between 
the same parties, a similar illustration was afforded. Each 
party was to select its champion, and decide the contest 
according to the laws of pugilism. Young Macomb, 
about thirteen years old, entered the ring on the side of 
the students. Notwithstanding the superior size and 
strength of his antagonist, the little of science which he 
had learned from a relative, enabled him to obtain the 
victory. 

But perhaps enough is said of his early history, the 
whole of which, had we room and time to dwell on the 
particulars, would satisfy the reader, that youth promised 
what the adult has since performed. 

The marriage of Macomb's eldest sister to Honourable 
Robert. Kennedy, in 1795, introduced him into company, 
and familiarized him with scenes, which at once refined 
his manner, and improved him both mentally and corpo- 
really. 

When about fourteen, he manifested a strong partiality 
for the army or navy. This desire was probably increas- 
ed by the fact, that some of his young acquaintances had 
lately been appointed midshipmen. 
37 



434 



GLORY OK AMERICA. 



As our difficulties with France increased, so did his 
predilection for a military life become more deeply root- 
ed. Volunteers were raised, and the "pomp and circum- 
stance of war" made too strong an impression on his 
juvenile mind to be easily eradicated. He was taught 
mathematics, drawing, riding, and fencing, and having 
been trained to athletic exercises, a robust constitution 
fitted him to endure the hardships of a military life. 

In the year 1798, he entered as member of a volunteer 
company, in a regiment of which the Colonel was Jacob 
Morton, since Major-General of the New-York State Mili- 
tia. The government of the United States had then in 
preparation, the means of meeting any event which might 
occur from our difficulties with the French nation. The 
company to which he belonged tendered its services to 
the President, which were accepted. Circumstances pre- 
sented an opportunity for entering the army, and Macomb 
embraced the occasion which now offered, for the gratifi- 
cation of his ruling passion. 

The portentous appearance of our diplomatic corres- 
pondence with the French republic, induced increased 
activity in the measures preparatory to the last resort of 
nations. Through the influence of General Hamilton, he 
was commissioned as a Cornet of Light Dragoons, in 
January, 1799. General Washington was appointed 
Lieutenant-General, and General Hamilton was second 
in command. When the Staff was organized, Macomb, 
though a minor, hardly exceeding seventeen years, was 
appointed assistant Adjutant-General. 

In tins sphere of action lie had the best possible oppor- 
tunity to learn all the minute details of the service, 
whether appertaining to the command, or the duty of 
soldiers, and subsequent events have proved that these 
opportunities were not lost, nor disregarded. 

When France finally agreed to an arrangement on 
terms satisfactory to our government, the army was much 
reduced, but Macomb was retained as second Lieutenant 
in a troop of dragoons. 

When General Wilkinson was appointed one of the 
Commissioners to treat with certain tribes of Indians oc- 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 435 

cupying the South-western territory, Lieutenant Macomb 
was appointed Secretary to the Commission. During the 
tour, which lasted nearly a year, he kept a journal, noting 
whatever was important in a political or military view. 
He deposited this in the War office, and it was consi- 
ered of the most essential importance. 

After returning to the seat of government,, he was pre- 
sented with a commission as first Lieutenant of a corps of 
Engineers, and received orders to repair to West Point, 
and report himself to Lieutenant-Colonel Williams, the 
Superintendent of the Military Academy. Haying been 
examined, and a favourable report of his qualifications made 
to the proper department, he was appointed to officiate as 
Adjutant, and to instruct the Cadets in their proper exercises. 

During the summer of 1803, he married Miss Catherine 
Macomb, of Belleville, N. J., and in the autumn of that 
year, officiated as Judge Advocate to a General Court 
Martial, assembled in Fredericktown, Maryland. Among 
other officers tried by this Court, was the singular case of 
Colonel Thomas Butler, who had refused to substitute! the 
crop for the queue, as ordered by General Wilkinson. 
The order was confirmed, and the Colonel left the service. 
So well did he conduct the business of the Court on these 
trials, that f he members suggested, what he has since ac- 
complish ., a Treatise on Courts Martial, a work con- 
sidered as standard authority. 

In 1805, be repaired to Washington, to make a final 
settlement of his accounts, as Secretary to the commission 
to treat with the Indians. At this interview with the- 
Secretary of War, he received a commission as Captain 
of the Corps of Engineers. Having finished certain 
repairs of the works in Portsmouth harbour, New-Hamp- 
shire, agreeably to his orders, he was appointed Superin- 
tendent of the public works ordered to be erected at Mount 
Dearborn, South Carolina. In this occupation he remained 
till the year 1807, when he was appointed Chief Engineer 
of the fortifications for the defence of the Carolinas and 
Georgia. 

The " affair of the Chesapeake" occurred in June, 1807, 
h) consequence of which, appropriations were made to. 



436 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

fortify the principal forts on our coasts. The army was 
augmented by a regiment of riflemen, one regiment of 
light artillery, one regiment of light dragoons, and five 
regiments of infantry. 

Macomb had previously been promoted to a Majority in 
the Corps of Engineers, taking rank from the 3d of 
February, 1808. He superintended the works intended 
for the defence of Charleston till the spring of 1812. 
Early in 1811 he was promoted to be a Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel in the same corps. In the ensuing autumn, he was 
detailed as member of a Court Martial for the trial of his 
former commander and friend, General Wilkinson. 

The Secretary of War, Dr. Eustis, desiring Lieutenant- 
Colonel Macomb, to assist him in organizing the new 
army, called him from his duties as Chief Engineer for 
the Southern States, and appointed him, in April, 1812, 
Adjutant-General at the seat of Government. In this 
momentous exigency, he was charged with the most 
important trusts. Every thing was to be remoulded and 
cast into a warlike frame. The defects of the former sys- 
tem, growing up through a long period of peace, were pal- 
pable and manifold. He perceived all these deficiencies and 
irregularities, and exerted his utmost energies to bring order 
from confusion, and tore-organize the military, by introdu- 
cing a system of economy in the expenditures, and giving 
instructions for the service; and in these duties he succeeded, 
to his own satisfaction, and that of the administration. 

When war was finally declared, he immediately request- 
ed a command in the army. According to the rules of 
service, he could not be gratified, being a member of the 
corps of Engineers. Under these circumstances, he re- 
signed his station in the engineer department, and received 
a colonel's commission, to the third regiment of Artillery, 
which he raised, organized, and disciplined, in New- York. 

In November, 1812, he marched with his regiment to 
Sackett's Harbour, intending to assist in a meditated attack 
on Kingston. But on his arrival at that post, Commodore 
Chauncey had sailed, and circumstances delayed the con- 
templated attack till the ensuing spring. 

After the capture of York, the next enterprise was 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 437 

directed against Fort George. General Dearborn, the com- 
mander-in-chief, regarded Macomb's regiment, from its 
established good discipline, as best fitted for the defence 
of Sackett's 'Harbour, but was persuaded to permit a por- 
tion of this regiment to embark, and share the perils and 
honours of the enterprise. 

Colonel Macomb, being left in command of the Harbour, 
prepared defences, and obstructed every probable avenue 
of hostile approach to this important depot. 

Having made every prudential arrangement for the 
safety of "the place, he embarked with Commodore Chaun- 
cey, and joined the army near the mouth of the Niagara, 
on the American side of the river. On the 13th of May, 
the force debarked, the enemy retreated, and Fort 
George, with Niagara, surrendered. Colonel Macomb 
then returned to the Harbour, in the fleet under Commo- 
dore Chauncey. 

General Wilkinson took command of the army in 1813, 
and the War Department determined to invade Canada. 
For this purpose, troops convened on Grenadier Island, 
amounting to about eight thousand men. In November, 
the troops debarked near Ogdensburgh, and were placed 
under the command of Macomb. Fort Wellington having 
been passed, General Wilkinson directed Colonel Macomb 
to cross the St. Lawrence, and clear the Canadian side of 
any troops which might obstruct the passage of the boats 
on the river. The river was crossed, the obstacles remo- 
ved, and a small place, called Fort Matilda, captured. 

The next day was fought the unfortunate battle of Chris- 
ler's Field, in which, as Colonel Macomb was in the advance, 
he did not partake. But the season was obviously too far 
advanced for the success of the enterprise, and the troops, 
recrossing the St. Lawrence, went into winter quarters at 
the French Mills, on Salmon River. 

Macomb now resumed the command of the artillery, in 
which station he remained till January, 1814, at which 
time he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General. 
The late campaign having closed ingloriously, orders were 
received to march for "Sackett's Harbour. The head 
quarters were removed to Plattsburgh. Macomb was 



438 GLORY OF AMERICA? 

appointed to command the force on the cast side of Lake 
Champlain, and his quarters were at Burlington. After 
taking possession of St. Amand. he joined General Wilkin- 
son at Champlain, on the frontier of New York. 

When General Wilkinson, as was anticipated, was 
recalled, General Macomb assumed the chief command, 
until the arrival of General Izard, the successor to General 
Wilkinson. The head quarters of General Macomb 
were at Plattsburgh, where he used every endeavour to 
put the troops in good order for the next campaign. When 
General Izard arrived, Macomb resumed -his position at 
Burlington. 

In May, the British flotilla entered Lake Champlain with 
a large force, to destroy or capture the ■ vessels lately 
launched at Vergennes, or to intercept, stores and supplies 
for the United States troops. Noticing tho course which 
the flotilla had taken, General Macomb ordered the light 
artillery to Otter Creek, there to man the batteries. On 
the morning after their arrival, at dawn of day, the British 
flotilla commenced the attack, but were immediately 
repulsed, and returned to Isle aux Noix. Thus, by his 
vigilance and foresight, Macomb anticipated the designs of 
the enemy, and effectuallv frustrated a well-concerted plan 
to destroy our incipient Navy on Lake Champlain — by this 
single act, making himself auxiliary to the future triumph 
of the Navy on our Lakes, and entitling himself to the 
nation's lasting gratitude. 

Early in the summer of IS 14, the Canadian frontier was 
re-enforced by a large body of troops, which rendered the 
position of General Brown very critical. The British 
government, relieved from its long and severe struggle 
against. Bonaparte, could dispose of many picked troops, 
disciplined under Wellington, and they were sent to 
Canada. 

In August, General Izard marched for Niagara, by 
orders from the War Department, leaving General Macomb 
with about two thousand five hundred men, in the vicinity 
of a large force under Sir George Prevost, ready to invade 
the territory of the United States, as after circumstances 
clearly proved. 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 439 

Learning that Izard had marched with a large portion 
of his troops to re-enforce the army at Fort Erie, Sir 
George, in order to check that movement, put his own 
army" in motion, and crossed the lines at Odletown on the 
1st of September. Here Macomb, left as if were alone, 
with only a handful of men, was put to the utmost stretch 
of his ability how to meet the occasion. It was one of those 
turning points in the character and fortune of individual 
history, when the weak sink, buried beneath the pressing 
magnitude of the emergency ; but where the great more 
greatly rise, discover and press into their service resources, 
where others see nothing but a barren waste, and thus 
exhibit the supremacy of genius, amidst the most discoura- 
ging circumstances, the most untoward events. How he 
acquitted himself in these trying predicaments, the result 
has clearly demonstrated. 

On the first of September, the United States force on 
the Champlain frontier, amounted to one hundred and ten 
riflemen. General Macomb had previously ordered about 
seven hundred and fifty men to Pittsburgh, whither he 
purposed to concentrate his forces, for the defence of our 
military stores, and perhaps for the protection of our 
squadron. Three redoubts had been commenced on the 
south side of the Saranac, which, in its windings through 
the town, forms a peninsula, the neck of which is about 
twelve hundred feet broad. On this neck, the fortifications 
were constructed. They consisted of works so disposed 
as to defend each the other. Two of these were deemed 
inaccessible on their liver fronts, on account of their preci- 
pitant banks. They were surrounded on the land side, by 
wide and deep ditches, and defended by rows of abattis, 
formed of trees well secured, and the branches well sharp- 
ened. Two block-houses were mounted with cannon. 

The artillery were assigned to the batteries. About 
six hundred and fifty men were detailed under four officers 
for observation. A number of the young men of Pitts- 
burgh organized themselves into a company, under their 
own commanders. A detachment of twelve dragoons 
acted as videts, and escorted the General while reconnoiter- 
ing the enemy. The light troops were employed in the 



440 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

avenues of approach, to watch the enemy's motions, 
obstruct the passes, destroy the bridges, and annoy the 
invaders by every possible means. 

In this emergency, an appeal to the militia became 
necessary, no authority having placed the power of draft- 
ing men within his control. His appeal was made to the 
patriotism and valour of the citizens in his neighbourhood, 
and particularly to the governors and commanders of the 
militia of Vermont and New York, and his appeal was 
correspondingly answered. Much zeal was manifested by 
General Mooers, an experienced officer of the Revolution, 
as commander of the militia in the vicinity, whose coun- 
sels in aid of General Macomb were properly appreciated. 
With Commodore Macdonough he held a consultation, 
and a plan of mutual co-operation was adopted. From his 
very limited force, more than three hundred men were 
detailed to serve in the squadron. 

The British camp at Odletown, apparently sure of 
victory from the known superiority of their numbers, was 
easy of access to any American who chose to inspect it. 
The number of the army was differently stated by various 
individuals, but ten thousand was the most moderate 
calculation made. The real number, as afterwards as- 
certained, was fourteen thousand, besides a reserve of 
two thousand, intended to guard the communication with 
Canada, and prevent any American troops from attacking 
the rear. 

General Macomb was frequently advised to retreat, to 
spare the blood and lives of his apology for an army, and 
save Plattsburgh from the fate of a conquered country. 
But the decision which he took, and to which he unwa- 
veringly adhered, in his apparently forlorn situation, 
proved the strength of his moral courage, and the wisdom 
of his measures. 

Champlain was entered by the British troops on the 
third of September. The small detachment of riflemen 
at Chazy still watched the movements of the commander 
of the Canadas. The light troops and militia advanced 
to meet him, and were ordered to dispute the ground by 
inches, that the unfinished works might be strengthened, 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 441 

and time gained to prepare for a vigorous defence. But 
the delays of the British troops, to whatever cause they 
may be ascribed, were disastrous to the British cause. 

Sir George marched against Plattsburgh on the fourth 
of September, when Macomb's riflemen slowly retreated, 
and, in falling back, destroyed bridges, and placed every 
obstruction in the way of the advancing enemy. On the 
next day he continued at Little Chazy. On the sixth he 
was to advance in two columns, on two distinct routes. 
About one thousand men, regulars and militia, with two 
pieces of artillery, marched to check the right column. 
To oppose the left column, Colonel Appling, with his rifle • 
men, was to co-operate with a detachment of two hundred 
men, already in the advance, with two field pieces, stationed 
near a bridge at Dead Creek, prepared to defend the pass. 
To avoid this pass, which was by nature advantageously 
situated for defence, a road was ordered to be cut through 
the woods by Major-General Brisbane, but circumstances 
rendered necessary the withdrawal of the troops at the 
Creek. Colonel Williams, who had penetrated the woods, 
met the troops under Colonel Appling, who, having poured 
a brisk fire into the enemy's line, retreated in good order. 
The other detachment, ordered to oppose the right column, 
was also compelled to fall back, and crossed the bridge of 
the Saranac, and rejoined the main army. 

On the same day, General Macomb, with his Staff, took 
post at the junction of two roads leading into Plattsburgh, 
that he might the better regulate the motions of his 
retreating forces. Gunboats were also stationed on the 
flats, to annoy the enemy on his march, but they were 
finally compelled to rejoin the squadron. Having retired 
behind the Saranac, the American troops took up the 
planks of the bridges, which were then used as defences 
for the detachments posted near them. 

All the stratagems of war were now brought into action 
to deceive the enemy, and produce a falseimpression of 
our strength. The mental and physical energies of officers 
and men were employed in strengthening the works, and 
preventing a surprise. So far as time permitted, the works 
were made defensible, and nothing left to the chances of 



442 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

war, which the most unremitting vigilance and activity 
could accomplish. 

Believing that the works could not be taken by assault, 
nor reduced by a siege, before he would be succoured by 
the gallantry of his countrymen, Macomb rested in full 
confidence as to the final result of the conflict. He judg- 
ed correctly, for volunteers and militiamen soon came 
into camp in considerable numbers. They were patriotic, 
but inexperienced, and mostly undisciplined troops. The 
magazines supplied them with arms and munitions of 
war. The General presented them his thanks for thus 
coming to his relief, in the face of so powerful an enemy, 
and gratefully accepted their offer of services. 

The manner in which he purposed to use these recruits 
was that of guerillas. They were to choose their own 
leaders, act in small parties, fall on the enemy any where, 
attack the pickets night and day, harass him in flank and 
rear, pick up stragglers, and gain information, and in fact 
to act independently, but resolutely, as partisans. Provi- 
sion and ammunition were provided at different points, to 
which they could resort for supplies. They were to avoid 
the strong holds of the enemy, but to fall on him should 
our works be attacked. Should he attempt to cross the 
river, they were to annoy his march, and throw every 
possible obstacle to prevent him from passing the fords. 

The directions given to these recruits were faithfully 
followed, and daily skirmishes ensued, while the artillery 
incessantly played on the works erected by the British. 
On the 10th, Macomb learned that the enemy would 
make a general attack on the next day, and that twelve 
hundred scaling ladders were provided for the storming 
parties. Presuming that he was surrounded by spies 
under the appearance of militiamen, he gave out that Ge- 
neral Izard's army was at hand, waiting only the crossing 
of the British army to move up and attack it ; that 
more than ten thousand militia were in the woods, and 
that double the number would join them by the next day. 
These fellows, at night, were seen to pass over the Sara- 
nac into the enemy's camp, carrying, no doubt, the in- 
spiring intelligence, with which Macomb had filled them. 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 443 

At this juncture, Macomb conceived an idea of reta- 
king the American fleet, in case it should be captured. He 
had the control of a number of small boats. These were 
ranged under the banks, ready to receive from six to 
eight hundred men. After a severe action the fleet would 
be crippled, the men fatigued and intoxicated, find to 
board with fresh troops, would probably lead to an easy 
victory. It was well conceived, and the situation of the 
squadron, after its defeat, is a proof that it might have 
been accomplished, under a change of circumstances. 

A battery of two twelve pounders had been planted on 
Crab Island, which was served by invalids in the hospi- 
tals, under command of Surgeon Mann, for the protection 
of the left flank of our squadron. The British galleys in- 
tended to operate against that flank, were beaten off in the 
attack, and a sloop of ten guns driven on the rocks, and 
captured. ■ 

Being convinced that the attack would be made on the 
south front of the works, Macomb caused the roads and 
avenues leading in that direction to be planted with ever- 
greens, and the fallen leaves were strewed over the 
ground, to hide every appearance of a road ; while other 
roads were opened leading towards Salmon river. On 
the old road, into which the new ones led, a field piece 
was planted, under Lieutenant Sumpter, of the artillery, to 
await the march of the enemy. 

At day break on the 11th, the whole British camp was 
in motion. The troops were all under arms, and their 
fleet was descried abreast of Cumberland Head, and was 
soon seen in the bay of Plattsburgh. The land and water 
batteries were opened at the same instant, and the conflict 
between fleet and fleet, army and army, was soon gene- 
ral. The British made a demonstration before the Ameri- 
can works, merely to amuse, while the assaulting columns 
were marching to the place of their destination. But the 
false roads had deceived the assailants, till, after march- 
ing five miles out of their way, they received a very un- 
expected fire from the field piece under Lieutenant Sump- 
ter. The militia and volunteers had already harassed 
them on the march ; they were fatigued by carrying the 



444 * GLORY OF AMERICA. 

scaling ladders ; involved in the labyrinths of a wood 
which was thronged with sharpshooters — their burdens 
were dropped, and those in the rear made their escape, 
rather than to share the fate of the van, which was near- 
ly all destroyed or captured. By this time, the contest on 
the lake was decided, and at sunset, the noise of battle 
had ceased between the armies. 

The Governor-General retreated ; and scattered equi- 
page, abandoned wagons, broken carriages, and straggling 
plunderers, were theWidences which sealed the fate of the 
mighty enterprise. The wounded were left in charge of 
a hospital surgeon, with a note, recommending them to 
the humanity of the conquerors. 

Thus closed the invasion of Platisburgh, its siege and 
attack, by sixteen thousand Wellington invincibles, who 
retreated from fifteen hundred American regulars, aided 
by militia and volunteers, unskilled in the use of arms, 
but for the destruction of game, and ignorant of the art of 
war. 

The whole history of Macomb, from boyhood to the 
moment of this splendid achievement, unties the gordian 
knot of the 'mystery ho w this battle was won, and a victo- 
ry so complete was accomplished. The science of war 
was his constant study, his daily occupation. His skill 
was matured by deep thought on the stratagems particu- 
larly required by one who dared to meet an enemy of 
such superior numbers. His science measured lances 
against the commander who depended on a dead weight 
of physical forces, and mind conquered matter. By the 
deception of the roads, the enemy missed the point of at- 
tack. Lost in the woods, they were the victims of marks- 
men, and a prey to ambush — they were cut off in detach- 
ments by the harassing mode of warfare which he con- 
stantly pursued. Their batteries were destroyed by night, 
and they were deceived by their own spies. The shouts 
of soldiers which simultaneously rent the air— the manner 
of mounting guard, and countermarching his men for a 
military display, gave the appearance of large re-enforce- 
ments, and numerous garrisons. 

After the victory, the militia and volunteers were 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 445 

honourably and thankfully dismissed to their homes, and 
the papers throughout the Union noticed the actors in 
this glorious event with well merited eulogy. Resolutions 
of public thanks were voted to Macomb, his fellow-offi- 
cers, and men, and New York voted him a sword, which 
was presented by Governor Tompkins, and he,was re- 
quested to sit for his portrait to be added to its gallery of 
patriots. Congress resolved that a gold medal should be 
struck, in honour of his triumph. 

He remained at the head of the command which he 
had so gallantly led, and continued at Plattsburgh. The 
sufferers in this border war were soon relieved from its 
vexations, by an arrangement between General Macomb 
and General Sir Thomas Brisbane, by which the inhabi- 
tants on both sides of the line, were enabled to pursue, 
unmolested, their usual occupations, enjoying all for which 
neutrals could ask. 

After this conflict, which resulted so gloriously for the 
interests of our government and people, war seemed to 
have taken a new aspect. In the intercourse of the offi- 
cers, and in the conduct of opposing pickets, a sort of for- 
bearance and uniform courtesy was observed. Individual 
affrays, and the barbarities of savage warfare, such as 
shooting sentinels, was totally abolished. Mutual acts of 
kindness, which, carried out to their full bearing, would 
totally abolish war and all its horrors, were now prac- 
tised between the officers and soldiers of the respective 
armies. Did our limits permit, we could give the benefi- 
cial tendency of these conciliatory dispositions, and name 
the acts which were the consequence of this reciprocal 
courtesy. We name but one. The servant of a British 
Adjutant stole the charger, money, and clothing of his 
master, and brought them into the American camp. They 
were returned to the enemy's camp by a flag, borne by 
Lieutenant Riley. While nobly performing this duty, an 
American deserter, who had stolen the horse of General 
Macomb, brought him into the British camp ; where he 
was recognised by the Lieutenant, and as honourably re- 
stored by the British commander. 

During the suspension of hostilities, General Macomb 
33 



446 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

visited New- York city and Belleville, in New- Jersey; On 
this visit, he was at almost every place of note, the reci- 
pient of congratulations which demonstrated the regard 
of th<5 magistracy and the people. But his tarry in the 
scenes of domestic peace and enjoyment was brief. News 
arrived that Pittsburgh was to be the theatre of another 
attack, He speedily returned, with authority to call for 
assistance on all the regular troops, not immediately want- 
ed for other specific purposes, who were east of New- 
York and the Lake. The militia and volunteers were 
also placed under his command. Troops daily arrived, 
the discipline duly improved, and the works strengthen- 
ed, in anticipation of the expected attack. But the news 
that a treaty of peace had been signed, arrived in time to 
prevent a further effusion of blood. A suspension of hos- 
tilities was ordered by the President, and General Macomb 
conveyed the joyful tidings to Sir George by a flag of 
truce, and the war terminated. 

The peace establishment was settled at ten thousand. 
Four brigadiers were retained in the service, Macomb, Pup- 
ley, Scott, and Gaines, of whom General Macomb was the 
senior. The troops enlisted for the term of the war were 
then discharged, and Macomb repaired to Washington, to 
assist in the organization of a peace establishment. In the 
distribution of" the various commands, Macomb was as- 
signed to the third military department in the northern 
division. Subsequently, however, his head quarters were 
removed to Detroit, and he commanded the fifth military 
department. This was certainly a gratifying incident, 
His absence had been long, and his life had been one of 
hardship, toil, and adventure, when he returned to the 
scenes of his juvenile years. He was received with evi- 
dent manifestations of satisfaction. 

The unfortunate surrender of this frontier fortress, at 
the opening of the contest with Great Britain, was the pre- 
lude to Indian incursions. The territory had been swept 
with the besom of destruction. To bring order from chaos, 
and symmetry and beauty from confusion and deformity, 
were the tasks assigned him; and the result evinced a 
mind capable of their accomplishment- His forces were 



ALEXANDER MACOMB. 447 

so disposed as to keep the savage bands in awe. Various 
military posts were put in a state of defence, and garri- 
soned. Roads were constructed, public edifices built, and 
arsenals established. Citizens returned to their dwellings, 
trade and agriculture flourished, and general improvement 
was rapidly on the advance. As a token of gratitude which 
should continue the remembrance of his services to after 
generations, his name was given to one of the territorial 
counties. 

In June, 1821, the army was reduced, when he returned 
to the seat of government, as head of the engineer depart- 
ment. When his intended removal was announced, a 
general meeting of the citizens was called, when the pre- 
sidential office was filled by the territorial governor. An 
address was voted, and a piece of plate presented him in 
the name of the citizens. All classes, without respect to 
sect or party, bade him an affectionate adieu, with the 
liveliest tokens of esteem. 

On the decease of his consort, during the year of his re- 
turn, the general sent for his aged father and mother, then 
residing in New York, who had been reduced from affluence 
to poverty. He received them under bis own roof, and 
subsequently enjoyed the satisfaction, which none but a 
grateful son can appreciate, of discharging in some degree 
those obligations, which can never be entirely cancelled, by 
placing them in a situation of comfortable competency. 

In February, 1828, Major General Brown, till then com- 
mander-in-chief of the army, deceased. From the position 
which Macomb occupied, as head of the engineer depart- 
ment, he had not, since he quitted his command on the 
Canadian frontier, been before tire public eye, in the capa- 
city of a military commander ; but was rather regarded as 
a labourer for the public benefit in the occupations of 
peace — even while in the act of preparing the country to 
resist hostile aggressions, and superintending the academy 
in which warriors are trained. But, after well consider- 
ing the subject, the President nominated him to the Senate, 
as successor to General Brown. The nomination was 
confirmed, and he became General-in-chief of the army of 
the United States, 



449 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

In examining the long and honourable military career 
of General Macomb, the fact is worthy of remark, that we 
learn nothing of his engagement in the too common prac- 
tice of duelling. Nor is it less remarkable, that in what- 
ever place he was stationed, he paid the most marked 
respect to the magistracy, and the civil law. No public 
functionary — no private citizen, had occasion to complain 
of violated rights, or impaired interests. His sword was 
drawn in defence of the public good, of justice, and inno- 
cence ; not for their subversion, or injury. 

Perhaps no station in life is so fertile in the production 
of tyrants, as that of a commander in the army or navy. 
The boasted escutcheon of our national glory has already 
accumulated its sombre shades and indelible spots. Yet" 
has the character of Alexander Macomb passed the ordeal 
of public scrutiny, without suffering from an accusation 
of despotic rule, or tarnishing his fame by acts of injustice 
or cruelty. As a private citizen, he is said to be amiable, 
as he is great in the profession of arms. Exemplary in 
the social relations of husband, father, son, and friend, he 
is not known to have a personal enemy, and certainly not 
to have deserved one. In conversation and manners, he is 
such as might be expected from one of his quick percep- 
tions, and good opportunities. 

Should the reader be inquisitive as to his size, appear- 
ance and habits, he may be gratified to learn that the 
General is more than five feet nine inches high, and well 
proportioned, having a pleasant countenance, a mild blue 
eye, indicating much intellect and benevolence. He has 
an excellent constitution, enjoys good health, and drinks 
— no intoxicating liquors. 

The battle of Plattsburgh is the best commentary on his 
military character. 



449 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 



The "Hero of Lake Erie," was born at Newport, 
Rhode-Island, in August, 1785. In the disturbance be- 
tween France and the United States, daring the ad- 
ministration of President Adams, his father, Christopher 
Raymond Perry, commanded the United States' sloop of 
war General Greene, on board of which, in 1798. young 
Perry entered as a midshipman, under the immediate eye 
of his parent. He was, soon after, ordered to the squad- 
ron destined for the Mediterranean, in which he served 
daring the Tripoline war. After affairs were adjusted 
with that regency, the tranquil state of tilings threw him 
into the vale" of obscurity, until 1810, when he was ad- 
vanced to the rank of Lieutenant-commandant, and was 
ordered to take charge of the United States' schooner Re- 
venge, and to cruise in Long-Island sound, for the purpose 
of enforcing an observance of the Embargo law. 

In the following spring, he lost his vessel on Watch-hill 
reef, during the existence of a thick fog. He used every 
possible exertion to save the guns and property and par- 
tially succeeded. A court of inquiry, instituted at his own 
desire, not only exonerated him from blame, but applaud- 
ed his zeal, which was seconded by a complimentary let- 
ter from the Secretary of the Navy. 

Shortly after his return to Newport, he was married to 
Miss Mason, daughter of Dr. Mason, and niece of Christo- 
pher Champlin, Esq. one of the Senators from Rhode- 
Island in the Congress of the United States. 

He took charge of the flotilla of gun-boats stationed in 
the harbour of New- York, early in 1S12. with the rank of 
Master-commandant. Here he remained about a year, 
disciplining his crews. As war had begun its ravages 
between Great Britain and the United States, he sought a 
more active sphere ; and, at his own request, he was 
transferred to the service on the Lakes. 
38* 



450 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

In pursuance of this disposition of his services, he re- 
paired with a reinforcement of seamen to Sackett's Har- 
bour, on Lake Ontario, to act under Commodore Chaun- 
cey. The transportation of the seamen from the sea-board 
to the harbour, from its novelty to the sons of Neptune, 
afforded them the highest amusement, particularly as it 
was a "land cruise" in the depth of winter. 

After remaining at Sackett's Harbour some time, Com- 
modore Chauncey despatched Perry to take charge of the 
squadron then fitted and fitting out on Lake Erie, and to 
hasten their equipments. At this time, the British fleet on 
that lake was commanded by Captain Barclay, an officer 
of high standing, rank, and skill, who had seen much ser- 
vice, and whose force was of superior strength to the 
American squadron. 

Perry pursued his object unmolested by the enemy, 
who was continually hovering about the harbour. Hav- 
ing equipped and manned his" vessels, he buoyed them 
over the bar, on which was only five feet water, at the 
harbour's mouth of the port of Erie, on the 4th of August, 
1813. The enemy were peaceable spectators of the scene. 
The next day he sailed in pursuit of them, and returned 
to port on the 8 h, without accomplishing his object. The. 
day following lie was re-enforced by several officers and 
eighty seamen under Lieutenant Elliot, which gave his 
squadron a full complement. He again sailed on the 
12th, on a cruise, and on the 15th arrived at Sandusky 
bay, in from of an encamj ment of the American army, 
commanded by General Harrison. Thence he proceeded 
to cruise off Maiden, and the British commander thought 
proper to hug his force for protection, close under the 
guns of the British fortifications. The inhabitants were 
filled with terror and consternation at the sight of the 
American squadron, and the astonished Indian allies of 
the British crown, urged the British squadron to put to 
sea, and give battle. They, however, were not disposed 
to risk an engagement ; and Perry returned to Sandusky 
bay. 

Nothing of moment happened until the morning of the 
10th of September. The American squadron was then 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRV. 451 

lying at anchor in Pnt-in-Bay, and consisted of brigs Law- 
rence, Commodore Perry, 20 guns ; Niagara, Captain El- 
liot, 20 do. ; Caledonia, Purser M'Grath, 3 do. ; schooners 
Ariel, Lieutenant Packet, 4 do. ; Scorpion, Sailing-Master 
T'hamplin, 2 do. ; Somers, Almy, 2 do. and 2 swivels ; 
Tigress, Lieutenant Conklin, 1 do. ; Porcupine, Midship- 
man G. Senat, 1 do. ; sloop Trippe, Lieutenant Smith, 1 
do. ; in all 54 guns. 

At sunrise they discovered the enemy, and immediately 
got under way and stood for him, with a light wind at 
south-west. The British force consisted of ship Detroit, 
19 guns, 1 on pivot, and 2 howitzers ; Queen Charlotte, 
17 do. 1 on pivot ; schooner Lady Prevost, 13 do. 1 on 
pivot ; brig Hunter, 10 do. ; sloop Little Belt, 3 do. ; 
schooner Cnippeway, 1 do, 2 swivels ; in all G3 guns. 

At 10, A. M. the wind hauled to the south-east, and 
brought our squadron to windward. Commodore Perry 
then hoi- ted his union jack/having for a motto the dying 
words of the valiant Lawrence, "Don't give up the ship !" 
It was received with repeated cheerings by the officers 
and crews. And now, having formed his line, he bore for 
the enemy ; who likewise cleared for action, and hauled 
up his courses. As the hostile squadrons approached 
ea'ch other, suddenly a bugle was sounded from on board 
the enemy's ship Detroit, and loud huzzas immediately 
burst forth from all their crews. 

As soon as the Lawrencr came within the reach of the 
enemy's long gi ns, they opened a heavy lire upon her, 
which, from the shortness of her guns, she was unable to 
return. Perry, without waiting for his schooners, kept on 
his course, which induced the enemy to suppose it was 
his intention to board. In a few minutes, having gained 
a nearer position, he opened his fire. The length of the 
enemy': guns, however, gave them greatly the advantage, 
and the Lawrence was excessively cut up without being 
able to do any great damage in return. Their shot pierc- 
ed her sides in all directions, killing the men on the berth 
deck and in the steerage, where they had been taken 
down to be dressed. One shot had nearly produced a fa- 
tal explosion ; passing through the light room, it knocked 



A$2 GLORY OF AMERK A. 

the smiir of the candle into the magazine ; fortunately 

the gunner happened to see it, and had the presence of 
mind to extinguish it immediately with his hand. 

Their heaviest tire was directed at the Lawrence, and 
Perry finding the hazard of his situation; made sail, and 
directed the other vessels to follow for the purpose of clo- 
sing with the foe. The tremendous fire, however, to 
which he was exposed, soon cut away every brace and 
bowline, and the Lawrence became unmanageable. 

Even in this disastrous plight, she sustained the action 
for upwards of two hours, within canister distance, though 
for a great part of the time the Lawrence could not get 
more than three guns to bear upon her antagonist. " It 
was admirable to behold the perfect order and regularity 
that prevailed among her valiant and devoted crew, 
throughout this scene of horror. No trepidation, no con- 
fusion occurred, even for an instant ; as fast as the men 
were wounded, they were carried below, and others stept 
into their places; the dead remained where they fell until 
after the action. At this juncture the fortune of the battle 
trembled on a point, and the enemy believed the day their 
own. The 1 /:\ wrence was reduced to a mere wreck ; her 
decks were streaming with blood, and covered with man- 
gled limbs and the bodies of the slain ; nearly the whole 
of her crew was either killed or wounded ; her guns were 
dismounted, and the Commodore and his officers helped 
to work the last gun that was capable of being used. 

Finding tbe Lawrence was incapable of further service, 
he gave his vessel in charge to Lieutenant Yarnall, who 
had already distinguished himself by his bravery, and 
hauled down his union, bearing the motto of Lawrence, 
and taking it under his arm, ordered it to be put on board 
of -the Niagara, which was then in close engagement. In 
leaving the Lawrence, he gave his pilot choice either to 
remain on board, or accompany him; the pilot replied, 
" he'd stick by him to the last," and jumped into the boat. 
Perry went off from the ship standing up in the stern of 
the boat, until the crew absolutely pulled him down 
among them. Broadsides were levelled at him, and small 
arms discharged by the enemy, two of whose vessels were 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 453 

within musket shot, and a third one nearer. His ship- 
mates who remained behind, stood watching him, in anxi- 
ety ; the balls struck around him and flew over his head 
in every direction ; and they beheld with transport his 
flag hoisted at the mast-head of the Niagara. JNo sooner 
was he on board, than Captain Elliot volunteered to put 
off in a boat and bring into action the schooners which 
had been kept astern by light wind ; the offer was accept- 
ed, and Elliot left the Niagara to put it in execution. 

About this time the flajj of the Lawrence came down. 
The event was unavoidable ; she had sustained the whole 
fury of the enemy, and was rendered incapable of de- 
fence ; and further show of resistance would but have 
proved most useless and cruel carnage among the relics 
of her brave and mangled crew. The enemy, however, 
were not able to take possession of her, and subsequent 
circumstances enabled her again to hoist her flag. 

Commodore Perry now made signal for close action, 
and the small vessels put out their" sweeps and made all 
sail. Finding that the Niagara was but little injured, he 
determined, if possible, to break the enemy's line. He ac- 
cordingly bore up, and passed ahead of the two ships and 
brig, giving them a raking fire from his starboard guns, 
and also to a large schooner and sloop from his larboard 
side, about half pistol shot distance. Having passed the 
whole squadron, he luffed up and laid his ship along side 
the British Commodore. The smaller vessels, under the 
direction of Captain Elliot, having, in the mean time, 
come within grape and canister distance, and keeping up 
a well-directed fire, the whole of the enemy struck, except- 
ing two small vessels, which attempted to escape, but were 
afterwards taken. 

The engagement lasted about three hours, and never 
was victory more decisive and complete. The captured 
squadron, as has been shown, exceeded ours in weight of 
metal and number of guns. Their crews were also more 
numerous ; the Americans were a motley collection, 
where were some good seamen, but mixed with soldiers, 
volunteers, and boys, and many were on the sick list. 
More prisoners were taken than 'we had men to guard. 



454 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

The loss on both sides was severe. Scarcely any of the 
Lawrence's crew escaped unhurt. Among those slain, 
was Lieutenant Brooks of the marines, a gay and elegant 
young officer, full of spirit, of amiable manners, and re- 
markable for his personal beauty. Lieutenant Yarnall, 
though repeatedly wounded, refused to quit the deck, du- 
ring the whole of the action. Commodore Perry, not- 
withstanding he was continually in the most exposed 
situations of the battle, escaped uninjured ; he wore an 
ordinary seaman's dress, which, perhaps, prevented him 
from being picked off by the enemy's sharp-shooters. He 
had a younger brother with him on beard the Lawrence, 
as midshipman, who was equally fortunate in receiving 
no injury, though his shipmates fell all around him. 
Two Indian chiefs had been stationed in the tops of the 
Detroit, but when the action became warm, so panic 
struck were they with the terrors of the scene, and the 
strange perils that surrounded them, that they fled preci- 
pitately to the hold of the ship, where they were found 
after the battle in a state of utter consternation. The bo- 
dies of several other Indians were said to have been found 
the next day on the shores of the lake, supposed to have 
been slain during the engagement and thrown overboard. 
The loss of the British in killed and wounded, was esti- 
mated at one hundred and sixty, and that of the Ameri- 
cans at one hundred and twenty-three. On board the 
British fleet, the Captain and first Lieutenant of the Queen 
( Jharlotte were killed. Commodore Barclay, of the Lady 
Prevost, was severely wounded, and lost his hand. He, 
however, did himself honour by the brave and obstinate 
resistance which he made. He was a fine looking officer, 
then about thirty-six years old. He had seen much ser- 
vice, having been desperately wounded in the battle of 
Trafalgar, and afterwards losing an arm in another en- 
gagement with the French. In the present battle he was 
twice carried below, on account of his wounds, and had 
the misfortune to have his remaining hand shot away. 
While below, the second time, his officers came down and 
told him that they must strike, as the ships were cut to 
pieces, and the men could not be kept to their guns. Coin- 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 455 

modore Barclay was then carried on deck, and after taking 
a view of their situation, and finding all chance of success 
was over, reluctantly gave orders to strike. 

In the course of the .action, Perry noticed a prime and 
favourite sailor, who was Captain of one of the guns, very 
much embarrassed with his piece, which, in consequence 
of the firelock being broken, was rather unmanageable and 
rebounded. Perry approached him, and in an encourag- 
ing manner, asked him, " what is the matter ?" The 
honest tar, who had been showing signs of great vexa- 
tion, turned round, and, as if speaking of a mistress, ex- 
claimed reproachfully, " Sir, my gun behaves shameful- 
ly !" He then levelled, and having taken aim, raised up 
and squared himself, when suddenly a cannon ball struck 
him in the breast, passed through him, and he fell dead 
without a groan ! 

Lieutenant Yarnall, of the Lawrence, behaved through- 
out with great bravery and coolness. He was dressed as 
a common seaman, a red bandana handkerchief was tied 
round his neck, and another round his head, to stanch 
two wounds which he had received. From these, the 
blood trickled down his face ; and a splinter having passed 
through his nose it had swelled to a hideous magnitude. 
In this frightful plight, looking like the veiy genius of 
carnage and ill-luck, he came up to Perry, in the hottest 
and bloodiest of the fight, and announced to him that all 
the officers of his division were killed. Perry ordered 
others into their places. Shortly after, Yarnall returned, 
with a repetition of the dismal tidings that all the officers 
were shot down ! Then, sir, said Perry, you must en- 
deavour to make out by yourself, I have no more to fur- 
nish you, 

Soon after the victory on Lake Erie, the President of 
the United States appointed Oliver II. Perry to the rank of 
Captain in the Navy. 

The Commodore was presented with the freedom of the 
cities of New York and Albany. 

The thanks of Congress were voted to the Commodore, 
his officers, seamen, and marines ; and medals were pre- 
sented to him and his officers. 



456 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

The thanks of the Senate of Pennsylvania, with medals, 
also were voted to the Commodore, and those brave men 
who served under him. 

Rejoicings, illuminations, and bonfires, were exhibited 
through all parts of the United States. 

The capture of the British fleet removed the chief ob- 
struction to the capture of Maiden ; and General Harrison 
made dispositions to avail himself of it. Boats were col- 
lected, and troops assembled. Governor Shelby arrived 
on the 17th of September, at the mouth of Portage river, 
with about four thousand volunteers. General M' Arthur 
joined the army within three days after, with his brigade 
from fort Meigs. On the 21st, the embarkation of troops 
commenced. Put-in-bay Island was the place of rendez- 
vous. Commodore Perry's fleet, including the captured 
vessels, were engaged in protecting and assisting the men 
and boats, as well as in conveying stores and baggage. 
The army again embarked on board the fleet and boats 
at Put-in-bay, on the 25th, and arrived the same evening 
at the Eastern Sister, a small island about sixteen miles 
from Maiden. Here the expedition was detained some 
time by bad weather, during which time, a reconnoisance 
of the enemy's coast was made by General Harrison, and 
Commodore Perry ; a despatch was also sent to apprize 
Colonel Johnson of their movements, who, with his 
mounted rangers, was to co-operate in the reduction oi 
Maiden. 

On the 27th, the army embarked at the Eastern Sister, 
and landed near Maiden, in excellent order. The enemy 
having previously evacuated the town, it was entered by 
the Americans without opposition. 

After the capture of Maiden, Perry acted as a volunteer 
aid to General Harrison, in his pursuit of the British, on 
the river Thames, and was present at the battle of Mora- 
vian town, on the fifth of October. When the British 
presented a formidable force for the invasion of Maryland 
and Virginia, and proceeded to the conflagration of the 
public works, at the city of Washington, he commanded a 
body of seamen and marines on the Potomac. He was, 
afterwards, appointed to command the Java frigate, built 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 457 

at Baltimore ; and after the conclusion of peace with 
Great Britain, sailed, in 1815, as one of the squadron un- 
der Commodore Decatur, sent to the Mediterranean to set- 
tle affairs between the United States and Algiers. While 
in that sea, some difference arose between him and Mr. 
Heath, commandant of marines on board his ship. This 
difference resulted in a duel, in which Commodore Deca- 
tur was second to Commodore Perry, though convinced 
that his principal was the aggressor. After an exchange 
of shots, Decatur interposed, and prevented farther hosti- 
lities. But the affair led to a court-martial, the result of 
which subjected both these officers to a private reprimand 
from Commodore Chauncey. Captain Heath not being 
appeased, laid his grievances before the public in a pam- 
phlet, after his return to the United States, and was about 
the same time appointed to a Consulate by the govern- 
ment. Perry returned with the squadron to the United 
States. 

Not long after the close of the contest with Great Bri- 
tain, the Commodore sailed as commander of a squadron 
to cruise in the West Indian seas. Before entering a port, 
he died on board his ship, of the prevailing fever. He 
was honourably interred on shore. By order of our go- 
vernment, his remains were disinterred, brought to Rhode 
Island, and again interred, at Newport, the place of his 
birth. A plain monument is erected to his memory, with 
a simple inscription. Having written in vain for the in- 
formation relative to more minute particulars, this sketch 
is closed by that which supersedes both eulogy and epi- 
taph — that which will descend to posterity long as the 
victory on Lake Erie shall be remembered — his laconic 
despatch after that event — " We have met the enemy, and 
they are ours." 
39 



45S GLORY OF AMERICA; 



JACOB JONES. 



Jacob Jones was born in Kent county, Delaware; 
about tbe year 1770. His fatber was a respectable far- 
mer. His mother, whose maiden name was Jones, was 
an amiable and interesting woman. She died while he 
was yet an infant. His father again married with a 
young lady, named Holt, grand daughter to the honoura- 
ble Ryves Holt, formerly Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court of Delaware. Shortly after this second marriage, 
his father died, when this his only child was scarcely four 
years of age. It was his good fortune to be left under tbe 
care of a kind step-mother. By her he was nurtured from 
infancy to manhood, with maternal care and tenderness. 
At an early age, he was placed at school, and his profi- 
ciency in learning was equai to her most anxious wishes; 
After becoming well acquainted with the general branch- 
es of an English education, he was transferred to a gram- 
mar school at Lewes, in Sussex county, conducted by 
Doctor Matthew Wilson. Under his direction he read 
the classics with much assiduity, and became well ac- 
quainted with the Latin and Greek languages. In the 
geographical lessons he continually bore off the palm, and 
received repeated proofs of approbation from his precep- 
tor. At the age of eighteen, he left Lewes Academy, and 
commenced the study of physic and surgery, under Doc- 
tor Sykes, an eminent physician and surgeon of Dover, 
in Kent county. With him he diligently prosecuted his 
studies during four years, after which he attended the 
usual courses of medical lectures of the University of 
Pennsylvania, and then returned to Dover to commence 
the exercise of his profession. 

He did not, however, continue long in the practice. 
Discouraged by the scanty employment which is com- 
monly the lot of the young physician, and impatient of an 



JACOB JONES. 



450 



inactive life, lie determined to abandon the profession, and 
seek some more productive occupation. This resolution 
was a matter of much regret among the elder physicians. 
They entertained a high opinion of his medical acquire- 
ments, and considered him as promising to become a dis- 
tinguished and skilful member of their body. Governor 
Clayton, who was an eminent physician, seeing that he 
was fixed in his determination, conferred on him the 
clerkship of the Supreme Court of Delaware for Kent 
county. 

In this office he continued for some time, but the seden- 
tary nature of its duties was uncongenial with his health 
and habits ; he longed to mingle in more active scenes, 
and, consequently entered a midshipman, in the year 
1799, when the disturbance with France took place. He 
was then almost twenty-nine years of age, highly respect- 
ed for the solidity of his understanding, and his varied ac- 
quirements. His friends were dissatisfied at seeing him 
take a retrograde step in life, and accepting a grade which 
is generally allotted to boys and striplings. It was in vain, 
however, to remonstrate against his resolve, from which, 
once formed, he never deviated. Determined on embra- 
cing the profession, he had weighed all its inconveniences 
and sacrifices, and had resolved to encounter and sur- 
mount them all. His friends could only console them- 
selves with the reflection, that, if courage, activity, and 
hardihood, could ensure naval success, Jones was pecu- 
liarly fitted for the life he had embraced. 

The first cruises which he made, were under the late 
Commodore Barry, from whom he derived much instruc- 
tion in the theory and practice of his profession, and ex- 
perienced the utmost kindness and civility. He was a 
midshipman on board the frigate United States, when she 
bore to France Chief Justice Ellsworth and General Da- 
vie, as Envoys Extraordinary to the French Republic. 
He was next on board of the Ganges as midshipman, and 
during the whole intervening period between his appoint- 
ment and the war with Tripoli, he was sedulously em- 
ployed in obtaining that nautical skill for which he was 
celebrated. 



460 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

On the breaking out of the war with Tripoli, he was 
stationed on board of the frigate Philadelphia, under the 
command of Commodore Bainbridge. Twenty months 
of severe captivity among a barbarous people, neither 
broke his spirit nor impaired his constitution. When re- 
lieved from bondage by the bravery of his countrymen, he 
returned home full of life and ardour. He was soon after 
promoted to a lieutenancy. This grade he had merited 
before his confinement in Tripoli, but older warrant offi- 
cers had stood in the way of his preferment. 

He was now for some time employed on the New Or- 
leans station, where he conducted himself with judgment 
and propriety. He was shortly afterwards appointed to 
the command of the brig Argus, stationed for the protec- 
tion of our commerce on the Southern maritime frontier. 
In this situation he acted with vigilance and fidelity, and ' 
though at one time insidious suggestions were circulated 
to the contrary, it has appeared that he conformed to his 
instructions, promoted the public interest, and gave entire 
satisfaction to the government. 

In 1811, Captain Jones was transferred by the Secreta- 
ry of the Navy to the command of the sloop of war Wasp, 
mounting eighteen twenty-four pound carronades, and 
was despatched, in the spring of 1812, with communica- 
tions from our government to its ministers at the courts of 
St. Cloud and St. James. Before he returned, war had 
been declared by the United States against Great Britain. 
Captain Jones refitted his ship with all possible despatch, 
and repaired to sea on a cruise, in which he met with no 
other luck than the capture of an inconsiderable prize. — 
He again put to sea on the 13th of October, and on the 
18th of the month, after a long and heavy gale, he fell in 
with a number of strongly armed merchantmen, under 
convoy of his Britannic Majesty's sloop of war the Frolic, 
Captain Whinyates. 

As this engagement has been one of the most decidedly 
honourable to the American flag, from the superior force 
of the enemy ; and as the British writers, in endeavouring 
to account for our successes, and to undervalue our vic- 
tories, have studiously passed this battle in silence, and 



JACOB JONKft. 



461 



seemed anxious to elbow it into oblivion, tbis occasion is 
taken to republish a full and particular account of it, 
which we have every reason to believe is scrupulously 
correct : — 

A heavy swell was in the sea, and the weather was 
boisterous. The topgallant-yards of the Wasp were taken 
down, her topsails were close reefed, and she was pre- 
pared for action. About 11 o'clock, the Frolic showed 
Spanish colours, and the Wasp immediately displayed the 
American ensign and pennant. At thirty-two minutes 
past eleven, the Wasp came down to windward on her 
larboard side, within about sixty yards, and hailed. The 
enemy hauled down the Spanish colours, hoisted the Bri- 
tish ensign, and opened a lire of cannon and musketry. 
Tbis the Wasp instantly returned ; and coming nearer to 
the enemy, the action became close, and without intermis- 
sion. In four or five minutes, the maintopmast of the 
Wasp was shot away, and, falling down with the main- 
topsail-yard across the larboard fore and fore-topsail bra- 
ces, rendered' her head yards unmanageable during the 
rest of the action. In two or three minutes more, her 
gaft and mizen-topgallant-sail were shot away. Still she 
continued a close and constant fire. The sea was so 
rough that the muzzles of tbe Wasp's guns were frequent- 
ly in the water. The Americans, therefore, fired as the 
ship's side was going down, so that their shot went either 
on the enemy's deck or below it, while the English fired 
as the vessel rose, and thus her balls chiefly touched the 
ringing, or were thrown away. The Wasp now shot 
ahead of the Frolic, raked her, and then resumed her po-' 
sition on tbe Frolic's larboard bow. Her fire was now 
obviously attended with such success, and that of the 
Frolic so slackened, that Captain Jones did not wish to 
board her, lest the roughness of the sea might endanger 
both vessels ; but, in the course of a few minutes more, 
every brace of the Wasp was shot away, and her rigging 
so much torn to pieces, that he was afraid that his masts, 
being unsupported, would go by the board, and the Frolic 
be able to escape. He thought, therefore, the best chance 
of securing her was to board, and decide the contest at 
39* 



462 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

once. With this view he wore ship, and running' down 
on the enemy, the vessels struck each other, the Wasp's 
side rubbing along the Frolic's bow, so that her jib-boom 
came in between the main and mizzen rigging of the 
Wasp, directly over the heads of Captain Jones and the 
first Lieutenant, Mr. Biddle, who were at that moment 
standing together near the capstan. The Frolic lay so 
fair for raking, that they decided not to board until they 
had given a closing broadside. Whilst they were load- 
ing for this, so near were the two vessels, that the ram- 
mers of the Wasp were pushed against the Frolic's 
sides, and two of her guns went through the bow ports 
of the Frolic, and swept the whole length of her deck. 
At this moment John Lang, a seaman of the Wasp, a 
gallant fellow who had been once impressed by a British 
man of war, jumped on a gun with his cutlass, and was 
springing on board the Frolic : Captain Jones, wishing to 
fire again before boarding, called him down, but his impe- 
tuosity could not be restrained, and he was already on the 
bowsprit of the Frolic ; when seeing the ardour and en- 
thusiasm of the Wasp's crew, Lieutenant Biddle mounted 
on the hammock cloth to board. At this signal the crew 
followed, but Lieutenant Biddle's feet became entangled 
in the rigging of the enemy's bowsprit, and Midshipman 
Baker, in his ardour to spring on board, laying hold of his 
coat, he fell back on the Wasp's deck. He sprung up, and 
as the next swell of the sea brought the Frolic nearer, he 
mounted her bowsprit, where Lang and another seaman 
were already. He passed them on the forecastle, and was 
surprised at not seeing a single man alive on the Frolic's 
deck, excepting the seamen at the wheel, and three offi- 
cers. The deck was slippery with blood, and strewed 
with the bodies of the dead. As he went forward, the 
Captain of the Frolic, with two other officers who were 
standing on the quarter deck, threw down their swords, 
and made an inclination of their bodies, denoting that they 
had surrendered. At this moment, the colours were still 
flying, as, probably, none of the seamen of the Frolic 
would dare to go into the rigging, for fear of the musketry 
of the Wasp. Lieutenant Biddle, therefore, jumped into 



JACOB JONES. 463 

the rigging, and hanled down the British ensign, and pos- 
session was taken of the Frolic in forty-three minutes after 
the first fire. She was in a shocking condition ; the berth- 
deck, particularly, was crowded with the dead, wounded, 
and dying ; a small proportion of the Frolic's crew only 
had escaped. Captain Jones instantly sent on board his 
surgeon's mate ; and all the blankets of the Frolic were 
brought from her slop-room for the comfort of the wound- 
ed. To increase this confusion, both the Frolic's masts 
soon fell, covering the dead and every thing on deck, and 
she lay a complete wreck. 

It now appeared that the Frolic mounted sixteen thirty- 
two pound carronades, four twelve-pounders on the main- 
deck, and two twelve-pound carronades. She was, there- 
fore, superior to the Wasp, by exactly four twelve-pound- 
ers. The number of men on board, as stated by the 
officers of the Frolic, was one hundred and ten — the 
number of seamen on board the Wasp was one hundred 
and two ; but it could not be ascertained, whether in this 
one hundred and ten, were included the marines and offi- 
cers ; for the Wasp had besides her one hundred and two 
men, officers and marines, making the whole crew about 
on« hundred and thirty-five. What is, however, decisive, 
as to their comparative force, is, that the officers of the 
Frolic acknowledged that they had as many men as they 
knew what to do with them, and in fact the Wasp could 
have spared fifteen men. There was, therefore, on the most 
favourable view, at least an equality of men, and an ine- 
quality of four guns. The disparity of loss was much 
greater. The exact number of killed and wounded on 
board the Frolic could not be precisely determined ; but 
from the observations of our officers, and the declarations 
of those of the Frolic, the number could not be less than 
about thirty killed, including two officers, and of the 
wounded between forty and fifty, the captain and second 
lieutenant being of the number. The Wasp had five men 
killed, and five slightly wounded. 

All hands were now employed in clearing the deck, 
burying the dead, and taking care of the wounded, when 
Captain Jones sent orders to Lieutenant Biddle to proceed 



464 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

to Charleston, or any southern port of the United States ; 
and, as a suspicious sail was seen to windward, the Wasp 
would continue her cruise. The ships then parted. The 
suspicious sail was now coming down very fast. At first 
it was supposed that she was one of the convoy, who had 
all fled during the engagement, and who now came for 
the purpose of attacking the prize. The guns of the Frolic 
were therefore loaded, and the ship cleared for action ; but 
the enemy, as she advanced, proved to be a seventy -four, the 
Poictiers, Captain Beresford. She fired a shot over the Fro- 
lic ; passed her ; overtook the Wasp, the disabled state of 
whose rigging prevented her from escaping ; and then re- 
turned to the Frolic, which could of course make no resist- 
ance. The Wasp and Frolic were carried into Bermuda. 

On the return of Captain Jones to the United States, he 
was every where received with the utmost demonstrations 
of gratitude and admiration. Brilliant entertainments were 
given him in the cities through which he passed. The 
legislature of his native state appointed a committee to 
wait on him with their thanks, and to express the "pride 
and pleasure" they felt in recognising him as a native of 
their state : in the same resolution they voted him an 
elegant piece of plate, with appropriate engravings. The 
Congress of the United States, on motion of Mr. J. A. 
Bayard, of Delaware, appropriated 25,000 dollars, as a 
compensation to Captain Jones and his crew, for the loss 
they sustained by the re-capture of the Frolic. They also 
ordered a gold medal to be presented to the captain, and 
a silver one to each of his officers. 

Various other marks of honour were paid by the legis- 
latures and citizens of different states : but the most sub- 
stantial testimony of approbation which he received, was 
the appointment to the command of the frigate Macedo- 
nian, captured from the British. 

The war having been concluded by the treaty of Ghent, 
a short respite from the thunder of cannon only was left 
him; for in llie summer of 1915, in this ship he sailed 
under Commodore Bainbridge, in the squadron that fol- 
lowed Decatur's to the Mediterranean, to curb the inso- 
Jence of the Dey of Algiers. 



JACOB JONES. 465 

When the squadron arrived in that sea, its officers were 
mortified to find themselves deprived of their expected 
honours, by the treaty previously effected by Decatur with 
that power, and the pacific demeanour of the others before 
its arrival. Taking the circuit of that sea, the squadron, 
finding affairs in a favourable state, returned to the United 
States^ at Newport, Rhode Island, on the 15th of Novem- 
ber, 1815. 

Captain Jones is still in commission, is deemed a first 
rate officer and disciplinarian, and an honour to the Ame- 
rican navy. 



ISAAC HULL 



Was born at Derby, in Connecticut, about ten mites 
from New Haven. After receiving a school education, he 
adopted the profession of a seaman, in which he after- 
wards became master of a vessel. He was in this situation 
at the first establishment of the navy, and, at that time, 
received the appointment of a lieutenant. He always 
ranked high as an excellent seaman ; an attentive and 
vigilant officer. It is only since the declaration of the war 
with Great Britain, that Captain Hull has become an ob- 
ject of public attention by two brilliant exploits; the one 
exhibiting 1 an instance of admirable skill as a seaman, and 

o J 

the other, of his gallantry as an officer. 

Leaving Chesapeake Bay on the 12th of July, 1812, in 
the Constitution, of forty-four guns, he, on the 17th, fell 
close in with a British squadron, consisting of one ship of 
the line, four frigates, a brig and a schooner, the nearest 
frigate within gun shot. It was a dead calm, and the only 
headway to be made was by towing. The enemy at- 
tached all his boats to two frigates, and by so doing, gained 
on the Constitution, so as to bring some of his bow guns 
to bear on her. In this situation they continued all day, the 
Constitution occasionally firing her stern chasers ; and it 



460 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

was not until the next morning that a light breeze enabled 
her to escape from an enemy so much superior in force, 
as to render a contest desperate. The whole chase lasted 
sixty hours, and during all that time the gallant crew 
remained at their stations without a murmur. Nothing 
can evince a more decided superiority of activity and 
skill on the part of the Americans, than this extraordinary 
escape from two frigates, towed by the boats of a squadron 
of seven vessels. It is related on good authority, that the 
enemy himself expressed his admiration of the skill with 
which Captain Hull manoeuvred his vessel, and effected 
his escape. 

The public notice taken of this affair, and the praises 
bestowed on Captain Hull, induced him, on arriving at 
Boston, to insert the following card in the books of the 
Exchange Coffee-House. 

"Captain Hull finding that his friends in Boston are 
correctly informed of his situation, when chased by the 
British squadron off New York, and that they are good 
enough to give him more credit for having escaped it than 
he ought to claim, takes this opportunity of requesting 
them to transfer their good wishes to Lieutenant Morris 
and the other brave officers, and the crew under his com- 
mand, for the very great exertions and prompt attention to 
his orders, while the enemy were in chase. Captain Hull 
lias great pleasure in saying, that notwithstanding the 
length of the chase, and the officers and crew being 
depriyed of sleep, and allowed but little refreshment 
during the time, not a murmur was heard to escape 
them." 

On the nineteenth of August, 1812, Captain Hull, with 
the same vessel, the same officers, and the same crew, fell 
in with a large frigate, which struck to him, after a close 
action of thirty minutes. She proved to be his Majesty's 
ship the Guerriere, rated at thirty-eight guns, and carrying 
fifty; commanded by Captain J. R. ,Dacres, who some 
time before had politely endorsed on the register of a 
merchant ship, an invitation to Captain Hull to give him 
a meeting of this kind. We give the particulars of the 
action in his own words, 



ISAAC HULL. 467 

United States' Frigate Constitution, ) 
off Boston Light, August 30, 1812. \ 
Sir — I have the honour to inform you, that on thd 
19th instant, at two p. m. being in latitude 41° 42' and 
longitude 55° 48', with the Constitution under my com- 
mand, a sail was discovered from the mast-head, bearing 
e. by s. or e. s. e. but at such a distance that we could not 
tell what she was. All sail was instantly made in chase, 
and soon found we came up with her. At three p. m. 
could plainly see that she was a ship on the starboard 
tack, under easy sail, close on a wind ; at half past three 
p. m. made her out to be a frigate ; continued the chase 
until we were within about three miles, when I ordered 
the light sails to be taken in, the courses hauled up, and 
the ship cleared for action. At this time the chase had 
backed his main-top-sail, waiting for us to come down. 
As soon as the Constitution was ready for action, I bore 
down with an intention to bring him to close action imme- 
diately, but on our coming within gunshot, she gave us a 
broadside, and filled away, and wore, giving us a broad- 
side on the other tack, but without effect, her shot falling 
short. She continued wearing and manoeuvring for about 
three quarters of an hour, to get a raking position, but 
finding she could not, she bore up, and run under her 
top-sails and jib, with the wind on the quarter. I imme- 
diately made sail, to bring the ship up with her, and five 
minutes before six, p. m. being along side within half 
pistol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our guns, 
double shotted with round and grape, and so well directed 
were they, and so warmly kept up, that in fifteen minutes 
his mizen-mast went by the board, and his main yard in 
the slings, and the hull, rigging and sails very much torn 
to pieces. The fire was kept up with equal warmth for 
fifteen minutes longer, when his main-mast and fore-mast 
went, taking with them every spar, excepting the bowsprit. 
On seeing this we ceased firing, so that in thirty minutes 
after we got fairly alongside the enemy, she surrendered, 
and had not a spar standing, and her hull below and 
above water so shattered, that a tew more broadsides 
must have carried her down. 



468 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

After informing you that so fine a ship as the Guerriere, 
commanded by an able and experienced officer, had been 
totally dismasted, and otherwise cut to pieces so as to 
make her not worth towing into port, in the short space of 
thirty minutes, you can have no doubt of the gallantry 
and good conduct of the officers and ship's company I 
have the honour to command. It only remains with me 
to assure you, that they all fought with great bravery ; 
and it gives me great pleasure to say, that from the 
smallest boy in the ship, to the oldest seaman, not a look 
of fear was seen. They all went into action, giving three 
cheers, and requesting to be laid close alongside the 
enemy. 

Enclosed I have the honour to send you a list of killed 
and wounded on board the Constitution, and a report 
of the damages she has sustained ; also a list of the killed 
and wounded on board the enemy, with his quarter 
bill, &c. 

I have the honour to be, with very great respect, 
Sir, your obedient servant 

ISAAC HULL. 
The Honourable Paul Hamilton, Esq. 

Return of killed and wounded on board the United 
States' frigate Constitution, Isaac Hull, Esq. Captain, in 
the action with his Majesty's ship Guerriere, James R. 
Dacres, Esq. Captain, on the 20th day of August, 1812. 

Killed. 

William S. Bush, first lieutenant of marines. Jacob 
Sage, Robert Brice, John Brown, James Read, Caleb 
Smith, James Ashford, seamen. 

Wounded. 

Charles Morris, first lieutenant, dangerously. John C» 
Alwyn, master, slightly. Richard Dunn, seaman, danger- 
ously. George Reynolds, Daniel Lewis, Owen Taylor, 
ordinary seamen, dangerously. Francis Mullen, marine, 
slightly. 

Recap (filiation. 

Killed. — One lieutenant of marines, and six seamen — 
Total killed, 7. 



ISAAC HULL. 469 

Wounded. — Two officers, four seamen, and one marine 
— Total wounded, 7. 

Total killed and wounded, 14. 

The loss on board the Guerriere, is stated to be fifteen 
killed, sixty-two wounded, and twenty-four missing. 

After the affair of the Guerriere, Captain Hull was 
employed in superintending the building of a seventy-four 
at Portsmouth, N. H. Captain Hull married a lady of 
Connecticut. He is an able officer, a good disciplinarian, 
and an honour to the American service. 

Soon after the close of the war, Captain Hull was ap- 
pointed Superintendent of the Navy Yard at Boston. He 
was afterwards removed to Philadelphia, and subsequently 
placed in office as Navy Commissioner, at the seat of 
government. His present residence is in Washington 
city, where, we understand from unofficial sources, he is 
now a Navy Yard Superintendent. 



We have already given brief sketches of the heroes of 
the late war, some of whom had " acted well their part" in 
the revolutionary struggle. The following are sketches of 
persons who acted only in the revolution, or in that and the 
French war, which resulted in the conquest, of Canada, 
by the British and Provincials, the latter of whom belong- 
ed to the colonies, which have since become the " United 
States." That these should have a place among these 
biographical notices, is so obvious, that not a syllable of 
apology for their insertion, can by any possibility be re- 
quired. We give the " pith and marrow" of those notices 
which most readily occur. Washington is omitted, for 
the best of reasons — his biography is every where — he is 
well known as " First in war, first in peace, and first in 
the hearts of his countrymen;" 
40 



470 GLORY OF AMERICA. 



JOSEPH WARREN. 



This was the first officer of distinction who immolated 
himself on the altar of freedom, at the dawn of the revo- 
lution, which ended in the recognition of the Indepen- 
dence of the thirteen United States of America, by Great 
Britain. 

The passage of the celebrated Stamp Act, in 1765, 
caused a lively sensation throughout the colonies in re- 
gard to the ulterior views of the British government. 
Dr. Warren, among others, from that period regarded 
every movement of the mother country with a steady eye. 
His active mind embraced a wider range than the limited 
pursuits of his profession, hence we find him foremost on 
every occasion to arrest the progress of usurpation, which 
had made such strides as to induce a number of influen- 
tial men to begin a secret caucus in 1768 at each other's 
habitations, for the discussion of political affairs. The 
ill-judged measures of the British cabinet served only to 
blow into a flame the embers of discontent which a too 
early developement of sinister objects had engendered. 
The discharge of musketry on an unarmed assemblage of 
citizens, on the 5th of March, 1770, by a regular soldiery, 
which caused the death of five Bostonians, was a deplora- 
ble event, that, while it reflected in more glaring reful- 
gence the abuse of power, served only to goad the multi- 
tude to a determined resistance to such encroachments. 

While the crown found but few adherents, excepting 
its immediate dependants, the colonists were divided into 
two parties. The Doctor was among that class of de- 
cided and bold politicians, who contemned the sending of 
reiterated petitions to the Court of St, James, and who 
dreaded not the partial evils of war, while its anticipated 
success would eventuate in lasting benefits to future gene- 
rations. The other party was composed of moderate 



JOSEPH WARREN. 471 

whigs, who depended more on the efficacy of their peti- 
tions, than on 'an early and efficacious use of the physical 
powers which God and nature gave them. They dread- 
ed temporary evil, more than they prized lasting good. 
Hence, the greatest caution and policy became necessary 
to be observed by the members of the caucus, whose ob- 
jects were to unite the temporary murmurings of the mo- 
derates with their own measures of a general opposition. 
The Doctor opposed every sort of taxation which was not 
laid on the governed by the consent of their immediate 
representatives, and was always of opinion that, if the ill- 
fated policy of Britain should lead to acts of open hostility ^ 
the colonics were capable of fighting their own battles. 
His constant declaration was, that we ought to make any 
sacrifice rather than submit to arbitrary power, or be so 
mean and pusillanimous as to tremble at the rods which 
would always be shaken over us. 

The secret caucus was partly composed of men in pub- 
lic office. Its meetings had a silent influence on public 
opinion. In 1772 it was judged advisable to increase its 
number, to invite a number of mechanics to join them, and 
hold a conclave for the public good. Thus constituted, 
they held their first meeting in Boston in a house near 
the North Battery, at which more than sixty persons were 
present. Their regulations were drawn up by Dr. War- 
ren and another gentleman. The Doctor and his select 
friends were consulted on all occasions, such was the esti- 
mation and deference shown to their opinions. Their 
policy led them to call many of the most respectable me- 
chanics together, and always place for Moderator one of 
the most influential of that class of citizens over a number 
of the most respectable whigs who were generally pre- 
sent. 

In the years 1772 and 1775, Doctor Warren was cho- 
sen town orator to commemorate the massacre of the 5th 
of March, 1770. His powers of eloquence on these occa- 
sions were particularly conspicuous, while their publica- 
tion evinced his superior talents in fine composition. 

In 1774 he was chosen a representative from Boston to 
he first provincial Congress of that province ; and that 



472 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

august body evinced the estimation in which they held 
him by electing him to preside in their councils. 

After the destruction of the tea, the place where the se- 
cret committee had steadily met for the two years prece- 
ding, becoming known, and deeming their measures no 
longer necessary to be kept secret, they changed their sit- 
tings in the spring of 1775, to the sign of the Green Dra- 
gon, where they were met by an equal number from the 
south end of the town. In this place it is said their pro- 
ceedings are still preserved. 

Doctor Warren was present at the conflict at Lexing- 
ton, and was said to be the most active man on that field, 
animating every where, by his presence and example, his 
countrymen to avenge their wrongs on that memorable 
occasion. From this period he appears to have taken a 
most active part in imbodying troops, and assisting to 
bring the new raised army into discipline. Thus his la- 
bours were divided between the cabinet and the field, to 
the material injury of his private affairs. 

The affair at Lexington having brought things to the 
crisis, the provincial Congress of Massachusetts chose Dr. 
Warren, their president, on the 14th of June, 1775, the 
second major-general in their own forces, two days prior 
to the election of General Washington by the general 
Congress, as commander-in-chief. 

He went from Cambridge to assist as a volunteer in 
throwing up intrench nients, by a detachment of one thou- 
sand men, under Colonel Preston, in the vicinity of Bos- 
ton. These were directed to be done on Bunker's hill, 
which from its very eligible situation would most annoy 
the British shipping, the more effectually to block up the 
British troops in that town. This hill is high and large, 
and situated at the entrance of the peninsula of Charles- 
town, the possession of which was of the utmost impor- 
tance to either of the contending parties. The orders for 
its occupancy were issued by the provincial Congress on 
the 16th of June. By some mistake Breed's hill was cho- 
sen, which was high and large like the other, but situated 
on the farther part of the peninsula, next to Boston. The 
hour of midnight was witness to the commencement of the 



JOSEPH WARREN. - 473 

American intrenchments, and the dawn of the 17th, pre- 
sented to the view of the astonished British a redoubt of 
eighty rods square. The works were thrown up in the 
most profound silence. The Captain of the Lively, man- 
of-war, was the first who saw, and by the firing of his 
guns about four in the morning, called the British fleet 
and camp to behold the Herculean labours of those they 
esteemed their pigmy foes. The occupancy of this post 
was judged of such importance by General Gage, as to 
attempt to dislodge the Americans from it. This he ef- 
fected by a dear bought victory, a victory which in its 
consequences was worse to him than a defeat. The re- 
serve of the American fire, until the near approach of the 
British, carried such slaughter through their ranks as 
thrice to repel them, and thrice they returned to the work 
of death ; and, had not the ammunition of the Americans 
been expended, of this engagement the bloodiest tale in 
British history would have been told. 

The particulars of this engagement, though highly in- 
teresting, we must here omit, as its details are in our 
school books, and easily obtained.. 

Ramsay, in his elegant history of the American revolu- 
tion, sums up his character, by observing, " that to the 
purest patriotism and most undaunted bravery, he added 
the virtues of domestic life, the eloquence of an accom- 
plished orator, and the wisdom of an able statesman. No- 
thing but a regard to the liberty of his country induced 
him to oppose the measures of government. He aimed 
not at a separation from, but a coalition with, the mother 
country. He took an active part in defence of his coun- 
try, not that he might be applauded and rewarded for a 
patriotic spirit, but because he was, in the best sense of 
the word, a real patriot. Having no interested or person- 
al views to answer, the friends of liberty confided in his 
integrity. The soundness of his judgment and his abili- 
ties as a public speaker, enabled him to make a distin- 
guished figure in public councils, but his intrepidity and 
zeal induced his countrymen to place him in the military 
.ine. Within four days after he had been appointed a 
Major-General, he fell a noble sacrifice to a cause he had 
40* 



474 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

espoused from the purest principles. Like Hampden lie 
lived, and like Hampden he died, universally beloved and 
universally regretted. His many virtues were celebrated 
in an elegant eulogium written by Dr. Rush, in language 
equal to the illustrious subject." 

A monument was erected to his memory on Breed's 
hill, in Charlestown, on the spot, as nearly as could be as- 
certained, where the brave Warren fell. On the south 
side of the pedestal was an appropriate inscription, stating 
by whom, for what purpose, and at what time it was 
erected. This monument has since been demolished, and 
on its site now stands the unfinished " Bunker Hill 
Monument," on a much larger and more expensive scale. 
The corner stone was laid on the 17th of June, 1825, 
witli due ceremonies, and, as this is considered rather as 
a national than a sectional enterprise, the inscription will 
probably embody all which was expressed by the other. 

Perhaps the editor will neither find nor make a convert 
to his views, so far as these expensive exhibitions are con- 
cerned, but he has the right to express them, and he freely 
confesses his disapprobation of every waste of public 
money, while so many living objects want, not merely 
bread, but the knowledge which is essentially necessary 
to the perpetuity of our republican institutions, and the 
happiness of man. 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 



Richard Montgomery was born in the north of Ire- 
land, in the year 1737. His family was ancient and ho- 
nourable. Gifted with an excellent genius, lie received a 
classical education, after which he embraced the profes- 
sion of arms. Fie w. - under G sneral Wolfe, in Canada, 
and commanded a regimenl at the siege of Quebec, when 
tfiat gallant officer fell in the arms m' victory, in 1759,. 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 475 

near the spot which he afterwards consecrated with Li.. 
blood, gloriously contending; for freedom in behalf of the 
United Colonies, After the conclusion of the war of 1756, 
lie returned with his regiment to England, and resigned 
his command in 1772. In that year he retired to Ame- 
rica, purchased an estate on the east banks of the river 
Hudson, about one hundred miles north of New- York, 
and married a Miss Livingston, daughter of Judge Living- 
ston, one of the oldest and most respectable families in 
that province. Embracing the cause of the colonies in 
their contest with the mother country, he was appointed a 
Major-General, the second in rank of eight who were 
chosen by the provincial Congress in 1775; and in the fall 
of that year the command of the continental forces was 
intrusted to his charge, in conjunction with General 
Schuyler : but the latter falling sick, he succeeded to the 
chief command in October. He captured Fort Chamblee, 
distant about six miles from St. John's, by which he ob- 
tained six tons of gunpowder, which enabled him to pro- 
secute the siege of the latter place with vigour. 

In consequence of the defeat of Governor Carlton, who 
was expected to assist the besieged, St. John's surrendered, 
and the garrison marched out with the honours of war. 
General Montgomery pushed forward to Montreal, which 
he entered on the day succeeding that on which the gov- 
ernor of the province had left it. The inhabitants of this 
city applied to the general for a capitulation ; which, as 
it was considered in a defenceless state, could not be 
granted ; but they were informed that their individual and 
religious liberties would be protected. With the most 
flattering prospects in favour of the cause of the provinces, 
General Montgomery projected and caused to be raised a 
regiment of Canadians to be paid by Congress, who were 
put under the command of James Livingston, a native of 
New- York, who had resided a long time in Canada. 
They were raised for twelve months. The friendly dis- 
positions of the inhabitants on both sides of the river St. 
Lawrence was so manifest, that expresses from the provin- 
cials in Montreal passed and re-passed between that city 
and Quebec uninterrupted ; and eminent services were ren- 



476 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

dered them by individuals in the advancement of specif 
and furnishing of supplies. Notwithstanding his success, 
he found his situation embarrassing, on account of the 
character of the troops he had to command ; want of dis- 
cipline and a licentious spirit were too prevalent. Mont- 
gomery, however, encountered every hardship and diffi- 
culty. Leaving a few troops in Montreal, he despatched 
several detachments into the province, encouraging the 
Canadians to forward provisions, and proceeded with ex- 
pedition to Quebec. He formed a junction at Point- Aux- 
Trembles with Colonel Arnold, who had been despatched 
through the wilderness with a body of troops from the 
American army at Cambridge. The combined forces 
commenced the siege of the capital on the first of Decem- 
ber, prior to which General Montgomery sent a summons 
to Governor Carlton, to surrender, in order to avoid the 
horrors of a storm. The flag was fired on, and returned. 
Means, however, were devised, by which the summons 
was conveyed to the inhabitants, but Carlton evinced 
astonishing inflexibility and firmness of mind on this try- 
ing occasion. The bombardment was soon after begun 
from five small mortars, but with very little effect. In a 
few days General Montgomery opened a six gun battery 
about seven hundred yards distant from the walls, but his 
pieces were of too small calibre to make any impression. 
Convinced that the siege must soon be raised, or the place 
be stormed, the general decided on the latter, though he 
esteemed success but barely within the grasp of possibility. 
He was induced to adopt this measure in order to meet the 
expectations of the whole colonies, who looked to him for 
the speedy reduction of that province, which would be 
completely accomplished by the capture of the capital. 
The upper town was strongly fortified, the access to which 
from the lower town was very difficult, on account of its 
almost perpendicular steepness. His confidence in the 
ardour of his troops and a thirst for glory, induced him to 
make the assault, or perish in the attempt. The garrison 
of Quebec, consisted of about fifteen hundred and twenty 
men, viz. eight hundred militia, four hundred and fifty sea- 
man, and the remainder marines, and regulars of Colonel 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 477 

M'Lcan's newly raised regiment of emigrants. The Ame- 
ricans only eight hundred. 

The siege having been for some time ineffectually con- 
tinned, the last day of the year was determined for the 
assault. The morn was ushered in with a tall of snow. 
The general divided his little force into four detachments. 
Colonel Livingston, at the head of his Canadians, was di- 
rected to make a feint against St. John's Gate, and Major 
Brown, another against Cape Diamond, in the upper 
town, while himself and Arnold should advance against 
the lower town, the first object of real attack. Having 
passed the first barrier, he was on the point of attacking 
the second, at the head of the New- York troops, along the 
St. Lawrence, when the only gun that was fired from the 
battery of the astonished enemy, killed him and his two 
aids. The spot where they fell was under Cape Diamond, 
a little above Fraser's Wharf, on a little rising ground, 
whence they rolled into the river on the ice formed along 
its sides. A party was sent out the next morning to bury 
the dead, when his body was found, and taken to the 
prison where the Americans were confined. They had 
ere this denied his death from motives of policy. They 
now acknowledged him, and gave vent to their sorrows by 
bursting into tears. — He was buried that night by a few 
soldiers" privately, at the corner of the Powder-house, near 
Port Louis. 

Arnold's party had pushed on with success until the 
general's fall, when a retreat was immediately ordered by 
Colonel Campbell, on whom the command devolved, 
which enabled the besieged to direct their undivided force 
against that division, which, by this ill-judged act of 
Campbell, were compelled to surrender to superior force. 
Had the assault been continued, instead of a retreat, every 
human probability was in favour of the success of the 
American arms. 

The news of Montgomery's death produced universal 
regret. In pursuance of a resolve of Congress to do justice 
to his memory, the late Dr. William Smith, for many years 
provost of the college of Philadelphia, delivered a funeral 
eulogium before that honourable body, in Philadelphia, on 



478 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the 19th February, 1776. To abler hands it could no 
have been committed. — It was executed in a style of truly 
classic elegance. Even the British prime minister inad- 
vertently paid the deceased hero a handsome panegyric, 
in exclaiming, " Curse on his virtues, they have undone 
his country /" 

By direction of Congress an elegant marble monument, 
with appropriate emblematical devices, executed by a Mr. 
Caffieri, at Paris, was erected in front of St. Paul's 
Church, in New- York, in 1785, on which is the following 
inscription : 

THIS MONUMENT 

IS ERECTED 

BY THE ORDER OF CONGRESS, 

25th January, 1776, 

TO TRANSMIT TO POSTERITY 
A GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE OF THE PATRIOTISM, 

Conduct, Enterprise, and Perseverance, of 

MAJOR-GENERAL 

RICHARD MONTGOMERY, 

Who, after a series of successes, amidst the most 

discouraging difficulties, fell, in the attack on 

QUEBEC, 

31St DECEMBER, 1775, 

Aged 37 years. 

The retreat of Montgomery's army from Canada was 
effected in good order under General Sullivan, who made 
a stand at Crown Point. 

One of Montgomery's Aids-de-Camp, who fell with him, 
was a young gentleman of Philadelphia, named M'Pher- 
son, who had a brother an officer in the British army. 



DANIEL MORGAN. 



This gentleman's father was a native of Wales, who 
emigrated to this country, and settled in New Jersey, where 
the general was born ; whence, in early life, he removed 
to Virginia, and pursued the avocation of a wagoner for 
his subsistence. Between the ages of twenty and thirty, 
he was much addicted to gaming and drinking, which 



DANIEL MORGAN. 



479 



involved him in many combats, wherein he evinced that 
daring and adventurous spirit, which marked the career of 
his future life. 

By a rigid economy, he was enabled to purchase a team 
for himself, which he continued to drive till 1755, when 
he entered the army, in the expedition under the unfortu- 
nate General Braddock, in what capacity is now unknown. 
During this period he was charged by a British officer 
with contumacy towards him, for which he was tried, 
found guilty, and sentenced to receive five hundred 
lashes, which was put in execution. Some time afterwards, 
the officer discovered Morgan's innocence, begged his par- 
don, and obtained his forgiveness. 

After Braddock's defeat, he left the army, returned home, 
and resumed his former business, with the fruits of which 
he purchased a lot of ground in Frederick county, where- 
on he subsequently built an elegant mansion house, which 
"he called Saratoga, in honour of the capture of Burgoyne 
in 1777, in which he bore a distinguished part. 

During the revolution, he used frequently to laugh at 
the affair of his being flogged, and tell the British officers, 
whom the fortune of war had thrown in his way, that his 
Britannic Majesty was indebted to him one lash, for the 
drummer having miscounted, he received only four hun- 
dred and ninety-nine, instead of five hundred, the number 
which he had been sentenced to receive. 

In the commencement of the revolutionary contest be- 
tween Great Britain and her colonies, he was appointed to 
command a troop of cavalry, raised in defence of the 
rights of the latter, against the usurpation of the mother 
country. In this corps were men who afterwards rose to 
distinguished honours. With it he joined the American 
army at Boston, whence he was detached by General 
Washington, to the expedition of General Arnold against 
Quebec. 

In the early part of the attack on that city, Arnold was 
wounded in the arm, and carried off the field, when his 
command devolved on Morgan, who, with his little Spar- 
tan band, passed the first barrier, and had mounted the 
second, when the fall of the lamented Montgomery check- 



480 



GLORY OF AMERICA. 



ed his career of expected glory, and he was compelled to 
surrender to superior force. While a prisoner, he was 
offered the rank and emolument of a Colonel in the British 
service. He begged the officer who made him the offer, 
never again to insult his misfortunes in so degrading a 
maimer. 

Soon afterwards he was exchanged, when he repaired 
to the American standard, and received the command of a 
select rifle corps, by General Washington's recommenda- 
tion, who, though in want of his services, judged it pru- 
dent to detach him to the assistance of General Gates. 
That general having, after the fall of Ticonderoga, suc- 
ceeded General St. Clair, appeared unable to check the 
career of Burgoyne, in whose subsequent capture Morgan 
particularly distinguished himself, notwithstanding which. 
Gates, in his official communication of that event to the 
American government, passed his services unnoticed. 

On the northern frontiers of New Jersey his brothei 
resided, whom he had not seen for many years, and who 
he learnt was in extreme indigence. On his return from 
Saratoga, he left his troops a few days, and went twenty 
miles out of his way to see him. During this visit he 
slept on the bare floor, his brother having but one bed in 
the house,, which the General refused to occupy, on ac- 
count of the indisposition of his sister-in-law. He offered 
his brother a good farm if he would remove with him into 
Virginia, which, from strong local attachments, his brother 
declined. 

He then proceeded to the main army, where the most 
hazardous enterprises were committed to him for execution. 

He was placed with a command, in the winter of 1777, 
on the west side of Schuylkill, to prevent the country 
people from supplying the British with provisions. 

The eclat which Gates gained by the capture of Bur- 
goyne, induced Congress to invest him with the command 
of the armies in the southern states, in order, if possible, 
to retrieve the American affairs in that quai'ter. Notwith- 
standing the displeasure he manifested towards Morgan 
at Saratoga, on account of his failure in detaching the 
confidence of that officer from the commander-in-chief, 



DANIEL MORGAN. 481 

he strongly solicited Morgan to accompany him to his 
southern command, which was as strongly resisted, until 
Morgan's resentment was somewhat blunted by the recep- 
tion of a brevet Brigadier-General's commission. He, 
however, did not join the southern army before Gates's 
discomfiture at Camden, which caused Congress to trans- 
fer the command of the south to General Greene, who 
fully retrieved the American affairs in that quarter. 

To his command was committed a division composed 
of several corps destined for operations in the western 
quarter. They were, on their march, to be strengthened 
with mounted militia from Carolina and Georgia. His 
orders were to pass the Catawba, and take post in the 
country between Broad and Pacolet rivers, which, with 
corresponding dispositions, was to secure provisions 
for General Greene's army. During this march he re- 
ceived a part of the expected succour, and, after having 
passed Broad river, took a position near its confluence 
with the Pacolet. At the time Cornwallis learnt the dis- 
positions of Morgan, General Greene was seventy miles 
on his right, and Morgan fifty miles on his left. Alarmed 
for the safety of Augusta and Ninety-six, Cornwallis des- 
patched Tarleton with a body of troops, either to force 
Morgan to battle, or drive him back into North Carolina. 
Aware of Tarleton's advance, Morgan took his measures 
accordingly. The former gave his troops but little repose 
until he came up with the latter at the Cowpens, where he 
intended to give his adversary battle, which he wrongfully 
supposed to be the intention of Morgan to avoid, who 
halted his troops for repose, and determined to give battle 
when offered. 

Tarleton's judgment being overruled by irritation of 
temper, he advanced at the dawn of day. Apprized of his 
movements, Morgan was duly prepared for action. The 
environs of Cowpens were covered with open wood, which 
permitted the cavalry to manoeuvre with facility, and 
Tarleton's trebled Morgan's. The flanks of the latter had 
no resting place, and could be easily turned. Broad river 
was parallel in his rear, which prevented a safe retreat in 
case of discomfiture. As it was, his disposition for action 
41 



482 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

evinced his great capacity. Majors M'Dowell of North 
Carolina, and Cunningham of Georgia, were sent forward 
with two light bodies of militia to amuse the foe as he 
advanced, by keeping up a slow but well directed fire, and 
he fell back on the front line with which he was to range 
and renew the fight. General Pickens commanded the 
main body of the militia, of which this line was composed. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Howard commanded the second line, 
composed of two companies of militia, who had mostly 
been Continental soldiers, whose time of service had ex- 
pired, under Captains Triplet and Taite. 

Morgan addressed his troops, exhorting them, in appro- 
priate language, to display their constancy and valour, 
and then took post in the line, awaiting in silence the 
advance of the enemy. 

Gratified with the prospect of an engagement, and pre- 
suming on success, Tarleton hurried the disposition of his 
forces, which were not complete, when his line began to 
push forward, his reserve waiting for subsequent orders. 
Morgan's light troops quickly fell back, and ranged with 
Picken's, as they had been directed. After an obstinate 
contest on both sides, Tarleton was compelled to yield the 
palm of victory to a force inferior in number. On this 
occasion, Congress passed a resolve approbatory of the 
conduct of Morgan, his officers and privates, caused a 
gold medal to be presented to Brigadier-General Morgan, 
a sword to Brigadier-General Pickens, a silver medal to 
Colonels Howard and Washington each, and a sword to 
Captain Triplet. In this memorable battle of the Cowpens, 
Tarleton had every advantage in point of ground, cavalry, 
and numbers, aided by two pieces of artillery, of which his 
adversary had none. Profiting by this victory, Morgan 
immediately began to fall back. He crossed Broad river 
on the evening of the day of battle, and proceeded by forced 
marches towards the Catawba. Morgan continued his 
route, and being joined by Greene with a few dragoons, 
effected the passage of that river, though keenly pursued 
by Cornwallis. Having been attacked by frequent rheu- 
matic affections, on the retreat to Guilford Court-house, 
he intimated a wish to retire. A select duty had been 



DANIEL MORGAN. 483 

determined on, the performance of which was offered tohim, 
but notwithstanding the most urgent solicitations to accept 
that command, after some hesitation, he finally declined, 
and obtained leave to retire on account of his health. He 
left the army at Guilford Court-house, and returned to his 
seat in Frederick, where he continued in retirement until 
the insurrection in the western parts of Pennsylvania, in 
1794, when he was detached by the executive of Virginia, 
at the head of the militia quota of that state, to join the 
troops called out by the President of the United States, to 
smother discord in its embryo. When the main army 
withdrew, he was left in command in the disaffected dis- 
tricts, until the spring of 1795, when, by the order of 
President Washington, he disbanded his troops, and after- 
wards returned to the bosom of his family. Having by 
long and arduous services established his character as a 
soldier, he now embarked in another sphere. He offered 
himself as a candidate to represent the Congressional dis- 
trict, in which he resided, in the House of Representatives 
of the United States. Baffled in his first attempt, his 
second succeeded, and having served out his constitutional 
term, lie declined a re-election. On account of his ill 
health, and a gradual decay of his constitution, he remo- 
ved from Saratoga, his seat in Frederick, to Berresville, 
or as it has been called, Battletown, the scene of his early 
life, and thence to Winchester, where death closed his 
earthly career in 1799. His education was circumscribed, 
which necessarily limited the sphere of his acquirements. 
In private life he was amiable and sincere. He was not a 
rigid disciplinarian, but governed more by confidence than 
by command. He was of an enterprising disposition, but 
calm and collected in the hour of danger ; prone rather to 
forgive than resent injuries ; but resentful of indignities. 
The medal voted him by Congress, the die of which 
was prepared by Dupre, at Paris, contains the following 
inscriptions ; near the periphery, on one side, 

DANIELI MORGAN DUCI EXERCITUS. 

In the centre, a figure in the garb of an Indian is repre- 



484 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

sented crowning this hero with a wreath of laurel ; at the 
base, 

COMITIA AMERICANA; 

on the reverse, 

VICTORIA LIBERT ATIS VINDEXJ 

a display of the engagement, then, 

FUGATIS, CAPTIS, AUT CMSIS, AD GOWPENS, HOSTIBUS, 
XVII JAN. MDCCLXXXI. 



JOHN BARRY. 

The father of the Commodore, was a respectable far- 
mer in Wexford county, Ireland, where his son, the sub- 
ject of this memoir, was born in the year 1745. After 
having received the first elements of an English educa- 
tion, to gratify his particular inclination for the sea, his 
father entered him in the merchant service. When about 
fifteen years old, he arrived in Pennsylvania, and se- 
lected it as the country of his future residence. 

In reviewing the causes, which led to hostilities between 
Great Britain and her colonies, Barry was satisfied that 
justice was on the side of the latter. He therefore enga- 
ged under the banners of freedom, and resolved to devote 
his best exertions to the emancipation of the colonies from 
the thraldom of the mother country. 

Confiding in his patriotism, Congress, in February, 
1776, a few months prior to the declaration of Indepen- 
dence, appointed him commander of the brig Lexington, 
of sixteen guns, and his was the first continental vessel, 
which sailed from Philadelphia. His cruises were success- 
ful. Congress had caused to be built three large frigates, 
one of which was called the Effingham, to the" command 
of which he was appointed, immediately after that memo- 
rable era, which gave to the United States a name among 
the nations of the world. During the following winter, 
as his naval employment became nugatory, in consequence 



JOHN BARRY. 485 

of the inclemency of the weather, he, from an aversion to 
inactivity, became a volunteer aid, in that season of peril, 
to the intrepid General Cadwallader. 

Philadelphia and the forts on the Delaware fell into the 
hands of the British, in the following year, 1777, and 
Commodore Barry, with several vessels of war, made good 
his retreat up the river, as far as Whitehill, where, how- 
ever, they were afterwards destroyed by the enemy. 

Prior to the destruction of these vessels, he successfully 
employed those under his command in annoying the ene- 
my and cutting off their supplies. 

After the destruction of the American squadron, and 
soon after the capture of Philadelphia, he was appointed 
to command the Raleigh, of thirty-two guns, which, on a 
cruise, was run on shore by a British squadron on Fox 
Island, in Penobscot bay. 

Subsequent to the above disasters, he commanded a 
vessel commissioned with letters of marque and reprisal, 
and engaged in the West India trade for some time. 

When Congress concluded to build a seventy- four gun 
ship in New Hampshire, he was ordered to command 
her. It was, however, afterwards determined to make a 
present of this vessel to his most Christian Majesty, when 
that august body gave him the command of the Alliance 
frigate. 

The situation of American affairs becoming important, 
in a foreign point of view, Colonel John Laurens, of South 
Carolina, son of Henry Laurens, then a prisoner in the 
tower of London, was ordered to France on a special mis- 
sion. Commodore Barry sailed in the Alliance from Bos- 
ton for L'Orient in February, 1781, having the minister 
extraordinary and suite on board. After landing the am- 
bassador and suite at L'Orient, in the early part of the 
same year, the Alliance sailed on a cruise. 

On the 29th of May following, at day-light, Commodore 
Barry discovered a ship and a brig on his weather bow, 
appearing afterwards to wear the British flag. He conse- 
quently prepared for immediate action. The British ship 
proved to be the Atalanta, Captain Edwards, of between 
twenty and thirty guns, and the brig Treposa, Captain 
41* ' 



485 6L0RY OP AMERICA. 

Smith. All action shortly commenced, and by three P. M. 
both vessels struck. Barry was wounded early in the en- 
gagement ; but notwithstanding his sufferings, in conse- 
quence of this casualty, lie still remained on deck, and it 
was owing to his intrepidity and presence of mind, that 
the Alliance was the victor. 

On December 25th, 1781, he sailed in the Alliance for 
France, from Boston, having on board the Marquis de la 
Fayette and Count De Noailles, who were desirous of go- 
ing to their native country on business of the highest im- 
portance. He had scarcely arrived at his destined port, 
when he sailed in February, 1782, on a cruise, during 
which he fell in with an enemy's ship of equal size, ana 
had a severe engagement. The enemy would have been 
captured, but for two consorts, which, however, were kept 
at a distance during the action by a French fifty gun 
ship, which hove in sight. The continental ship Lu- 
zerne, of twenty guns, had her guns thrown overboard 
before the battle began, in order to facilitate her escape, 
as she had a quantity of specie on board from Havana, 
for the use of the United States. The captain of the Bri- 
tish frigate, who was soon after advanced to be Vice-Ad- 
miral of the red, acknowledged, that he had never receiv- 
ed a more severe flagellation than on this occasion, 
though it seemed to have had the appearance of a drawn 
battle. 

During the time that General Lord Howe was the Bri- 
tish Commander-in-chief, he attempted to alienate the 
Commodore from the cause which he had so ardently es- 
poused, by an offer of twenty thousand guineas, and the 
command of the best frigate in the British navy ; but he 
rejected the offer with scorn. The return of peace, how- 
ever, in the year 1783, put an end to all such dishonoura- 
ble propositions, and our Commodore returned to private 
life. 

In 1797, it was deemed proper by the American go- 
vernment to annul the consular convention with France, 
the pretext for which was French aggression on American 
commerce. During the maritime disturbance thus crea- 
ted between the two countries, Mr. Barry was actively en- 



JOHN BARRY. 



487 



gaged in protecting the commerce of his adopted country, 
and was held in the highest estimation by his nautical 
brethren. When this dispute was at last satisfactorily 
adjusted, a law was passed, during the last year of Mr. 
A.dams' administration, for reducing the navy, in conse- 
quence of which the vessel he commanded was laid up in 
ordinary, and he once more returned to private life. 

Bold, brave, and enterprising, he was, at the same time, 
humane and generous. He was a good citizen, and great- 
ly esteemed by all who had the pleasure of his acquaint- 
ance. His person was above the ordinary size, graceful 
and commanding, his deportment dignified, and his coun- 
tenance expressive. 

He died in Philadelphia, on the 30th of September, 
1803, and a vast concourse of his fellow citizens testified 
their respect to his memory, by attending his remains to 
the silent grave. 



JOHN MANLY. 



John Manly was born in Massachusetts, in the year 
1733. After having received the first rudiments of edu- 
cation, he embraced a maritime life. From the eminent 
reputation which he had acquired for his professional 
merit, and his attachment to the cause of the colonies 
against the unjust aggressions of the mother country, the 
new government, on the recommendation of the illustri- 
ous Washington, commissioned him as a Captain in their 
navy, on the 24th of October, 1775. In the schooner Lee, 
he made many captures, of the greatest importance, and 
notwithstanding his hazardous situation, he did not skulk 
into port ; but continued to cruise within the limits as- 
signed him, during the whole winter. One of his cap- 
tures led to the evacuation of Boston by General Gage. 
This was a large brig, which was laden with ordnance 
and other munitions of war, of which the colonist* wer* 



488 GLORY OF AMKRICA. 

much in want : but from what was taken in this one ves- 
sel they were supplied with heavy ordnance, mortars, and 
the working utensils, necessary for offensive or defensive 
operations. In consequence of his acknowledged services, 
he was promoted to command the frigate Hancock, of 
thirty-two guns. On a cruise with this vessel, he met a 
frigate belonging to the enemy, and engaged her. After 
a short contest, he boarded and succeeded in taking her. 
She proved to be his Britannic Majesty's vessel of war, 
called The Fox. On the 8th of July, 1777, he was cap- 
tured with his prize, by the British frigate Rainbow, of 
forty guns, and sent into Halifax, Nova Scotia, where he 
endured a rigorous confinement on board of that ship, and 
in Mill prison, until he was exchanged in the early part 
of the autumn of 1782. In September of that year, he 
was intrusted with the command of the Hague frigate, 
with which he sailed for the West Indies. A few days 
after leaving Martinique, he was descried by a British 
seventy-four, and to avoid capture he run his ship on a 
sand bank, in the rear of Guadaloupe. The chasing ship 
was joined by three line of battle ships. These four ad- 
vanced within point blank shot distance, and having 
springs on their cables, opened on the Hague a most furi- 
ous cannonade, which was supported with the most un- 
daunted firmness, for three days ; on the fourth, Manly 
succeeded in getting his vessel off the bank, fired thirteen 
guns in token of defiance, and made his escape. 

Havirg arrived at Boston, one of his officers preferred 
a variety of charges against him, in consequence of which 
he was arrested, and underwent the ordeal of a court-mar- 
tial. Of the nature of the charges, the public have not 
been made acquainted ; but the report of the court con- 
veyed in part a justification of some of the allegations. It 
does not appear, that he was ever in command after the 
peace, which now succeeded. A vindication of his con- 
duct was promised, in the publication of his memoirs. 
Whether they were prepared for publication is unknown ; 
but they never appeared. He resided in Boston, in the 
pursuits of private life, until February 12, 1793, when he 
deceased, in the 60th year of his age. His remains were 



JOHN MANLY. 499 

attended to the grave by a large concourse of his fellow 
citizens, who thus testified their regard to his memory, for 
the eminent services which he had rendered his country, 
in the trying hour of peril and adversity. 



BARON DE KALB. 



It appears no more than justice due to departed worth, 
to number among the worthy heroes of a nation, those 
who, though of foreign birth, have offered up their exist- 
ence on the altar of its liberties. 

Of the early life of Baron de Kalb, nothing of conse- 
quence is known in the United States. In a social con- 
versation with General Marion, a few days prior to Gene- 
ral Gates's defeat at Camden, he informed that officer, 
that he was then sixty-three years old ; that his father 
and mother were then living, and that he was born about 
three hundred miles from Paris. This would ffive 1717 
as the year of his birth, and Alsace, on the confines of 
France and Germany, near the Rhine, as the place of his 
nativity. He had been forty-two years in the French ar- 
my, consequently he must have entered it at the age of 
twenty-one. In the war of 1755, he was supposed to 
have been in the Quartermaster-General's department in 
the army of his most Christian Majesty, who was then 
acting in unison with the Imperialists. Prior to the 
peace, which followed, he confessed that he had travelled 
through the territories of the British colonies, in a con- 
cealed character. This, and some other concurring cir- 
cumstances, have induced the belief, that he was despatch- 
ed by the cabinet of Versailles, to ascertain the existing 
state of things in that section of the British empire. Pos- 
sessed of a strong and retentive memory, he committed 
none of his observations to paper, during these peregrina- 
tions, but trusted solely to recollection. His caution in 
this respect was his preservation ; for, before the conclu 



490 CJLORY OF AMERICA. 

sion of the war, he was arrested on suspicion, and had 
any papers been found about him sufficient to confirm this 
suspicion, the fate of detected espionage awaited him ; but 
he was dismissed. He often expressed his astonishment 
at the mad policy pursued by the British cabinet, towards 
the provincials, as, in his passage through the country, he 
had a full opportunity of witnessing the firm attachment 
of the inhabitants towards the parent realm. At the 
peace, which succeeded the conquest of Canada and Aca- 
dia, he returned to France, in whose armies he had been 
advanced to the rank of General of Brigade, and undoubt- 
edly gave ample information to his court, respecting the 
object of his perilous mission ; and it is highly probable, 
that the intelligence received from him, had great weight 
in deciding the course to be pursued by the French court, 
on the application of Doctor Franklin for assistance, when 
he appeared in the quality of ambassador from the .revolt- 
ed colonies. Owing to the favourable disposition of the 
cabinet of Versailles, the Baron again embarked for Ame- 
rica, where he arrived either in 1777 or 1778. He joined 
the American army as a volunteer, and was shortly after 
promoted by Congress to the rank of Major-General, and 
despatched with a portion of the army from New Jersey 
to assist General Lincoln in the Southern states, where 
he was then Commander-in-chief. 

In his progress, he encountered many difficulties; but such 
was his perseverance and zeal in the cause which he had es- 
poused, that he surmounted them all. After he had effected 
a junction with General Lincoln, he continued to exert his 
best abilities, in behalf of the colonies, and when, in con- 
sequence of the capture of Charleston, the capital ol 
South Carolina, Lincoln had become a prisoner, the com 
mand of the whole southern army devolved upon him. 
The circumstance of his being a foreigner, and but little 
acquainted with the English language, his supposed igno- 
rance of the country, and the little knowledge he had of 
the temper of the troops, whom he now commanded, 
naturally involved him in great perplexity, and Congress, 
therefore, deemed it expedient by a resolve, dated June 
13, to order General Gates to repair to that quarter, and 



BARON DE KALB. 49l 

assume the command vacated by Lincoln's capture, and 
temporarily filled by the Baron. Gates, upon joining- the 
Southern army, which was on the 24th of July, requested 
the Baron to continue the command of his division, and 
confirmed the standing orders, which the Baron had 
issued. The troops, with whose command he had been 
intrusted, for the relief of General Lincoln, were the 
Maryland and Delaware brigades, amounting to above 
fourteen hundred effective men. With these he marched 
from General Washington's head quarters at Morristown, 
New Jersey, April 16th. Having arrived at the head of 
Elk, he embarked in May, and shortly after landed in 
Petersburgh, Virginia, whence he proceeded with as much 
celerity as possible for the object of his destination, re- 
ceiving strength and removing - obstacles in his march. 
De Kalb cheerfully complied with the request of General 
Gates, and continued in the post assigned him by Con- 
gress. Perhaps the Baron might have remained in the 
command, which had devolved upon him by the capture 
of Lincoln, had it not been for the celebrity Gates had 
acquired by the defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga ; but it 
seems that fate had decreed, that the laurels he had ga- 
thered in a Northern clime, should wither under the scorch- 
ing beams of a Southern sky. Colonel Otho H. Williams, 
gave the same wholesome advice to General Gates, when 
he assumed the command, as he had imparted to Baron 
de Kalb, fifteen days previous to Gates's arrival, and had 
it been pursued, it would have saved the mortifying defeat, 
which he and his army shortly after experienced, by his 
adoption of a contrary plan. Lord Rawdon had collected 
all his forces into Camden, within thirteen miles of which 
General Gates had advanced unmolested. At a place 
called Clermont, he gave out the order of battle for his' 
premeditated attack on the position which was held by 
the enemy. This order of battle having been given, the 
Adjutant-General's return of the whole effective force un- 
der Gates, amounted to nine hundred continental infantry, 
rank and file, and seventy cavalry, exclusive of Colonel 
Porterfield's and Major Armstrong's light infantry, consist- 
ing of about two hundred and fifty, and Colonel Amand's 



492 nLORY OF AMERICA. 

legion of one hundred and twenty men ; giving an aggre- 
gate acquisition of three hundred and seventy, besides a 
few volunteer cavalry. A detachment had been sent off 
to the assistance of Colonel Sumpter, which was also not 
included in the Adjutant-General's report. General Lord 
Cornwallis, unexpectedly to Gates, arrived at Camden, 
and of course superseded Lord Rawdon in his command. 
The Americans had advanced about half way to Camden $ 
by about half past two a. m. on the 16th, when a tiring 
began by the advance of each army, both Generals having 
been desirous to bring on an engagement. Some of Colo- 
nel Amand's cavalry were wounded, and the others were 
thrown into disorder ; in consequence of which the Mary- 
land regiment in front of the column was broken, and the 
whole line put into confusion. By reason of this unex- 
pected disaster, a council of war was called, to whom, on 
this intelligence having been communicated, General 
Stevens declared it as his opinion, that it, was too late to 
retreat, to which no immediate reply being given, Gates 
ordered on to battle. Baron de Kalb, however, advised 
Gates to fall back to Rugely's mills, which was a very eli- 
gible position, and there wait the attack. Some expressions 
escaped from Gates on the occasion, which hurt the Baron's 
feelings, and induced him to give his horse to his servant, 
and take the command of his division on foot, and reply at 
the same time to Gates with some warmth, "Well, sir, a few 
hours more will let ns see who are the brave." The 
Baron commanded the right wing of the army, which, 
with the reserve, had to sustain the whole heat of the 
action, in consequence of the flight of the left and centre. 
This wing was composed of the second continental bri- 
gade, consisting of Maryland and Delaware troops, and 
as no order had been given to retreat, the battle raged in 
this quarter with unabated fury, and the Americans even 
gained ground. When broken, they formed again and 
renewed the contest. The flight of their left and centre, 
with the Commander-in-chief, permitted Cornwallis to 
bend the whole of his strength against the right wing and 
the reserve. De Kalb and his officers performed prodigies 
of valour, and were most ably supported by the men under 



BARON DE KALB. 493 

their command ; but Cofnwallis, charging with his cavalry 
and the bayonet, at once closed the contest. The Baron - 
received eleven wounds and was taken prisoner, as was 
his aid-de-camp, Colonel De Buysson, who was also 
wounded, but remained with him, and announced his 
rank, at the same time begging the enemy to spare the 
Baron's life. The Baron expired in a short time, though 
he received the most particular attention from the British. 
He spent his last breath in dictating a letter expressive of 
the warmest affection for the officers and men of his divi- 
sion, of his being charmed with the firm opposition they 
made to superior force, when abandoned by the rest of the 
army — -the greatest satisfaction in the testimony given by 
the British army of the bravery of his troops — of the 
pleasure he received from the gallant behaviour of the 
Delaware regiment, and the companies of artillery attach- 
ed to the brigades, and of the endearing sense he enter- 
tained of the merit of the whole division he commanded. 

He was buried in the vicinity of Camden, near the 
place where the battle was fought, which terminated his 
earthly existence. The spot that encircles his remains, 
has been enclosed, and over it has been placed a handsome 
marble, on which is sculptured an epitaph expressive of 
his worth and generous services, the expense of which 
was borne by the citizens of Camden. 

Congress, to dq, honour to his memory, resolved, that a 
monument should be erected in Annapolis, Maryland, 
with the following inscription : 

" Sacred to the memory of Baron de Kalb, Knight of 
the Royal Order of Military Merit. Brigadier of the armies 
of France, and Major-Gencral in the service of the United 
States of America. Having served with honour and reputa- 
tion for three years, he gave a last and glorious proof of his 
attachment to the liberties of mankind, and to the cause of 
America, in the action near Camden, in the State of South 
Carolina; where, leading on the regular troops of Mary- 
land and Delaware, against superior forces, and animating 
them, by his example, to deeds of valour, he was wounded 
in several places, and died the 19th of August following, 
in the forty-eighth year of his age. The Congress of the 
42 



494 GLOEY OF AMERICA. 

United States of America, in acknowledgment of his zeal, 
of his services, and of his merit, hath erected this monu- 
ment." 

Congress must have been unacquainted with his age, 
and set it down at forty-eight at hazard, from his healthy 
appearance; for as has been al ready observed, he stated it 
himself to have been sixty-three. His extreme tempe- 
rance enabled him to enjoy the bloom of youth, until he 
passed the barrier between time and eternity. In his diet 
he was very abstemious, and water was his only beverage. 
He usually arose at five in the morning, and devoted his 
time chiefly to writing, in profound secret. This occupa- 
tion was seldom interrupted, except by his meals of 
official duties. He generally wrote in hieroglyphics, and 
was very cautious in endeavouring to prevent his papers 
from being exposed to public view. "With an eye to this, 
he was ever careful of his baggage, and was therefore 
always desirous of being placed in the centre of the army, 
having an aversion to its wings, lest he might be taken by 
surprise. It was believed, that he did not take his papers 
with him from the central army, when he went into South 
Carolina, but that he committed them to the care of the 
French Ambassador, by whom they were after his death 
transmitted to his sovereign. His powers of mind were 
not of the highest order, and his literary acquirements 
were only moderate ; but he excelled in a practical know- 
ledge of human nature, and in the investigation of causes 
and effects. 



WILLIAM HEATH. 



The Heath family emigrated to Massachusetts, and 
settled at Roxbury, in the vicinity of Boston, in the early 
age of that colony. Major-General William Heath waS 
born on the 2d of March, 1737, O. S. on the family in* 



WILLIAM HEATH. 495 

heritance, and was of the fifth generation, on whom the 
estate devolved. His education was plain, and suited to 
agricultural pursuits. He was bred a farmer ; but pas- 
sionately fond of reading military works, which led him 
to become intimately acquainted with the profession ot 
arms, to which he was greatly attached. In Boston, he 
was elected a member of the Ancient and Honourable 
Artillery Company, in 1765. Immediately after this, at 
the instance and solicitation of the colonel of the first re- 
giment of Suffolk militia, he was commissioned by Gove- 
nor Barnard, to command the colonel's company. He 
was subsequently chosen, and served first as lieutenant 
and afterwards as captain of that ancient and honourable 
corps, into which he had been first received. 

A great intimacy and strong private attachment existed 
between Governor Barnard and Captain Heath, while 
the former remained in the government of the province, 
notwithstanding a difference of sentiment between them, 
on the troubles, which were then in embryo. 

In the beginning of the year 1770, about the time of 
the Boston massacre, Captain Heath commenced a series 
of addresses to the public, signed, " A Military Country- 
man." In these he particularly pointed out the impor- 
tance of acquiring a knowledge of arms, and an acquaint- 
ance with military discipline. Governor Barnard, having 
been superseded by Governor Hutchinson, the latter, in 
re-organizing the Suffolk militia, left Captain Heath out 
of his command, in consequence of his known attachment 
to the colonial rights. 

When the crisis had so far advanced, that the people 
of Massachusetts determined to choose their own officers, 
to prepare for the final appeal for redress of grievances, 
Captain Heath was chosen to command his old company 
in Roxbury, and by the officers of the Suffolk county first 
regiment of militia, promoted to be their colonel. 

Immediately after the breaking up of the general court, 
a Provincial Congress was organized, who, among other 
committees, chose one of great importance in the then 
state of affairs, denominated " the Committee of Safety," 
vested with executive powers. Colonel Heath was ap- 



496 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

pointed a member of that body, and entered on the duties 
assigned him with the greatest alacrity. 

A sum of money having been voted, by the Provincial 
Congress, to procure munitions of war and provisions, 
quantities of each were purchased and deposited at Con- 
cord. In the mean time, the strictest attention was paid 
to instructing the militia in military discipline. 

The Provincial Congress which then held their sittings 
at Cambridge, on the 9th of February, 1775, appointed 
Colonel Heath one of their generals. The generals thus 
appointed by the Committee of Safety, were authorized 
to oppose, with the militia under their respective com- 
mands, the carrying into execution the act of the British 
Parliament, for the better regulation of the Province of 
Massachusetts Bay in New-England. This was one 
of the most impolitic measures the British ministry could 
have adopted, and instead of producing the anticipated 
result, only served to blow into a flame the embers of dis- 
content, which sound policy would have induced them to 
extinguish. A resistance to this act, and others, equally 
unwise and tyrannical, became ingrafted on the minds of 
the colonists as an imperious duty. 

General Heath was actively employed in the fulfilment 
of the duties assigned him in his respective capacities, 
both as a member of the Committee of Safety, and as a 
general officer. Lexington and Bunker's-hill witnessed 
his devotion to the colonial rights. The day after the 
affair at Lexington, he appointed Mr. Joseph Ward, his 
aid-de-camp and secretary. General Ward, the first on 
the list of generals appointed by the Provincial Congress, 
arrived at Cambridge a day or two after the battle of 
Lexington, and assumed the chief command at that 
camp ; while General Thomas commanded at Roxbury. 
The force with Thomas was considered too weak under 
existing circumstances, while the force of Ward was very 
numerous. In order to equalize the two camps, and to 
strengthen General Thomas's command, General Heath 
was ordered, with four regiments, to Roxbury, where he 
remained until July, after the Continental Congress had 
apjxnnted Colonel Washington to the rank of command- 



WILLIAM HEATH. 497 

er-in-chief of all their forces, and he accordingly assumed 
his station sometime in that month. 

In the organization of the army hy the Continental 
Congress, General Heath was the fourth brigadier in 
numerical order, previous to which arrangement being 
known in camp, he had received, on the 21st of June, a 
commission of major-general from the Provincial Con- 
gress. While the Americans were fortifying themselves 
in Cambridge and Roxbury, they experienced the want 
of able engineers. It was about this time, that General 
Heath prevailed on Captain Henry Knox, of the Boston 
Grenadiers, to join the army. The disposition of Knox 
did not require much eloquence to induce him to engage 
in defence of those rights which were ever dear to his 
heart. He afterwards rose to the chief command of the 
artillery, and was deservedly high in public estimation 
throughout the war. 

General Heath was ordered, on the night of the 23d of 
November, 1775, with a detachment to" Cobble's-hill, to 
complete the works begun the preceding evening by a 
fatigue party under General Putnam. A sufficient force 
was sent by General Ward to protect them against moles- 
tation from the enemy. The spirit of opposition to un- 
just aggression was general. Its rapid spread inspirited 
the incipient characters of the revolution, and a most 
heart-felt cheerfulness pervaded all ranks to brave the im- 
pending storm. 

Remaining at his station on Cobble's-hill, and partici- 
pating in. its'toils, fatigues, and dangers, he was detailed 
on the 18th of December, with a body of 300 men, to 
Leechmore Point, to prosecute a work which had been 
commenced there by his friend General Putnam, whom 
he was sent to relieve, within half a mile of a hostile ship 
of war. An eighteen pounder, which had been fired at 
this vessel by direction of the captain of artillery, from 
Cobble's-hill, which Heath had just left, compelled the 
enemy to weigh anchor and proceed beyond the reach of 
anticipated danger ; otherwise the prosecution of those 
works would have been attended with bloody conse- 
quences, to alleviate which the surgical department at- 



498 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

tending the American corps had been particularly atten- 
tive. While the work was going on, General Heath had 
pointed out to his men how to act. so as to receive the 
least possible injury from shells or cannon shot from the 
enemy's floating batteries in the adjacent waters. The 
anticipated shells and cannon shot were fruitlessly dis- 
charged, the witnessing of which induced the enemy to 
discontinue them. Heath was relieved, as Putnam had 
been, and his corps retired from the position uninjured 
and unmolested. 

The grand army continued in the vicinity of Boston, 
occasionally skirmishing with the enemy, until the fol- 
lowing March, 1776. The defensive works, which had 
been thrown up, during this period, were of much ser- 
vice. The conduct of the Americans was directed with 
so much vigour and spirit, that General Gage, with the 
British garrison, was obliged to evacuate Boston on the 
17th of March. In their retreat, they destroyed all their 
munitions of war which were likely to be of service to 
the Americans. Among other acts of destruction, they 
blew up Castle William, and destroyed their barracks, and 
other buildings. 

On the 20th of March, General Heath was despatched 
to New- York, with the troops under General Putnam, 
destined for the defence of that important position. Du- 
ring his stay in New- York, General Heath was inoculated 
with the small pox. The defences of New- York were 
rapidly proceeding. The unfavourable news of the ter- 
mination of General Montgomery's expedition against 
Quebec, spread a partial gloom over the Americans. 
But this was, for some time, considerably diminished by 
the news of the favourable disposition of the inhabitants 
of that quarter of the continent. 

About the latter end of June, a plot was discovered for 
the destruction of the Americans, and General Washing- 
ton was to have been enveloped in their general fate. 
The mayor of that city, a gunsmith, and some foreign- 
ers, belonging to the guard of the commander-in-chief, 
were arrested on suspicion. This affair terminated with 
the death of one Hickey, belonging to the general'* guard. 



WILLIAM HEATH. 499 

Preparations of defence were vigorously made, in conse- 
quence of the expected daily arrival of General Howe 
with a large hostile force. On the 29th of Jane a council 
of war was held. On the 30th the General-in-chief's lady 
left that city, and on the 2d of July the British fleet an- 
chored in the waters of New-York Bay. On the 9th of 
the same month the Declaration of Independence was read 
at the head of the several brigades forming the American 
garrison, and received with the greatest eclat. During 
the sickness, which prevailed in the American camp in 
August following, General Heath's brigade lost their full 
portion. On the 11th of this month, Generals Spencer, 
Greene, Sullivan and Heath, respectively received from 
Congress commissions as major-generals, dated the 9th of 
the same month. 

After his promotion, the command of the troops posted 
above King's-bridge, and of all troops and stations on the 
north end of York Island, was given him. On his way 
thither, he witnessed an attempt to destroy some enemy's 
vessels in the neighbouring waters, by fire-ships, which, 
had it not been for the inactivity of some of the American 
row galleys, would have produced the most serious conse- 
quences. This caused the British shipping to proceed 
lower down the Hudson. — While they were effecting this 
object, so necessary for their safety, they were briskly can- 
nonaded from Fort Washington and the works below. 
They joined the fleet lying off Staten Island on the 18th of 
August, having sustained no material injury in passing the 
American batteries. The next day General Heath was 
advised of the intentions of the British by an express from 
the Commander-in-chief. 

While the main body of the enemy were engaged in 
active operations on Long Island, a brig and two ships 
anchored a little above Threg Point ; General Heath de- 
tached Colonel Graham with his regiment, to prevent any 
of their crew's from landing. Several barges, however, 
had proceeded to New City Island, on which several per- 
sons debarked. Two companies were despatched from 
the regiment to the island. But the enemy made good 
their retreat to the shipping, carrying off only one mar 



500 GLORY OF AMF.RICA. 

and fourteen cattle. The rest of the stock on the island 
was secured. While this petty warfare was going on in 
this quarter, on the same day, the celebrated battle of 
Flatbush was fought, which eventuated in the defeat of 
the Americans. On the 28th, General Heath received a 
letter from General Washington, requesting him to send 
down to New- York all the boats, which could be spared 
from King's-bridg-e and Fort Washington. This request 
was fully honoured. The difFerent operations of the 
enemy kept the General continually engaged in the duties 
of his station ; but notwithstanding the exertion of his 
utmost skill and assiduity, the Americans were so inces- 
santly harassed as to induce the Commander-in-chief to 
hold a council of war, at which General Heath assisted. 
The result was, that they determined, with only three dis- 
sentients, to abandon the city, which was effected without 
much loss. General Heath, previous to this, had estab- 
lished a chain of videttes at Morrisania, Hunt's, and 
Throg's Points, from whose activity he was speedily ap- 
prized of any movements of the enemy. The British took 
possession of New- York on the afternoon of the loth of 
September. On the day following, some skirmishing took 
place on Harlaem heights, in which the Americans had 
the advantage. This affair might have led to a general 
engagement, as both armies were within distance to sup- 
port their different corps who were thus engaged. In 
consequence of the deliberations of a council of officers, it 
was determined to increase the division of Geneal Heath 
to ten thousand men, with a view of defending the several 
posts still remaining under his command, while Major- 
General Greene was to command a flying camp on the 
West side of the Hudson, in New Jersey. 

On the 21st of September, according to the returns ot 
the Adjutant-General of his division, it consisted of eight 
thousand seven hundred and seventy-one, of which twelve 
hundred and ninety-four were sick present, and eleven 
hundred and eight sick absent, leaving a disposable force 
of six thousand three hundred and sixty-nine. 

In consequence of information, which General Heath 
had received, he devised a plan for carrying off some I?ri- 



WILLIAM HEATH. 501 

tish with their baggage, who were remaining on Montre- 
fore Island. He submitted it to a council of officers of his 
division, who concurred with him in sentiment. The plan 
was likewise approved by Major-General Putnam, who 
was then Commander-in-chief. In consequence of this, 
every arrangement was made, and two hundred and forty 
men sent off in three boats, covered by a detachment of 
artillery in a fourth boat. The field officers in the first 
boat with their men, made good their landing ; but the 
officers commanding the other two, causing their men to 
he on their oars, leaving the first boat to do the duty de- 
signed for the whole corps, the intention was frustrated, 
and the detachment were compelled to return with the 
loss of Major Henley, aid-de-camp to General Heath, 
killed, and fourteen privates killed, wounded, and missing. 
During this month, the various movements, debarkations, 
and skirmishing of the British, gave the General full em- 
ployment, and in a very eminent degree called forth all 
the energies both of his body and mind. 

According to the order of General Washington, Major- 
General Charles Lee arrived in camp on the 14th of Oc- 
tober, to supersede General Putnam. Lee was directed to 
remain a day or two in camp, and make himself ac- 
quainted with the routine of duty, which was to devolve 
on him, before he assumed the command : and with this 
desire he accordingly complied. Every day was now big 
with events — every preparation — every movement of the 
British, indicated their design to attack ; while every exer- 
tion of the Americans was directed to defensive operations^ 

A skirmishing took place near Westchester Causeway, 
between the British, and a regiment of General Heath's 
division, supported by four other regiments, who partici- 
pated therein, in which the latter lost between thirty and 
forty killed and wounded. The loss of the British was 
considerable. Having removed from the vicinity of Kings- 
bridge, the American army, after leaving a garrison in 
Fort Washington, took a position at Whiteplains. General 
Heath posted his division on strong and commanding 
ground north of the Court house, and was left on the line. 
A smart affair now took place between the contending 



502 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

parties, in which the general's division participated — the 
American loss was small ; but the British gained an ad 
vantage in position. Fort Independence, commanded b) 
Colonel Lesher, and garrisoned by his regiment, was eva 
cuated, the cannon and stores having been previously 
taken away, and the barracks and huts destroyed. Or 
the 31st, at night, the Americans abandoned their positior 
on the plains, which was occupied the next day by th< 
British, and a furious cannonade commenced on Heath** 
division. His artillery, under Bryant and Jackson, brisklj 
returned the fire. This affair terminated in a matter o: 
little importance to either party. General Heath continued 
with" his division, changing positions, day after day, at 
circumstances required. It formed the left of the grand 
army, in consequence of which he had no opportunity tc 
display either talents or ability, but a promptitude in obey- 
ing and alacrity in discharging the orders of his superiors 
On the 9th of November, after the capture of Fort Wash- 
ington, this division halted at North Castle, on its march 
to Peekskill, from Whiteplains, whither it had been or- 
dered, and the next day it reached the object of its desti- 
nation. On the 12th, General Heath accompanied Genera] 
Washington, in taking a view of the fortifications at the 
Highlands and the passes which led through them. In- 
structions in writing were, accordingly, given to the Gene- 
ral from the Commander-in-chief, to secure, with all pos- 
sible expedition, all the posts on both sides of the river, 
and to distribute his force as circumstances might require, 
while General Washington passed into New Jersey. The 
next day, these orders were put into execution. On the 
16th, Fort Washington was taken, by which two thousand 
of the Americans were made prisoners. General Wash- 
ington was a spectator of the seene from Fort Lee, without 
being able to render it any assistance. 

On the ISth, the British, elated with their success, passed 
the Hudson, into New Jersey, above Fort Lee, the garri- 
son of which abandoned it; and some cannon, stores, and 
provisions, which could not be timely removed, of course, 
fell into their hands. 

General Lee, having been made acquainted, through 



WILLIAM HEATH. 503 

General Reed, of the disasters, which thickened on the 
Americans, wrote to General Heath, requesting him to 
order a Brigadier-General and two thousand men to pass 
to the west side of the Hudson opposite to his station, and 
that he would replace them the next day. Although Lee 
was Heath's senior, he refused to comply with the request, 
because his instructions were positive — Lee re-iterated 
the request, and Heath again refused ; this altercation 
terminated in Lee's assuming the command on the spot 
as senior officer^ and directing) through his own Deputy 
Adjutant-General, Colonel Scammel, Prescott's and Wyl- 
lis's regiment, for the object of his wishes, giving at the 
same time a certificate, that he (Lee) was commanding 
officer at the time of writing, and that he assumed all 
responsibility^ Notwithstanding this, Lee did not put the 
order into execution, and passed into New Jersey without 
them. 

On the 6th of December, General Heath was informed, 
that seventy vessels of war and transports, with troops, had 
arrived in Long Island Sound, from England, on the 4th 
of the same month. This information he communicated 
to General Washington, by express. 

On the 10th, in consequence of orders from head-quar- 
ters, General Heath caused a brigade of his division to pass 
to the west side of the Hudson, and on the day following 
he crossed the same river, having ordered the detention of 
a flag from the enemy, until further orders* It was not 
permitted to return until the 24th. During the remainder 
of this month, this division occasionally performed some 
hostile operations, which, though of minor importance, 
kept them in continual motion, arid considerably embar- 
rassed the enemy. 

Immediately after the capture of the Hessians at Tren- 
ton, and the battle of Princeton, which General Washing- 
ton communicated to General Heath, in the beginning of 
January, 1777, he was ordered to move his force towards 
New- York, to impress a belief on the enemy, that that city 
was the object of his attention, retaining for this purpose 
four thousand militia, and sending the remainder of his 
force, with General Lincoln, to Morristown, as a reinforce- 



504 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ment to the grand army. The object of this feint was to 
afford the enemy an opportunity of facilitating their retreat 
from New Jersey, through which they were rapidly retro- 
grading, in consequence of the affair at Trenton and 
Princeton. 

In pursuance of those orders, the General was engaged 
successfully in carrying them into execution until the 10th 
of March, when he obtained leave of absence from the 
Commander-in-chief, for a short period, to visit his family. 
While he was on his return, he received an express from 
General Washington, investing him with the command oi 
the Eastern department, in consequence of the resignation 
of General Ward. He immediately retraced his steps to 
Boston, and assumed the duties incumbent on him in that 
station, on the 20th of March, the day of General Ward's 
solicited retirement. 

According to instructions from the Commander-in-chief, 
eight regiments from Massachusetts were ordered for 
Peekskill, and seven for Ticonderoga. In the latter end 
of May, an express from Governor Trumbull of Connecti- 
cut, announced the death of General Wooster, and the 
burning of Fairfield. In the beginning of May, General 
Heath, accompanied by General Du Coudray, an officer 
of much experience in the French army, took a survey of 
the fortifications and defences of Boston and its vicinity. 
The latter gave it as his opinion, that the British had left 
the town when there was no danger, as it was capable of 
holding out against an army of fifty thousand men. 

The active duties of so important a station occupied the 
General's attention incessantly ; while he was sometimes 
elated, sometimes depressed, according to the nature of the 
intelligence which he had received. But he never de- 
spaired. The events of this year were considerably 
checkered ; but the prospect of a war between France 
and England, the indirect assistance received from that 
court prior to that event, and the capture of Burgoyne by 
General Gates, instilled the strongest hopes in the bosoms 
of the Americans, that the struggle in which they were 
engaged, would ultimately be successful. 

A most gallant achievement was performed by Colonel 



WILLIAM HEATH. t05 

Barton, of Providence, in evading- the British guards, and 
carrying away from his head-quarters on Rhode Island, 
the British Major-General, Prescott. This successful en- 
terprise was productive of much good to the American 
cause. About the latter end of August, the celebrated 
Count-Pulaski, who afterwards gallantly fell at the siege 
of Savannah, was introduced to General Heath, at Boston. 
Four hundred prisoners, captured by General Stark, at 
Bennington, arrived at the head-quarters of the Eastern 
department, on the 5th of September. In consequence of 
the defeat of the Americans at Brandywine, Colonel Lee's 
reo-iment marched on the 2d of October to join the main 
army 

The capture of Burgoyne was celebrated at Boston on 
the 23d of this month with much eclat. The destination 
of the captured army being Boston, greatly added to the 
duties of the General of this department. He, however, 
made every exertion for the comfortable accommodation 
of the officers and men committed to his charge, and, at 
the same time, was peculiarly attentive to the wants as 
well as to the discipline of the soldiers under his imme- 
diate care. 

The accommodation of the captured army, in Boston, 
amazingly increased the duties of the Quarter-master's 
department in this quarter. The barracks on Prospect and 
"Winter hills were put in order, and every other measure 
adopted, to render the situation of the prisoners as com- 
fortable as possible. 

General Burgoyne arrived at Cambridge with his suite, 
on the 7th of November, where he was received by the 
Commander-in-chief of the Eastern department, to whose 
care he and his army had been committed for safe keep- 
ing according to the articles of capitulation. Burgoyne 
was invited by General Heath to dine with him next 
day in Boston, accompanied by Major-Generals Phillips 
and the German Baron Reidefel, for which purpose they 
were escorted bv an American officer, one of the General's 
aids-de-camp. Notwithstanding both sexes thronged the 
streets, windows, and tops of houses, nay even fences, to 
satiate their curiosity, in beholding the captive generals* 
43 



506 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

no insult whatever was given — no disgraceful hissings, no 
language hurtful to the feelings of a fallen foe. Their 
respectable demeanour was such as to extort the language 
of praise from Burgoyne. who assured General Heath, 
that in a reverse of circumstances, a similar number of 
American officers could not have appeared in the streets 
of the metropolis of Great Britain, without being treated, 
by a mob, with indignity and insult. 
_ A new scene of difficulty now arose, which in a peculiar 
manner called forth the exercise of prudence and resolu- 
tion. On their arrival at Boston, the captive officers were 
to sign their respective paroles. General Burgoyne effected 
to avoid a compliance with this article of the capitulation, 
under different pretexts. A correspondence between him 
and General Heath ensued on the occasion. The conduct 
of the latter was not censured by Burgoyne, and Congreas 
was pleased with it. That body passed a resolve, dated 
8th of November, directing General Heath to cause the 
name, a2,e, rank, size, occupation, and former place of 
abode, of the non-commissioned officers, privates, and other 
persons of the captive army, to be forwarded to the board 
of war, with authenticated copies of the signed paroles of 
the officers. The paroles, however, were not signed until 
the 25th of November. 

This affair having been settled by a compliance of the 
captives with the articles of convention, General Burgoyne 
involved himself in new difficulties respecting his person- 
al embarkation, in which lie was not supported by Admi- 
ral Howe. Burgoyne did not think that he was treated 
with that respect due to his rank by an expression of Ge- 
neral Heath, in a letter, on the subject of the embarkation 
of the troops, on board of transports, from Boston harbour, 
as he had supposed that he was entitled to a passage on 
board a frigate, which, he insisted, ought to be permitted 
to enter that harbour for the purpose, protected by a flag 
of truce. General Heath informed him, that if the arti- 
cles of capitulation with General Gates warranted such a 
construction, his right should not be withheld ; but if not, 
that any attempt to obtain such an indulgence would be 
frultl© • 



WILLIAM HEATH. 507 

A resolve of Congress was passed on the 8th of Janua- 
ry, 1778, suspending the embarkation of the troops until 
the convention should be ratified by the British cabinet; 
hence the affair of the frigate was put to rest, General 
Heath having transmitted to Congress the correspondence 
on that subject. 

During this, a package of letters, intended to be sent to 
General Howe, was sent to General Heath for inspection. 
Nothing in General Burgoyne's personal correspondence 
formed matter of remark, but one from Colonel Kingston 
to Lord Harcourt contained such remarks from a captive 
officer as warranted its detention, and subjected Burgoyne 
to some censure, because of its envelopment in his pack- 
age. 

In misfortune, Burgoyne betrayed a restless spirit, as he 
found fault with every thing, and cavilled at the most in- 
significant trifles. Colonel Henley, who was the immedi- 
ate commanding officer at Cambridge, had caused a pri- 
soner to be chastised for personal insolence towards him- 
self. Burgoyne, instead of concurring in a measure, 
which, in all well organized armies, was necessary for the 
preservation of discipline and order, preferred a complaint 
against the Colonel, a meritorious and brave officer. Ge- 
neral Heath caused him to be arrested, and submitted the 
affair to a court of inquiry. The conduct of the British 
officers and privates, on several occasions, did not com- 
port with that decorum which might be expected from 
prisoners of war, of which the court was made acquaint- 
ed, together with the alleged causes of complaint of the 
English General, who expressed his displeasure, that his 
complaints were not submitted directly to a Court-martial. 
Peculiar attention appears to have been paid to the feel- 
ings and even to the caprice of the captive General. It 
was, therefore, deemed expedient, that he should be grati- 
fied in his wishes. A Court-martial was accordingly held, 
by order of General Heath. The causes of complaint 
were exhibited. General Burgoyne justified them with 
all his eloquence, assuming the duties of a judge advo- 
cate, in which he was indulged, but against which Ge- 
neral Heath, in confirming the decision of the Court, pn> 



508 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

tested, in order that it might not serve as a precedent on 
future occasions. Colonel Henley was honourably ac- 
quitted, and resumed his command. 

On the 8th of March, a cartel arrived from Cape Cod. 
with a letter to General Burgoyne from Captain Dalrym- 
ple, announcing his arrival in that harbour in the Juno 
frigate, accompanied with transports, for the conveyance 
of himself and his troops to England. In consequence of 
the existing state of affairs, however, Captain Brathwaite 
arrived in the Centurion in Cape Cod, with orders from 
Lord Howe, that the vessels of war and transports should 
return to Rhode Island, then in possession of the British. 

The difficulties, which had been so numerous in impe- 
ding the fulfilment of the articles of the capitulation of the 
British army to General Gates, were so far removed in 
the latter end of March, as to permit, by a resolve of Con- 
gress, the return of General Burgoyne to England, from 
Rhode Island, the expenses for the support of the cap- 
tured army, made in paper, being previously refunded in 
specie. 

Their supply involved the General in many difficulties, 
which required his utmost attention and foresight to re- 
move. General Burgoyne bid him adieu at his quarters, 
on the 2d of April, and left Cambridge on the 5th for 
Rhode Island, to embark for Europe. In this last inter- 
view, he expressed his utmost satisfaction in respect to 
the treatment he had personally received from the Gene- 
ral, and promised to remit from England such scarce ar- 
ticles as he should name, for his own use. The General 
thanked him for his politeness ; but made no further ob- 
servation on his proffered services, preferring to submit to 
the straitened resources of the country in common with 
his fellow citizens, rather than to avail himself of the ad- 
vantages which might result from the politeness of the 
captive officer. 

After the departure of General Burgoyne. a division of 
the captured troops were ordered to Rutland in Vermont, 
where barracks had been prepared for their reception, and 
General Heath entered into a negotiation with the British 
General Pigot, for the future supply of the whole captive 



WILLIAM HEATH. 509 

force. Congress, when made acquainted with this nego- 
tiation, passed a resolve dated the 22d of May, in which 
they highly ^approved his conduct. 

On the 17th of June, a British officer was shot on Pros- 
pect hill, by an American sentinel. On the 7th of the 
same month, one of the American guards was stabbed by 
one of the captive soldiers. The instant tbat General 
Heath became acquainted with the shooting of the British 
officer, he directed the sentinel to be put into confinement, 
a coroner's inquest to be held over the body, and acquaint- 
ed General Phillips of the circumstance, and the proceed- 
ings which he had ordered thereon. The officer who 
was shot was a Lieutenant Brown, of the 21st regiment. 
By the Coroner's inquest, it appeared, that in company 
with two females, he attempted to pass the line of senti- 
nels, after being challenged, without complying with the 
necessary formalities. The intemperate letters written by 
General Phillips, the senior captive officer, induced Gene- 
ral Heath to order his confinement to his quarters, as the 
language used in that correspondence was a direct viola- 
tion of the articles of capitulation. A compliance with 
the disposition of General Phillips would have been to 
participate the powers of the commanding General with 
a captive officer, but while General Heath pertinaciously 
supported the dignity of his station, he used every exer- 
tion to alleviate the situation of those placed under his 
control. Neither the stern language of protest and re- 
proach, nor the more insidious tones of friendship, could 
avail. Heath was steady to his duty, and Phillips was 
obliged to submit. In the case of Brown's death, the 
course pursued by General Heath was approved by Con- 
gress, as appeared by their resolution on that subject, da- 
ted July 7, 1778. 

General Heath continued in the active exercise of the 
duties of his station, until the 12th of November, when 
he was replaced in the Eastern department by General 
Gates. On his retiring from that station, he received 
every mark of respect from the inhabitants, by which 
they endeavoured to evince the high sense which they 
entertained of his correct deportment and philanthropy 
43* 



610 KLORY OF AMERICA. 

in the faithful discharge of the important trust which had 
been reposed in him. 

General Gates left Boston for Providence, fthode Island, 
on the 2d of April following, when the command of the 
Eastern department again devolved on General Heath. 
He remained at Boston until the 4th of June, when he re- 
ceived orders from General Washington to join the grand 
army. He had previously ordered away all the heavy 
ordnance belonging to the United States, at Boston and 
Providence, to the banks of the Hudson river. Every 
mark of respect was paid him on his departure from Bos- 
ton, and on his way to the place of his destination. On the 
21st of June, he arrived at New Windsor, whence he ac- 
companied General Washington to West Point, the Gib- 
raltar of the Western World, and, on the 23d of the same 
month, he was invested with the command of all the rebel 
troops, as the British were pleased to call them, on the 
east side of the Hudson river. This change of situation 
brought him again into the duties of the camp, from 
which his situation at the head of the Eastern depart- 
ment had for some time relieved him. Here he was in 
active field duties, when, on the 30th of June, he received 
a notification from John Jay, Esq. President of Congress, 
accompanying an extract of the proceedings of that l3ody, 
announcing his election to the place of a Commissioner 
of the board, of war, with a salary of four thousand dollars 
per annum, while, at the same time, he was allowed to 
retain his rank in the army. 

The proffer of Congress was declined, as the General 
manifested his wish to remain in the station which lie 
then held. 

According to orders received from General Washing- 
ton, on the 10th of July, General Heath marched his di- 
vision, next day, for Bedford in New-York. Here ho 
arrived on the 14th, and finding that the British shipping 
had gone down the Sound towards New- York, he took a 
strong position between Bedford and Ridgefield. The eyes 
of the public were now fixed on this division, and on the 
contiguous foe, who was laying waste the country in 
Connecticut. They had destroyed Fairfield. This move- 



WILLIAM HEATH. 



511 



ment, however, saved a number of towns and villages 
from devastation, and inspired fresh confidence in the in- 
habitants. In order to withdraw the attention of the Bri- 
tish from Connecticut, General Washington planned the 
surprise of Stony Point, which General Wayne so gal- 
lantly executed. The next object was an attack on Ver- 
planck's Point, garrisoned by one thousand of the enemy. 
On the Americans removing from Stony Point. General 
Washington ordered General Heath, with his division, to 
repair to Peekskill, and supersede General Robert Howe. 
While these operations were in train, to prevent the 
design of General Sir Henry Clinton, of cutting off the 
retreat of General Howe, General Washington order- 
ed General Heath to take possession of the passes into the 
Highlands, by forced marches, which lie completely ef- 
fected. He continued actively engaged with his division, 
in affairs of minor importance, during the iomainder of 
the campaign. 

On the 28th of November, General Washington invested 
him with the command of all the troops and posts on the 
Hudson river. This was reckoned the key of communi- 
cation between the eastern and southern states. The 
winter passed away without any occurrence of magnitude. 
The weather had been extremely severe, and the suffering 
of the troops was great. Still, however, their commander 
had such an ascendancy over them, that they remained 
patient under all their privations. 

The latter end of February, 1780, by leave of the 
commander-in-chief, General Heath left the army on a 
visit to his friends in New England. On the 8th of 
March, he represented to the council of Massachusetts, the 
high importance and necessity of filling up their battalions. 
This had the desired effect ; for the state legislature 
shortly afterwards ordered a draft for the purpose, to ren- 
dezvous at Springfield, in Massachusetts. On the 9th of 
June, he received an order from General Washington, 
whose head quarters were at Morristown, N. J., to repair 
to Providence, R. I., to meet the commander of the 
French forces and fleet, which were expected there every 
moment, in order to render them the assistance requisite 



512 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

after so long a voyage. He arrived at Providence on the 
16th of June, when he was escorted into town with all 
possible respect, Every necessary preparation was made 
for the reception of the French army, as soon as it should 
land. The fleet arrived at Newport on the 11th of July, 
and the General repaired thither, where he was introduced 
to Count Rochambeau, the commander of the French 
land forces, and the Chevalier Ternay, commander of the 
fleet. The usual civilities on such occasions took place 
between the respective parties, and a close intimacy be- 
tween Rochambeau and the General commenced, which 
lasted during the whole war. 

The arrival of the French force attracted the attention 
of the British — Sir Henry Clinton designed to attack it at 
Newport with a force of eight thousand men. Intelligence 
of this, and the appearance of the British fleet off Rhode 
Island, induced a call of the militia as a re-enforcement. 
Every disposition was made to give the enemy a warm 
reception. The General informed General Washington 
of his desire to return to the main army, and assume the 
command of the right wing, a rank to which he was 
entitled by seniority. However, at the solicitations of 
Count Rochambeau, and to comply with the wish of 
General Washington, he remained there ; as the general- 
in-chief had informed him, that the main army had no 
immediate prospect of active operations. 

On the first of October, General Heath took leave of the 
French officers at Newport, in order to repair to the main 
army, for which he had received an order from General 
Washington, who, at the same time, informed him of 
Arnold's treason, and xindre's capture. Complimentary 
letters of leave passed between Generals Rochambeau and 
Heath, and the latter proceeded as far as West Point, 
which he reached on the 16th, on his way to the main 
army, where he found a letter from General Washington, 
appointing him to the command of that fortress, in place 
of General Greene, who had been ordered to supersede 
General Gates in the southern states. 

On the 17th, General Greene departed for the object of 
his journey, and, at the same time, General Heath assumed 



WILLIAM HEATH. 515 

the command, when the contemplated predatory excursion 
of the enemy afforded him sufficient employ. In No- 
vember, a number of the French officers paid a visit to 
General Heath, at West Point, where they were received 
and treated with marked respect. 

On the 1st of December, the discharge of the six 
month's men was begun. Three New York regiments 
departed for Albany, and the army generally went into 
winter quarters. General Washington established his 
quarters at New Windsor for the winter, on the 6th of the 
month, and the next day visited West Point. 

In consequence of the scarcity of provisions at West 
Point, of which General Washington was made acquaint- 
ed, he ordered General Heath to proceed to the eastward, 
in order to obtain of the Governors of the New England 
states, those supplies, the want of which portended the 
most serious consequences. 

While on this expedition, which he commenced in the 
beginning of May, General Washington advised him, in 
the July following, that in the new regulations for the 
ensuing campaign, the command of the right wing of the 
main army was reserved for him. In consequence, he left 
his residence at Roxbury, on the 12th, to assume his com- 
mand, the grand army having encamped near Peekskill. 
When he arrived at the army, it had changed its position, 
and was encamped at Philipsburg, in two lines, in the 
place which had been between the tw r o armies the preced- 
ing year. 

On the 17th of August, 1781, General Washington 
confidentially communicated to General Heath, a blow 
which he intended to strike against the enemy ; for which 
purpose he detached a part of the army to the southward, 
leaving Heath in command of the main army during his 
absence. His orders were dated on the 19th of the same 
month, and confined him to defensive operations. The 
general, accordingly, was busily engaged during the 
whole summer in executing the trust reposed in him. On 
the 28th of October, he received a despatch from General 
Washington, announcing the success of the meditated 
blow, which had terminated in the capture of Cornwalb's 



514 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

and the British army, at Yorktown, in Virginia. On the 
22d, the corporation of Albany passed a vote of thanks 
to General Heath, for the alacrity which he had displayed 
in defending the northern frontiers of the state of New 
York against the maraudings of the enemy. The whole 
army celebrated in the Highlands, on the 31st, the joyful 
event, which had been effectuated by the commander-in- 
chief, and his auxiliary forces. Things now wore a favour- 
able aspect on the American side. The foraging went on 
successfully ; but the general was directed to forward no 
more supplies to the army in Virginia. About this time, 
the troops went into winter quarters, with more cheerful- 
ness and better prospects, than in any preceding year. 

General Washington returned from the south in the 
April following, and established his head quarters at New- 
burgh, on the west bank of the Hudson. On resuming 
the command, he publicly returned his thanks to General 
Heath, for the successful execution of the trust reposed in 
him during his absence. 

A new scene of outrage, committed by a party of refu- 
gees, under command of a Captain Lippencott, attracted 
public attention. In their maraudings, they fell in with a 
Captain Huddy, whom they took prisoner, and hung. It 
was well understood, that however the conduct of the 
party might be censured by the enemy, some evasive pre- 
text would rob justice of its demand, by suffering the 
party to escape ; and the event justified the anticipation. 
To put a stop to practices so incompatible with the rules 
of warfare observed among civilized nations, General 
Washington called a council of officers, who met in Gene- 
ral Heath's quarters on the 19th of April. They were 
convoked to advise the General, respecting the best mode 
of preventing the repetition of such sanguinary deeds. 
The Council unanimously recommended measures of 
retaliation. In conformity with their advice, it was deter- 
mined to select by lot, a captive officer in the hands of the 
Americans, who should undergo the fate which Huddy 
experienced, unless the crime should be fully atoned 
by the punishment of the murderers. And as Lippencott 
was acquitted by a British court-martial of a crime, which 



WILLIAM HEATH. 515 

Would have disgraced the darkest era of the middle ages, 
Captain Asgill, a young man of high respectability, on 
whom the lot fell, would have met poor Huddy's doom, 
had it not been for the timely interposition of the King 
and Queen of France. 

While General Heath remained with the main army, the 
absence of General Washington vested him with the su- 
preme command. When that General returned from 
Philadelphia, where he had an interview with General 
Count Rochambeau, in July, the American army moved 
lower down the Hudson. A part which proceeded by 
water, disembarked, and encamped near Verplanck's 
Point ; another part descended by land. A new order of 
battle was published, in case the enemy should come in 
contact, and the command of the left wing of the army 
was assigned to General Heath. 

New Windsor was selected for the cantonments of the 
main army, during the ensuing winter. Towards the 
close of October, General Heath's division struck their 
tents, and moved to that destination. The army being now 
inactive, and there being no probability that they would 
be speedily attacked, General Heath, by leave of the 
commander-in-chief, proceeded, on the 5th of December, 
on a visit to his farm at Roxbury, and returned to head 
quarters at Newburgh on the 14th of April following. The 
contest was now drawing to a close. While Great Britain- 
had to deplore the immense expenditure of blood and 
treasure in the fruitless pursuit of unjust power, the sturdy 
sons of the Western Hemisphere were amply gratified 
with the prospect of a speedy and honourable termination 
to the years of toil and privation, which they had expe- 
rienced. News had been received, that peace had already 
been signed, and an order for the cessation of hostilities 
was daily expected in camp. The welcome tidings were 
at length confirmed, and published at headquarters on the 
19th of April, 1783. 

The privations of officers as well as privates in the 
American army, during the unnatural contest, had been 
great. The consummation of their wishes was now 
happily accomplished in the acknowledgment of Tnde- 



516 



GLORY OF AMERICA. 



pendence ; but while they could felicitate themselves on the 
attainment of their most ardent wishes, their pecuniary 
embarrassments still continued, the constituted govern- 
ment of their country being altogether incompetent to pay 
them their just wages. Congress had passed a resolve, in 
order to reduce the army, with the greatest facility, em- 
powering the commander-in-chief to grant furloughs to 
the troops engaged to serve during the war, and to a 
number of officers proportionate to the troops who might 
be thus dispersed, unaccompanied, however, with the 
means to enable them to arrive at their respective des- 
tinations. This, as might naturally have been expected, 
excited a considerable ferment in the army. With a view 
to suppress the storm which seemed ready to burst, a board 
of general officers was therefore called, of which General 
Heath was chosen president. A respectful address to the 
commander-in-chief was penned, setting forth the actual 
situation of the officers and men ; the defalcation of Con- 
gress in complying with their engagements ; the inability 
of the furloughed troops to reach their respective abodea 
without means; the degradation to which the officers were 
reduced; and their miwillingness to depart unless Con- 
gress should afford redress, and give them certificates of 
their arrears of pay. The address was couched in very 
respectful language, and transmitted to General Washing- 
ton, signed by General Heath, as president of the board. 
It was directed to the commander-in-chief, because it only 
requested of him to use his influence to have their griev- 
ance removed. It breathed not the language of servility, 
because it asked for justice — not favours ; nor did it 
exhibit that of the braggart, by the use of menaces to 
frighten Congress, to perform what otherwise the imperious 
dictates of justice, reason, and duty, demanded. 

The reply of the commander-in-chief was highly satis- 
factory, as he assured them, that their wishes had already 
been anticipated by every exertion in his power, to have 
an amicable adjustment of their accounts, and as far as 
was practicable a relief of their immediate wants. — This 
is the era when the celebrated anonymous letters address- 
ed to the army made their appearance, on the writer of 



WILLIAM HEATH. 61? 

whom much obloquy has been since thrown, very proba- 
bly for party purposes. In that business, their author 
has never been treated by the parties concerned, with that 
candour, to which from his very meritorious services, he 
appeared to have been so well entitled. 

About this time, the design for forming a military order 
was begun. Although its object was specious in the 
exterior, it savoured strongly of aristocracy. General 
Heath attended its meeting ; exerted his influence to op- 
pose its aristocratical features, and only subscribed to its 
funds for the charitable objects which were professed. 

At a subsequent period of his life he was confirmed in 
his objections to the institution as it was then conducted, 
and ordered his name to be erased from the list of mem- 
bers ; continuing, however, his subscription for the cha- 
rities, which its constitution professed to be its main ob- 
ject. 

A coincidence of dates in the chain of events, is, some- 
times, remarkable. General Heath was the first officer 
who ordered and gave directions for the guard at Pros- 
pect-hill, in 1775, after the battle of the 19th of April in 
tbat year, and he was left the last general of the day in 
the main army to perform the duties affixed to that station, 
in 1783. 

On the 24th of June, General Heath received a letter 
from General Washington, dated the same day, taking an 
affectionate leave of him, which was couched in the 
strongest language of friendship. On the afternoon of 
that date, General Heath started for his residence in 
Massachusetts, and, upon his arrival, exchanged the garb 
of a soldier, for the habiliments of private life. 

During the remaining years of his life, he often expe- 
rienced the manifestations of the esteem in which he was 
held by his fellow-citizens, by their suffrages. In the 
year 1798, he published his memoirs. While they evince, 
in the manner of memorandum, a man of business, their 
want of method and arrangement exhibit the absence of 
the able penman. 

The General, in the evening of his days, reposed in 
domestic felicity, enjoying the reward of a well spent life. 
44 



518 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

in the warm affection of a nation, for whose freedom he 
had so often risked his existence in the field of battle. 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 



This gentleman was born in Chester county, Penn- 
sylvania, in the year 1745. He was bred to the pro- 
fession of a surveyor, to the duties of which he at- 
tended for several years. But as soon as the clouds 
began to gather in the political hemisphere, he relin- 
quished his private pursuits, and united his efforts with 
the patriots of 1774 and 1775, in warding off the im- 
pending storm. He was successively honoured with a 
seat in the legislature, until he vacated it for the more ar- 
duous toils of the tented field, by the acceptance of a 
colonelcy in the provincial army ; and so great was his 
interest, that, in a few weeks, he raised a regiment in his 
native county. 

He attended, with his regiment, the unfortunate Gene- 
ral Thompson into Lower Canada, in 1776, and was pre- 
sent in the attack on Trois Rivieres, when that gallant 
officer was defeated and taken prisoner. After this dis- 
astrous event, he was peculiarly serviceable in securing 
the retreat of the American troops, which, by his judi- 
cious conduct and activity, he was able to effect with very 
little loss. On this occasion, he was slightly wounded. 
In the retreat, after the capture of Thompson, Colonel 
Maxwell was the commanding officer. This unfortunate 
expedition was planned and ordered by General Sullivan. 
Colonel Wayne afterwards served, with his regiment, in 
the northern army at Ticonderoga under General Gates, 
in the campaign of 1776. His talents as an engineer, his 
quickness of perception, and accurate estimation of heights 
and distances, with his other military qualifications, ren- 
dered him a most valuable officer. 

In the beginning of the campaign of 1777, he was 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 519 

raised to the rank of briffadier-ffeneral, and with his bri- 
gade was ordered to re-enforce General Washington, at 
the head of Elk. 

At the battle of Brandywine. General Kniphausen was 
posted at Chad's ford ; as a feint, General Washington 
having stationed General Wayne, with an adequate force, 
as he supposed, to defend the passage of tl le ford. When 
Cornwallis, as he had designed, succeeded in turning the 
right flank of the American army, Kniphausen crossed 
the ford and attacked Wayne with great vigour. He 
sustained the shock with much resolution ; but, after a 
severe conflict, was obliged to give way to superior force, 
leaving in possession of the enemy, his intrenchments, 
battery, and cannon. On his retreat, Wayne passed the 
rear of the 10th Virginian regiment, under Colonel Ste- 
vens, who was severely engaged with the enemy from 
nearly an hour before the setting sun till dark. 

Shortly after this, Wayne, with the advance of the 
Americans had a slight affair with the enemy, which 
would have ended in a general engagement, but for the 
timely interposition of a rain, which rendered both parties 
incapable of action. 

General Wayne continued to hang on the rear of the 
English General, Howe. On the 19th, he received orders 
from General Washington to act to the greatest advan- 
tage against the rear of the enemy, in conjunction with 
General Smallwood and Colonel Gist, while he should 
cross the Schuylkill at Parker's ford, and endeavour to 
head the enemy and oppose him in front, thus exposing 
him to the disastrous effects of a double fire. 

General Howe having learned the situation of the 
troops under General Wayne, which consisted of about 
fifteen hundred men, with a few pieces of cannon, he 
despatched General Grey, with the 2d regiment of caval- 
ry, and a body of infantry, on the night of the 20th of 
September, who effected the object for which lie was 
destined. It is said, but with what accuracy is not 
known, that the American general had timely warning of 
the attack. Be this as it may, Grey gained Wayne's left 
about one, A. M. on the 21st of September. Some out 



520 CLORV OF AMERICA. 

sentries were early missed by one of the American officers 
on his rounds — an alarm was timely given for the men 
to form ; but instead of drawing them out to the back of 
their encampments, they were paraded in front of their 
own fires, which directed the British to the object of at- 
tack, and by the use of the bayonet, rendered his discom- 
fiture complete. Nearly three hundred were killed and 
wounded, and seventy or eighty taken prisoners, includ- 
ing several officers. The loss to the Americans by this 
enterprise was, besides a quantity of arms, eight wagons 
loaded with baggage and stores ; and farther disaster 
was only prevented by the darkness of the night, 
and the subsequent judicious dispositions of General 
Wayne. For this unfortunate affair he was tried by a 
court martial, who, after having duly considered all 
the circumstances of the case, acquitted him with 
honour. 

The dispositions for the battle of Germantown as made 
by General Washington, were well conceived, and had 
no untoward circumstances occurred to mar them,' vic- 
tory would have perched on the American standard. In 
the display of orders, the divisions of Wayne and Sulli- 
van, flanked by General Conway's brigade, were to enter 
Germantown by the way of Chesnut-hill. Their march 
was begun about 7 o'clock, P. M. on the 3d of October, 
accompanied by the commander-in-chief. The next 
morning at sun-rise, the attack was commenced on the 
40th British regiment and battalion of infantry. Though, 
during the. course of the day, fortune generally favoured 
the American arms, the scene closed in defeat. In a let- 
ter to General Gates, General Wayne declared, that the 
enemy were flying before the victorious arms of the Ame- 
ricans for about three hours, and ascribes the discom- 
fiture to the wind-mill attack on Chew's stone house. 
General Stevenson, who commanded on the York road, 
and whose force was designed to cut off the British re- 
treat at the Rising Sim, and at the same time prevent 
the assistance of a re-enforcement from Philadelphia, was 
tried and broken for disobedience of orders. Had his 
orders been executed, nothing could have prevented the 



ANTHONY WAYNE 521 

destruction or capture of the whole British force engaged 
in the early part of that day. 

During the campaign of 1778, General Wayne was 
still attached to ttie army in the Middle States, under the 
immediate command of General Washington. After the 
enemy had evacuated Philadelphia, and were retreating 
through New- Jersey, General Wayne was despatched to 
pursue them, with a body of one thousand men, forming 
part of the advanced corps of the American army, com- 
manded by the Marquis Lafayette. They were sent, on 
the 25th of June, from the village of Kingston, in the 
vicinity of Princeton, to which the American army had 
removed. The whole army moved in the evening of the 
same day, intending to keep a proper distance for the sup- 
port of the advanced corps. 

Sir Henry Clinton, sensible of the approach of his ad- 
versary's forces, changed the disposition of his troops. 

Without entering into the detail of duty, which devolv- 
ed on Wayne in a subordinate capacity, in this action, he 
in a very peculiar manner displayed the most undaunted 
courage, the greatest activity, and a sound judgment, in 
executing the duties which had been assigned to him. 

In the campaign of 1779, General Washington con- 
ceived the design of storming Stony Point, a strong po- 
sition on the Hudson, about fifty miles above New-York, 
which had fallen into the hands of the British. The ob- 
ject in view was to withdraw from Connecticut to the 
defence of their lines, a party of the enemy, who were 
laying waste a part of that state. The execution of this 
enterprise was intrusted to General Wayne, who com- 
pletely effected it. The situation of this post was of 
much importance in another point of view, as it com- 
manded a pass of the river essential to the British ship- 
ping for the attack on the forts above. The garrison, 
which consisted of about six hundred men, under Colo- 
nel Johnson, was part of the force which had bayoneted 
his troops in cool blood at Paoli. His parole on this oc- 
casion recalled to the remembrance of his troops, that 
sanguinary affair. Although the enterprise was effected 
With the bayonet, the flints having been taken out of their 
44* 



522 BLOKY OK AMERICA. 

firelocks, and the storming of the fort might have justi- 
fied complete retaliation, yet the moment the enemy sub- 
mitted, he spared the farther effusion of blood. This 
enterprise completely effected its object, by compelling 
the British general to withdraw his forces from Connecti- 
cut to defend his own posts. 

In the commencement of this attack, which was of 
short duration, a ball, discharged by one of the sentinels, 
grazed the general's head, and knocked him down. He 
lay a few moments apparently lifeless, but soon after rose, 
and so far recovered as to rest on one knee. Supposing 
himself mortally wounded, he desired one of his aids to 
carry him forward and let him die in the fort. 

The attack on a block-house towards New- York was. 
unsuccessful. It is said, that General Wayne lost more 
men on this occasion, than the whole number of tbose 
whom he attempted to dislodge. Here he manifested 
more zeal and bravery than judgment. General Wash- 
ington, in his report of the affair to Congress, attributed 
its failure to the intemperate valour of the troops. 

For his gallant enterprise at Stony Point, he received 
the thanks of Congress, who awarded him a gold medal, 
emblematical of the action. 

On new-year's day, 1781, a revolt of the Pennsylvania 
line took place, in consequence of the distresses which 
they had to encounter. This affair threatened, on its 
first appearance, to produce the most serious results ; but 
the prudent conduct of General Washington, assisted by 
Wayne, and the patriotic spirit of the troops, prevented 
the British from availing themselves of any benefit on the 
occasion. 

On the 20th of February, 1781, Congress resolved that 
the southern army should be composed of all the regu- 
lars, from Pennsylvania to Georgia, inclusive, except 
Moylan's dragoons. The board of war was directed to 
prepare and furnish every requisite. This new disposi- 
tion of the troops threw General Wayne's division into 
the southern army. 

On the 18th of May, Congress directed the board of 
W9-r to furnish General Wayne with copies of the intelli- 



ANTHONY WAYNB 525 

gence received, on the day previous to the sailing of the 
British fleet from New- York ; and ordered, that in case 
his troops should not be furnished with the necessary sup- 
plies, during their march, he should impress them, and 
credit the States with the amount thereof, whenever such 
coercion should become necessary. 

In the first moments of the rising tempest, the Marqnis 
Lafayette began to retire with his little army, which con- 
sisted only of one thousand regulars, two thousand mili- 
tia, and sixty dragoons. Cornwallis, finding it impossi- 
ble to force an action, endeavoured to cut off the commu- 
nication of the Marquis with General Wayne, who was, 
with eight hundred Pennsylvanians, advancing from the 
northward, the junction of whose forces was effected at 
Rackoon lord, without loss. While this object was ac- 
complishing, Cornwallis placed himself between Lafayette 
and Wayne, and the public stores deposited for greater 
security at Albemarle old Court-house. Lafayette, by 
forced marches, came within a few miles of the British 
army, while they were yet two days distant from the 
object of their enterprise. Cornwallis, from the situation 
of his opponent, considered his capture as certain ; but 
during the night Lafayette opened an old road long dis- 
used, which was unknown to his adversary, and which 
was nearer to Albemarle, and to the astonishment of 
Cornwallis, posted himself next day in a strong position 
between the British and the American stores. Frustrated 
in his schemes, Cornwallis fell back to Richmond, and 
thence retreated to Williamsburg. During these opera- 
tions, Colonel Butler, on the 26th June, 1781, attacked 
the British rear, and killed and wounded one hundred 
and sixty of them. July 6th, Cornwallis retreated from 
Williamsburg to Jamestown, where a smart engagement 
took place, between the British army and the American 
van, under General Wayne. Though General Wayne 
had been erroneously informed that the troops opposed to 
him were only a detached corps, he no sooner discovered 
his error, than he resolutely engaged with the whole 
British army, rightly judging it the most eligible mode by 
\yhich he could escape from his perilous situation. Thus 



524 fJLORY OF AMERICA. 

he urged the attack with such confidence as imposed the 
idea on his opposers, that his force was the advance of 
the American army, who were approaching to support 
him. This bold manoeuvre enabled him to take advan- 
tage of the enemy's fears, and thus to effect a dangerous 
retreat with little loss. 

In January, 17S2, General Wayne having previously 
ordered the Americans at Augusta to join him at Ebene- 
zer, crossed the river Savannah at the Two Sisters' ferry, 
with about one hundred dragoons, commanded by Colo- 
nel Anthony Walton White. He was soon after re-en- 
forced by about three hundred Continental infantry, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Posey. 

The British garrison, at this time, consisted of about 
one thousand regulars, besides a considerable number of 
militia, and was commanded by Brigadier-General Clarke. 
Notwithstanding this great superiority of force, General 
Wayne frequently appeared before the British lines, and 
insulted their pickets. 

On the 21st of May, 1782, Colonel Brown, at the head 
of a considerable party, marched out of the garrison of 
Savannah, with the apparent intention of attacking the 
Americans. General Wayne, by a bold manoeuvre, placed 
Iiis forces between Colonel Brown and the British garri- 
son in Savannah — attacked him at 12 o'clock at night, 
and routed his whole party. The van guard of the 
Americans, consisting of sixty horse and forty infantry, 
was led by Colonel White, of the cavalry, and Captain 
Parker, of the infantry, to a spirited charge, in which 
forty of Brown's men were killed, about twenty taken 
prisoners, and the remainder obliged to shelter in a swamp 
under cover of the night. The liberal use of the sword 
and bavonet gave the Americans this advantage, the flints 
having been previously taken out of the muskets of the 
infantry, to ensure a compliance with orders. In this en- 
terprise the Americans had only five privates killed, and 
two wounded. 

On June 24th, 1782, a party of Creek Indians, with a 
British officer, made a spirited attack on General Wayne. 
They adroitly took possession of two field pieces guarded 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 525 

by a small party in the rear of the Americans. Wayne 
soon rallied his troops, and recovered these field pieces. 
A smart action ensued. Both sides fought in close quar- 
ters with swords and bayonets. 

The Indians, although unusually brave, were routed. 
Fourteen of their number were killed, among whom was 
Emistessigo, a famous chief. — The Americans carried off 
a British standard, and a large number of horses. 

The presence of an American force between the upper 
country and Savannah, interrupted the communication 
between the British garrison and the Indians. A party 
of Indians, with a considerable quantity of peltry and 
pack horses, on their way to Savannah, was taken by Ge- 
neral Wayne. Two of them were detained as hostages, 
and the remainder sent home with a friendly talk. The 
disasters of the British consequent on Cornwallis's cap- 
ture, and the success of the Americans, had a decided in- 
fluence in detaching the Indians from the British, whose 
government had, early in 17S2, determined to abandon 
offensive operations. 

When it was resolved to evacuate Savannah, the mer- 
chants and others of that city obtained permission to ap- 
ply to General Wayne for the security and preservation 
of their property. To the deputation he replied, " that in 
the event of an evacuation by the British garrison, the 
persons and property of such inhabitants, or others, who 
chose to remain in Savannah, will be protected by the 
military, and resigned inviolate into the hands of the civil 
authority, which must ultimately decide." A second flag 
being sent out, General Wayne, at the desire of the civil 
authority of the state, sent them for answer, that " the 
merchants, not owing allegiance to the United States, 
will be permitted to remain a reasonable time to dispose 
of their goods and settle their affairs." On the 11th of 
July, 1782, the British evacuated Savannah, after it had 
been four years in their possession, and it was immediate? 
ly after taken into possession by the Americans. 

For his eminent services the legislature of Georgia 
made him a donation of a handsome plantation. At the 
close of the war he retired to enjoy the repose of domestic 



526 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

life. He was chosen a delegate to the Pennsylvania 
Convention in 1787, and was one of those who signed 
the acceptance of the present constitution of the United 
States, in behalf of his native state. Subsequent to this 
period, he left his family and went to Georgia to look 
after the property which had been bestowed upon him by 
that state. Here he was induced to allow himself to be 
held up as a candidate for a seat in Congress, and was 
returned to that honourable body, as being duly elected, 
in 1792. But certain irregularities having taken place 
in regard to some of the votes, the legality of his election 
was called in question by his opponent, General James 
Jackson. The business was, accordingly, taken up in 
the House of Representatives, who, after a patient investi- 
gation, determined in favour of Jackson ; while they, at 
the same time, declared, that no dishonour could be at- 
tached to General Wayne, and that the informalities 
which had induced them to decide that he could no 
longer retain his place in their body, could not, in the 
slightest degree, be attributed to him. Wayne employed 
counsel ; but his antagonist plead his own cause. Jack- 
son might have forthwith taken his seat ; but he declined 
that honour, till, after a new election, the will of the ma- 
jority of his constituents was fully expressed in his behalf. 
Immediately after this disappointment, he was consoled 
by his being promoted to the command of the Western 
army, which had been successively defeated under Har- 
man and St. Clair. Here he continued the warfare with 
success against the Indians, whom he defeated and com- 
pelled to sue for peace. He remained in this command, 
watching over the conduct of his savage foe, until the 
15th of December, 1796, when he died at Presque Isle, on 
Lake Erie, of a malignant disease, in the fifty-first year of 
his age, and was buried there with all the honours due to 
his rank and high merits. In the year 1808, he was dis- 
interred, brought to Philadelphia, and* thence conveyed 
to Chester county, the place of his nativity, where he was 
reinterred, with suitable ceremonies. A remarkable fact, 
connected with this transaction, is, that his countenance 
was still fresh, and that petrifaction had far advanced, 



CHARLES LEE. 527 



CHARLES LEE. 

The family of General Lee, and the earls of Leicester, 
sprung from the same parent stock in Cheshire, and by- 
intermarriages were connected with most of the principal 
families of England. One of the family was, so early as 
in Queen Elizabeth's reign, an object of public regard — 
Being connected in the conspiracy of the Earl of Essex, 
and the friend of the Earl of Tyrone, who was in open 
rebellion, he was the first to suffer on that occasion. The 
General's ancestor was Sir Henry Lee, Queer Elizabeth's 
champion at the tilter's tournament, from which he re- 
tired by age in the 33d year of that queen's reign. He 
died in 1611, aged eighty, and was interred in the church 
of Quarendon, near Aylesbury. Sir Henry had a large 
dog, which was left by accident one night in his bed 
chamber, unknown to a faithless servant, who entered the 
room with the intent of robbing and murdering his mas- 
ter, but who was seized on his entrance into the room by 
the faithful Tray. At Dichley, the former seat of the earls 
of Leicester, is a fine full length portrait of Sir Henry and 
his trusty dog. A knowledge of this circumstance, no 
doubt, led the General to that predilection for dogs, which 
he ever manifested through life, a circumstance remarked 
as one of the eccentricities of his character. 

The General's father was John Lee, of Dernhall. in 
Chester county, some time a captain of dragoons, and 
lieutenant-colonel in Colonel Barrel's regiment, from 1717 
to 1742, when he was promoted to the command of a regi- 
ment of foot. The General's mother was Isabella, second 
daughter of Sir Henry Bunbury, of Stanney, in Cheshire, 
and himself the youngest of three sons. His elder brothers 
were named Thomas and Harry. 

He may be properly called a child of Mars, for he was 
an officer, when eleven years old ; hence it may be said 
strictly, that his education was a military one. He was 
master of the Greek and Latin classics, well versed in the 
Italian, Spanish, German, and French languages^ and had 



528 OLORY OF AMERICA. 

assiduously explored the fields of general science. He had 
travelled much — his thirst for knowledge was unquench- 
able ; but his favourite study was war, a profession in 
which, to distinguish himself, he concentrated his every 
wish. In very early life, he commanded a company of 
grenadiers in the 4.4th regiment, and was present at the 
defeat of General Abercrombie, at Ticonderoga, when he- 
received a shot through the body. 

After the reduction of Montreal^ he returned to England, 
when he found that a general peace was contemplated, 
and that the cession of Canada was the general topic of 
conversation ; an event which appeared prejudicial to the 
interest and glory of America, inasmuch as the appre-* 
hension of such a result gave uneasiness throughout the 
continent. On this occasion, instead of the sword, Lee 
wielded his pen, and produced a pamphlet, pointing out 
the importance of that province to the Western Empire. 
The production Was popular among the Americans, and 
drew from Dr. Franklin the following compliment, "that 
it could not fail of making a salutary impression." 

He bore the commission of a colonel in the year 1762, 
in Portugal, under General Burgoyne. The Spaniards, 
with the intention of invading that kingdom, had collected 
an army on the confines of Estramadura, in order to pierce 
the province of Alentejo. An advanced body of them lay 
in Valentia de Alcantara, a town on their frontiers. These 
the Count la Lippe, the commander-in-chief of the Portu- 
guese forces, formed a design to attack. General Bur-- 
goyne was intrusted with the enterprise. He surprised 
the town, took the intended commander-in-chief of the in- 
vasion, with a number of other officers, by which one of 
the best regiments of Spain was in a great measure anni 
hilated. Several skirmishes followed, and yet the army of 
the Spaniards were masters of the country, and the posses- 
sion of the passage of the Tagus was only wanting in or- 
der to give them quarters in Alentejo. 

A considerable, but detached camp of Spanish cavalry, 
lay near the village of Villa Velha. General Burgoyne 
posted himself within their view, that he might obstruct 
their passage. Discovering that the Spaniards had alike 



CI1AI IZS LEE. 529 

their front and rear uncovered, and that they were other- 
wise unguarded, he conceived a plan to surprise them, the 
execution of which he committed to Colonel Lee. The 
trust was rightly reposed, for Colonel Lee attacked their 
rear on the night of the eighth of October, routed their 
camp, dispersed the whole corps with considerable slaugh- 
ter, destroyed their magazines, and returned with a very 
trifling loss. The war being closed, he received, prior to 
his return to England, the thanks of his Lusitanian Ma- 
jesty for his eminent services, and from Count la Lippe 
the strongest recommendations to the British court. One 
of the principal secretaries of state became his friend and 
patron. Hence the brightest prospects of preferment lay 
before him; but his early attachment to the interests of the 
American colonies, evinced in his writings regarding the 
Pondiac war, lost him the favour of the ministry. De- 
spising a life of inactivity, he left his natal soil, and en- 
tered into the service of his Polish majesty, one of whose 
aids he became. At this period, when the obnoxious Stamp 
Act had passed, which threw all the colonies into a fer- 
ment, no inconsiderable number of members of both 
houses of parliament were the General's immediate cor- 
respondents. With those of weight and influence he ex- 
erted his reasoning faculties, and all the abilities of which 
he was master, and not in vain. This atrocious act di- 
vided almost all the European cabinets, either in favour 
of the prerogative of the Britisli crown, or in behalf of the 
colonial assertion of rights. The British embassy at the 
court of Vienna were composed of characters held high in 
Lee's regard and esteem ; but the earnestness with which 
lie defended the cause of the American colonies, almost 
induced him to break off all intercourse with them ; at 
the same time he had the satisfaction to learn, that his 
writings gained him many friends. Thus early did Lee 
manifest his zeal against the arbitrary encroachments of 
■Great Britain on the unalienable and natural rights of her 
transatlantic subjects. His rambling spirit led him to 
travel over all Europe, during the years 1771, 1772, and 
the major part of 1773. His warmth of temper drew him 
into several rencounters, amoncr which was an affair of 
15 



530 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

honour with an officer in Italy. The contest was begun 
with swords, when 'the General lost two of his lingers. 
Recourse was then had to pistols. His adversary was 
slain, and he was obliged to flee from the country, in order 
that he might avoid the unpleasant consequences which 
might result from this unhappy transaction. 

Dissatisfied with the political aspect of affairs in Eng- " 
land, he embarked at London, on the 16th of August, 
1773, on board the packet for New- York, in which city 
lie arrived on the 10th of the following November. Daring 
the passage he was attacked with a severe fit of the gout. 
He shortly after bought a plantation in Berkely county, 
Virginia, through the advice of General Gates, who was 
settled there. Here he remained until May, 1775, when 
he came to Philadelphia. 

The Congress was then in session. His enthusiasm in 
favour of the rights of the Colonies was such, that, after 
the battle of Lexington, he accepted a major-general's 
commission in Jl \e American army, previous to which, 
however, he re. hed bis commission in the British ser- 
vice. This he did in a letter to Lord Viscount Barring- 
ton, the British secretary at war ; assuring his lordship, 
that although he had renounced his half pay, yet, when- 
ever it should please his Majesty to call him forth to any 
honourable service against the hereditary enemies of his 
country, or in defence of his just rights and dignity, no 
man would obey the righteous summons with more zeal 
and alacrity than himself : at the same time, the General 
expressed his disapprobation of the present measures, in 
the most direct terms : declaring them to be " so absolutely 
subversive of the rights and liberties of every individual 
Subject, so destructive to the whole empire at large, and 
ultimately so ruinous to his Majesty's own person, dignity, 
and family, that he thought himself obliged in conscience, 
as a citizen, Englishman, and a soldier of a free state, to 
exert his utmost to defeat them." 

War had been his study from early youth. Having 
seen much active service ; having distinguished himself 
for courage and abilities, many thought the service of the 
colonies injured by his being superseded in rank by Ge- 



charm:.'? lee. 531 

neral Ward of Massachusetts. He, however, exhibited no 
symptoms of dissatisfaction at this preference. Having 
received orders, he left Philadelphia, with General AVash- 
ington, on the 2 1st of June, and repaired to the American 
army at Cambridge, in the vicinity of Boston. They 
were escorted out of the city by a troop of horse, and all 
the militia officers of the city and county, on horseback. 
While on their journey they received the news of the con- 
flict at Breed's-hill, and reached head-quarters on the 2d 
of July. The arrival of the two generals was greeted 
by the people with a cordial welcome, and every mani- 
festation of esteem and respect was evinced on the occa- 
sion. — The provincial congress of Massachusetts prepared 
two very gratifying addresses, one of which was presented 
to the Commander-in-chief, the other to General Lee, 
though the latter was not second in command on the list 
of major-generals ; yet he-was the only one, besides the 
General in chief, who was then distinguished after his 
arrival at quarters, prior to the performance of some sig- 
nal service. This mark of respect was given him on ac- 
count of his high military and literary reputation, the 
sacrifice he had made in throwing up his commission in 
the British army, and the consequent risks he had to en- 
counter in the untried scenes which lay before him. 

General Lee remained with the army until the follow- 
ing year, when General Washington, having been advised 
of an expedition preparing at Boston for a southern desti- 
nation, despatched Lee, with what volunteers he could 
procure, to put New York in a posture of defence against 
an expected attack. This was judged a matter of great 
importance, as the possession of that city and the Hudson 
river would lead to the command of the country, and open 
a communication into Canada. As soon as he arrived, 
he commenced with ardour the construction of the neces- 
sary defences, as far as his means and the season of the 
year would admit. He disarmed all suspected persons 
within the reach of his command, and proceeded with 
such rigour against the tories, as to give alarm, even to 
the Provincial Congress of New York, in his assumption 
pf military, uncontrolled powers. To check his course, 



532 CL0RY OF AMERICA. 

that body informed him in writing, that the business of 
trial and punishment of citizens was a power vested in 
their own body, and not delegated to any, not even the 
most exalted military character whatever. To this the 
General answered, that when the enemy was at the doors, 
forms must be dispensed with — that his duty to them, to 
the Continental Congress, and to his own conscience, had 
dictated the necessity of the measure — that if he had done 
wrong, he would submit himself to the shame of being 
reputed rash and precipitate, and undergo the censure of 
the public ; but he should have the consciousness of his 
own breast ; that the pure motives of serving the commu- 
nity, uncontaminated by pique or resentment to individu- 
als, urged him to the step. — The general also remonstra- 
ted against supplying the men of war and Governor Try- 
on with provisions, as the boats coming to the city must 
open the means of their receiving every sort of intelligence. 
11 I should," says the General, in one of his letters, " be in 
the highest degree culpable to God, my conscience, and 
the Continental Congress, in whose service I am engaged, 
should I suffer, at so dangerous a crisis, a banditti of pro- 
fessed foes of liberty and their country, to remain at liber- 
ty to co-operate with, and strengthen the ministerial troops 
openly in .arms, or covertly, and consequently more dan- 
gerously furnish them with intelligence." He also drew 
up a Test, which he ordered his officers to offer to those, 
who were reputed inimical to the American cause : a re- 
fusal to take this, was to be construed as no more or less 
than an avowal of their hostile intentions ; upon which, 
their persons were to be secured, and sent to Connecticut, 
where it was judged they could not be so dangerous. 
Thus the General excited the people to every spirited 
measure, and intimidated by every means the friends to 
the English government. At this time, Captain Vande- 
put, of the Asia, seized a Lieutenant Tiley, and kept him 
on board his ship in irons. On the principles of retalia- 
tion, Lee took into custody Mr. Stephens, an officer of 
government; and informed the Captain what he had 
done, and that this gentleman should not be released 
until Lieutenant Tilev was returned. This had the de- 






CHARLES LEE- 533 

sired effect. His determined and decisive disposition had 
an amazing influence both on the army and people ; and 
the steps he proposed for the management of those who 
disapproved of the American resistance, struck a terror 
wherever he appeared. 

The news of the unsuccessful termination of the expe- 
dition into Canada, under the unfortunate General Mont- 
gomery, cast a gloom over public affairs, and Congress 
directed General Lee to proceed to take the command of 
the armies in that province. Notwithstanding he was 
convalescent from a fit of the gout, he accepted the ap- 
pointment. Previous to his departure, circumstances in- 
duced Congress to alter their plan, and appoint him to the 
command of the armies in the southern states. He was 
succeeded in the command at New York by General Put- 
nam. On his way to the southward, he was received 
with every demonstration of public and private respect 
from all ranks of people, particularly in Virginia, and 
North and South Carolina. His vigilance and foresight 
was evinced by the fact, that when ho successively arri- 
ved at New York, Virginia, North and South Carolina, he 
preceded the British general, Sir Henry Clinton, for when 
General Lee received orders at Cambridge, to repai to 
New York, to watch the motions of the British, he met 
General Clinton the very day he arrived there ; when he 
came to Virginia, he found him in Hampton roads — and 
just after his arrival in North Carolina, General Clinton 
left Cape Fear. Their next meeting was at Fort Sulli- 
van, which must have made Lee appear to Clinton as his 
evil genius, haunting him for more than eleven hundred 
miles, along a coast of vast extent, and meeting him in 
Philippi. 

The affair of Sullivan's Island was a most extraordi- 
nary deliverance ; for, if the English had succeeded, it is 
more than probable the southern colonies would at that 
time have been compelled to submit to the English govern-; 
ment. Dreadful was the cannonade, but without effect. 
Porto Bello, Boccochico, and the other castle at Carthagena, 
were obliged to strike to Vernon ; Fort Lewis in Saint 
Pomino-o yielded to the metal of Admiral Knowles; but 
43* 



534 «LORY OF AMERICA. 

in this instance, an unfinished battery, constructed with 
Palmetto logs, resisted, for a whole day, the twelve and 
eighteen pounders of the British fleet, to the astonishment 
and admiration of every spectator. 

The intrepidity displayed by the Americans, on this oc- 
casion, was such, that the officers and men received the 
thanks of the public, through the constitutional organs of 
legislation — and General Lee and Colonel Moultrie in par- 
ticular. General Lee accomplished the objects of his des- 
tination, which augmented the high estimation in which 
he was held. General Sir Henry Clinton, and Sir Peter 
Parker, being repulsed in their attack on Sullivan's island, 
returned to New York, and General Lee repaired to 
Georgia. 

Affairs in the North assumed a lowering appearance, 
from the dispositions manifested by the enemy, which 
indicated a vigorous attack on New York, by an intended 
junction of the forces of General Howe, and of Burgoyne, 
who had boasted " that he could make elbow-room with 
the besom of destruction, by the aid of five thousand men, 
from one end of the continent to the other." 

An express was despatched to General Lee in Georgia, 
by Congress, ordering him to repair to Philadelphia with 
all possible speed. He arrived in that city in the begin- 
ning of October, and immediately waited on that body. 
On due deliberation, after receiving his opinion, he was 
directed to repair to the camp at Harlaem, with an injunc- 
tion to visit the several posts in New Jersey, if, in his 
judgment, it should be necessary. His timely arrival was 
inauspicious to the design of the British General, which 
was no less than the blockade of the army of the Ameri- 
cans on York Island, which must have eventuated in their 
inevitable capture. The affair was thus: A council of 
war, contrary to General Washington's opinion, were in 
favour of waiting the attack of the British on York 
Island. General Howe, finding the American lines too 
strong in front to be forced, left a body of troops, under 
Lord Percy, opposite to the river, and with the residue of 
his force, effected a passage in flat-bottomed boats, and 
landed at Throg's neck, intending a simultaneous effort 



CHARLES LEE. 535 

against their front and rear. The delay of Howe one 
week was inauspicious to his intentions ; for the night pre- 
vious to his attack, which was that of Lee's arrival, another 
council of officers was held in the American camp, at 
which Lee attended, and pointed out to them their dan- 
gerous situation, in language so forcible and convincing, 
that they rescinded their former resolves, and removed 
from the seat of peril before the succeeding dawn. The 
next morning, Howe put his design into operation so 
effectually, that the encampment, where the Americans 
had held the preceding day, was completely hemmed in ; 
but lo ! the bird had flown. Their change of position had 
been effected with such silence and caution, that the British 
General had no intimation of it, until he had obtained the 
ground which he so ardently desired. 

General Lee was a witness to the capture of Fort Wash- 
ington, from Fort Lee, on the opposite shore, an event 
which he beheld with anguish, because of his inability to 
afTord relief. Lee was, at this time, next in command to 
General Washington, in consequence of General Ward's 
retirement from military service. Washington, having 
left General Heath in the command, with written instruc- 
tions, retired into New Jersey, towards the Delaware, with 
a view of covering Philadelphia, leaving Lee to follow him 
with his forces, so soon as it should be practicable. As he 
had conceived a design of harassing the enemy, by 
throwing some troops on the west of the Hudson, he 
directed General Heath to order him two thousand men 
for that purpose, informing him, at the same time, that he 
would replace them on the next day. Heath was in motion 
towards Peekskill, to secure the passes in the Highlands 
and their vicinity, which were conceived to be objects of 
the first magnitude, and he would not obey him. In a 
personal conversation, General Heath absolutely refused to 
give any order for the purpose, alleging, that his written 
instructions from the Commander-in-chief made him 
alone amenable for their execution ; but that he, General 
Lee, being his senior officer, might assume the command, 
and on his own responsibility, issue his order through the 
medium of- his own proper officer, for the purpose ; giving 



636 C.LORY OF AMERICA, 

General Heath a written certificate for justification, that 
he had so acted, General Lee gave the certificate, and 
issued the order through Colonel Scammel accordingly. 
He next day changed his mind, and the order was not put 
into execution. 

Nothing serves so well to display the fickleness of For- 
tune, and her attendant, Fame, than a re-verse of circum- 
stances. When baskinp- in the sunshine of successful 
endeavours, the incumbent of the capricious goddess is 
loaded with the plaudits of the giddy throng ; but when 
the scene is changed, the contemptuous murmurs of the 
multitude are the gleanings of his harvest. These remarks 
are justified by subsequent events. No man had made 
greater sacrifices than General Lee to defend the Ameri- 
can cause. None had been more tampered with to desert, 
it, and none had exhibited more capacity, talent, and stead- 
fastness ; yet no sooner had he become a captive, through 
a carelessness of danger, than the green eye of the jealous 
monster, suspicion, was turned towards him. Lee had 
proceeded to Morristown with his forces, in the fore part 
of December. General Washington had ordered Lord 
Stirling to meet him, in order to concert a plan of opera- 
tions, for the defence of Philadelphia, to the last extremity, 
in compliance with r he resolves of Congress, who had 
removed to Baltimo 

General Washington had crossed the Delaware. The 
enemy had reached Trenton. Lee halted his troops al 
Morristown for several days, and proceeded thence to 
Yealtown, the evening of the 12th of December, on his 
way to join Was! tgt >n, wbo, expecting him to be fol 
lowed by General Heath's division, intended to concentrate 
his forces, if possible, to save Philadelphia. General Gates, 
with his troops unprovided for at the onset of winter, des- 
patched Major Wilkinson, who volunteered his services, 
wNi a letter to General Washington, in order to relieve 
his anxieties in hi3 disagreeable situation. Wilkinson 
finding that Washington had passed the Delaware, and the 
difficulties he had to encounter to cross that river, induced 
nim to repair to General Lee, second in command, for the 
accomplishment of his object. He found General Lee, at 



CHARLES LEE. .'537 

four o'clock in the morning of the 13th, at Mrs. White's 
tavern, at Baskenridge, at a distance from his main body. 
He was admitted to the General's chamber, and delivered 
Gates's letter to him in bed. Discerning the superscription 
to be addressed to General Washington, he refused at first 
to open it ; but upon a representation of the nature of its 
contents, he yielded to importunities, and read it. The next 
morning he was engaged in controversial disputes with 
some Connecticut horsemen in careless security, and did 
not breakfast until ten o'clock. He then answered Gates's 
letter.* Information had been conveyed to the British, by 
some of the disaffected, of the careless security in which 
Lee was reposing. A plan was conceived and executed 
by a party of horse under the British Colonel Harcourt, 
with great gallantry, for his capture. The instant Lee 
had finished his letter to Gates, Wilkinson discovered the 
enemy, who had surrounded the house, and by a threat to 
burn it, induced the General's surrender. He was com- 
pelled to mount Wilkinson's horse, and carried off in tri- 
umph, in his slippers and blanket-coat, his collar open, and 
bare headed, in a soiled shirt. The object of their enter- 
prise thus accomplished, Wilkinson escaped unnoticed, 
although he had secreted himself, and prepared for self- 
defence in case of extremity. He mounted the first horse 
lie could find, and carried the disagreeable information tQ 
General Sullivan, on whom Lee's command devolved, By 

* The following is the letter alluded to— it shows the temper in which he 
was, at the time of his capture. 

" Baskenridge, December 13, 1776 v 
" My dear Gates, 

"The ingenious manoeuvre of Fort Washington has unhinged the goodly 
fabric we had been building. There never was so damned a stroke. Entra 
nous, a certain great man, (meaning Washington^) is most damnably defi- 
cient. He has thrown me into a situation, where I have my choice of diffi- 
culties ; if I stay in this province, I risk myself and army : and if I do not stay, 
the province is lost for ever. I have neither guides, cavalry, medicine, money, 
6hoes, nor stockings. I must act with the greatest circumspection. Tories are 
in my front, rear, and on my flanks; the mass of the people is strangely con- 
taminated : in short, if something, which I do not expect, turns up, we are 
lost ; our councils have been weak to the last degree. As to what relates to 
yourself, if you think you can be in time to aid the General, I would have 
you by all means go; you will at least save your army. It is said the whigs 
are determined to set fire to Philadelphia ; if they strike this derisive stroke, 
the day will be our own : but, unless it is done, all chance of liberty in any 
part of the globe is for ever vanished. Adieu, my dear friend ! God bless 
you! "CHARLES LEE. 



538 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

this unaccountable carelessness, he undoubtedly subjected 
himself to much censure : but it is highly probable, that this 
incident, while it threw him into the vale of neglect, only 
prevented him from making a bold push against the 
enemy, in which he was sure of such success, as would 
redound to the benefit of the cause, and eclipse the fame of 
his superior, whose military talents and acquirements he 
conceived to be of a very inferior order. This event, so 
fatal to Lee's fame and prospects, could not so easily have 
been accomplished, had his guards been at their post ; but 
reposing in fatal security, they had left their arms, and 
went a short distance to bask in the sunshine, when the 
enemy cut them off, and thus completed their design with- 
out firing a shot. 

Lee was hanging on the enemy, and loitering on the 
road, so as to hold up the appearance of obedience of 
command, while the consummation of meditated design 
against the enemy, by its brilliancy of execution, would 
have buried all reproach on the score of disobedience. He 
ascribed all the previous misfortunes, which had attended 
the army, to weak counsels, and felt that only his expe- 
rience, talents, and capacity, had been called into action to 
extricate them from difficulties, which inexperience entail- 
ed on them. Such being his sentiments, founded on the 
belief that all his eclat sprung from the success of his 
exertions, many were of opinion, that Lee was waiting to 
seize on an occasion when he could perform some bril- 
liant achievement, independent of the commander-in-chief, 
which would place the former at the head of the army. An 
incident* is said to have happened, while the army was at 
White Plains, which serves to develope the eccentricities 
of the man, in his conduct towards those who were not 
high in his estimation. It had been the usual practice of 
the Commander-in-chief, with his aids, to take a M^alk every 
forenoon through the camp, and reach Lee's marquee 
about mid-day. For several days, good breeding induced 
Lee to invite them to dine with him, and his invitations 



* Narrated by the late General John Sky Eustace, one of the aids of Gene- 
ral Lee at that time, to the compiler of tins work. 



CHARLES LEE. 539 

were accepted. One day, at the accustomed hour, espying 
the General and his suite in his usual walk, he retired to 
his marquee, and caused a servant to affix a board on the 
front thereof, with an inscription with chalk, declaring, 
" No dinner cooked here to-day." General Washington 
observing the writing, smiled, and passed onward. 

Let us return from this digression to the thread of the 
narrative. 

The capture of General Lee was considered as so great 
a loss at that period, that Congress, who felt his import- 
ance, ordered their president to direct General Washington 
to despatch a flag to General Howe, to ascertain his treat- 
ment, which, if not corresponding with his rank and 
standing, should furnish the commander-in-chief with a 
subject of remonstrance. Previous to this, a principle of 
cartel had been established, for a general exchange of 
prisoners ; but this affair started a difficulty, the inconve- 
nience arising from which was sensibly and reciprocally 
felt. Lee was guarded as a state prisoner and deserter 
from the service of his Britannic majesty, and denied the 
privileges of cartel as an American officer, in consequence 
of instructions to Lord Howe from the British cabinet, to 
whom he was particularly obnoxious. This, of itself, was 
sufficient to defy suspicion of any dereliction of affection 
to the cause in which he had engaged. Washington had 
informed Howe, that there were no prisoners of equal rank 
in his power, for exchange, and that Lee should be treated 
according to his rank and dignity, upon which the cartel 
had been established, until an exchange could be effected. 
A fruitless discussion ensued : Lee was assiduously guard- 
ed — the operations of the cartel were suspended — the 
Americans retaliated treatment corresponding to his. upon 
Colonel Campbell, at Boston, and other British officers, 
prisoners of war ; which state of things existed until the 
capture of Burgoyne, on the 17th of October, 1777, when 
a complete change of treatment was observed towards 
Lee, in order not to affect the number of officers, who had 
fallen into the hands of the Americans by that propitious 
event. He was shortly after exchanged. 

The firsr military scene, in which General Lee appear- 



540 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

ed after his liberation, was the battle of Monmouth, which 
terminated his career in the American army. Before this 
affair, his character, in general, was very respectable ; many 
of the warm friends of America highly valued the import- 
ant services he had rendered to the United States. 

From the beginning of the contest, he had excited and 
directed the military spirit which pervaded the continent ; 
his conversation raised an emulation among' the officers, 
and he taught them to pay a proper attention to the health, 
clothing, and comfortable subsistence of their men ; add 
to this, his zeal was unwearied in inculcating the princi- 
ples of liberty among all ranks of people ; hence, it is 
said, that a strong party was formed in Congress, and by 
some discontented officers in the army, to raise Lee to the 
first command ; and it has been suggested by many, that 
General Lee's conduct at the battle of Monmouth was 
intended to effect this plan ; for, could the odium of the 
defeat have been, at that time, thrown on General Wash- 
ington, and his attack of the British army made to appear 
rash and imprudent, there is great reason to suppose that 
he would have been deprived of his command. It has 
been observed by some writers on this subject, that when 
General Lee was taken prisoner, the American army was 
on no par with the royal forces, but the case was much 
changed on his return from captivity. He found them 
improved, and daring enough to attack even the British 
grenadiers, with firmness and resolution. Had not this 
been the case, and General Lee, when ordered to attack 
the rear of the royal army, seeing his men beat back with 
disgrace, unwilling to rally, and acting with fear and 
trepidation, his retreat would have been necessary, his 
conduct crowned with applause, and his purposes effected ; 
but, disappointed in this view, the retreat has been impu- 
ted to himself, as he could not allege the want of spirit in 
his troops for the justification of his conduct. 

The British army, early on Thursday the 25th of June, 
completed their evacuation of Philadelphia, having before 
transported their stores and most of their artillery into the 
Jerseys, where they had thrown up some works, and seve- 
ral regiments were encamped : they manned the lines the 



CHARLES LEE. 04i 

preceding night, and retreated over the commons, crossing 
at Gloucester Point. A party of American horse pursued 
them very close ; however, nothing very material happen- 
ed till the 28th, when, about 3 o'clock in the morning, 
the British army moved on their way to Middletown 
Point. About 11 o'clock, the American van, commanded 
by General Lee, overtook them ; but he soon retreated, 
and was met by General Washington, who formed on the 
first proper piece of ground near Monmouth court-house 
While this was doing, two pieces of cannon, supported by 
Colonel Livingston and Colonel Stewart, with a picked 
corps of three hundred men, kept off the main body of 
the English, and made a great slaughter. Very severe 
skirmishing ensued, and the American army advancing, 
the British made their last efforts on a small body of 
Pennsylvania troops at and about Mr. Tenhant's house ; 
they then gave way. leaving the field covered with dead 
and wounded. General Washington's troops pursued for 
about a mile, when, night coming on, and the men being 
exceedingly fatigued with marching and the hot weather, 
they halted about half a mile beyond the ground of the 
principal action. Tire British took a strong post in their 
front, secured on both flanks by morasses and thick 
woods, where they remained until about twelve at night, 
and then retreated. In consequence of this action, Gene- 
ral Lee was put under arrest, and tried by a Court-martial 
at Brunswick, the 4th of July following. The charges 
exhibited against him were, 

1st, For "disobedience of orders, in not attacking the 
enemy on the 2Sth of June, agreeably to repeated instruc- 
tions. 

2dly, For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same 
day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful 
retreat. 

3dly, For disrespect to the Commander-in-chief, in two 
letters, dated the 1st July and 28th June. 

The letter, on which the third charge is founded, is as 
follows : 

46 



542 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

Camp, English Town, 1st July, 1778. 
Sir, 
From the knowledge that I have of your Excellency's 
character, I must conclude, that nothing but the misinfor- 
mation of some very stupid, or misrepresentation of some 
very wicked person, could have occasioned your making 
use of such very singular expressions, as you did, on my 
coming up to the ground where you had taken post ; they 
implied, that I was guilty either of disobedience of orders, 
want of conduct, or want of courage. Your Excellency 
will, therefore, infinitely oblige me, by letting me know, 
on which of these three articles you ground your charge, 
that I may prepare for my justification, which, I have the 
happiness to be confident, I can do, to the Army, to the 
Congress, to _America, and to the AVorld in general. 
Your Excellency must give me leave to observe, that nei- 
ther yourself, nor those about your person, could, from 
your situation, be, in the least, judges of the merits or de- 
merits of our manoeuvres ; and, to spaak with a becoming 
pride, I can assert, that to these manceuvres the success of 
the day was entirely owing. I can boldly say, that, had 
we remained on the first ground — or, had we advanced 
—or, had the retreat been conducted in a manner different 
from what it was, this whole army, and the interests of 
America, would have risked being sacrificed. I ever had, 
and, 1 hope, ever shall have, the greatest respect and ven- 
eration for General Washington ; I think him endued 
with many great and good qualities ; but, in this instance, 
I must pronounce, that he has been guilty of an act of 
cruel injustice towards a man, who had certainly some 
pretensions to the regard of every servant of his country ; 
and I think, sir, I have a right to demand some reparation 
for the injury committed ; and, unless I can obtain it, I 
must, in justice to myself, when the campaign is closed, 
which I believe will close the war, retire from a service, 
at the head of which is placed a man capable of offering 
such injuries ; — but, at- the same time, in justice to you, I 
must repeat, that I, from my soul, believe, that it was not 
a motion of your own breast, but instigated by some of 
those dirty earwigs, who will for ever insinuate them- 



GHARLE3 LEE. 5<i3 

selves near persons in high office ; for I am real.y assu- 
red, that when General Washington acts from himself, 
no man in his army will have reason to complain of in- 
justice and indecorum. 

I am, Sir, and I hope ever shall have reason to con- 
tinue, Yours, &c. 

CHARLES LEE. 
His Excellency General Washington. 

Head- Quarters, English Toinu ( 
28th Jane, 1778. \ 
Sir, 

I received your letter, dated, through mistake, the 1st of 
July, expressed, as I conceive, in terms highly impropeijflf 
I am not conscious of having made use of any very sin- 
gular expressions at the time of my meeting you, as you 
intimate. What I recollect to have said, was dictated by 
duty, and warranted by the occasion. As soon as cir- 
cumstances will admit, you shall have an opportunity 
either of justifying yourself to the Army, to Congress,, to 
America, and to the World in general, or of convincing 
them that you are guilty of a breach of orders, and of 
misbehaviour before the enemy on the 28th instant, in 
not attacking them as you had been directed, and in ma- 
king an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 
I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

The Court met, by several adjournments till the 12th 
of August, when they found the unfortunate General guil- 
ty of the several charges brought against him, and sen- 
tenced him to be suspended from any commission in the 
armies of the United States of North America, for the 
term of twelve months. But it was usual, in America, 
and thought necessary, that the sentence of every Court- 
martial should be ratified or confirmed by Congress ; the 
proceedings, therefore, of the Court, were accordingly 
transmitted to them, and the General repaired to Phila- 
delphia to await their decision. During his stay there on 
this business, he was involved in several disputes ; and, 
though his affair might be considered, as yet, sub judice, 






544 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the conversation of the city was rather against him, 
which induced him to publish, as it were, a second de- 
fence. 

It was a considerable time before Congress took the 
General's trial under their consideration, during which 
he continued smarting under the frowns of fortune, and 
the malignant tongues of men ; and, to add to his suffer- 
ings, in this state of suspense, he received a letter from 
Colonel Laurens, one of General Washington's aids, in- 
forming him, " that in contempt of decency and truth, he 
had publicly abused General Washington in the grossest 
terms ;" that " the relation in which he stood to him, for- 
bade him to pass such conduct unnoticed ; he therefore 
demanded the satisfaction he was entitled to, and desired, 
tl>at as soon as General Lee should think himself at lib- 
erty, he would appoint time and place, and name his 
weapons." Without hesitation, this was accepted, and 
he made choice of a brace of pistols, declining the small 
sword, because he was rather in a weak state of body, 
having lately received a fall from a horse, and also taken 
a quantity of medicine, to baffle a fit of the gout, which 
he apprehended. They met, according to appointment, 
and discharged their pistols, when General Lee received 
a slight wound in his side ; and it has been said, that, on 
this occasion, he displayed the greatest fortitude and 
courage. 

Soon after this time, when Lee had not yet recovered 
from, his wounds, Major Eustace, one of his aids, gave 
Colonel Hamilton the lie, in some altercation respecting 
the differences between Lee and Washington. Eustace, 
expected a challenge from Hamilton, of which circum- 
stance, he apprized Lee by letter, whose reply was in the 
following laconic strain. " My dear Jack — If the pedant 
Hamilton takes notice of what you have said, and you 
should fall, depend upon it, your life shall not pass unre- 
venged." 

Shortly after, the proceedings of the court martial, on 
his trial, came under consideration in Congress, and pro- 
duced debates for several evenings ; but, finally, the sen- 
tence was confirmed. The general was much dissatisfied 



CHARLES LEE. 515 

with it, and his mind extremely embittered against one of 

the members, (Mr. Henry Drayton, of South Carolina.) 
This gentleman's conduct was censured by Lee in the 
severest language, because he opposed in Congress a di- 
vision of the several charges brought against him, and 
argued and insisted upon lumping them all together, to 
be" decided by one question. In this he was ingeniously 
and warmly opposed by Mr. William Paca, a former go- 
vernor of Maryland. Here we must observe, that, prior 
to this, Mr. Drayton was by no means one of the general "s 
favourites ; he had taken some unnecessary liberties with 
his character, in a charge which he delivered, as chief 
justice, to a grand jury in Charleston, South Carolina. 
His temper thus exasperated, he could no longer refrain 
from emphatically expressing his sense of the injuries he 
had received from Mr. Drayton. These were delivered,, 
intermixed with threatening language, to Mr. Hutson, his 
colleague and friend, who communicated it. A corres- 
pondence ensued, remarkable for its poignancy of reply. 

This correspondence being finished, the General re- 
tired to his plantation in Berkley county, Virginia, where, 
still irritated with the scurrilous attacks he had met with 
from several writers, and others, in Philadelphia, he could 
not forbear giving vent to the bitterness of his feelings, 
Mid, in this misanthropic disposition, composed a set of 
Queries, which he styled political and military. These 
he sent, by one of his aids, to the printers of Philadelphia, 
for publication ; but they thought it imprudent to admit 
them into their papers, as General Washington possessed 
the hearts and admiration of every one; he, therefore, 
applied to the editor of the Maryland Journal, at Balti- 
more, who indulged him with their insertion.— The 
Queries no sooner made their appearance, than a consi- 
derable disturbance took place among the citizens of Bal- 
timore ; the printer was called on for the author, and 
obliged to give up his name. 

Lee remained at his retreat, living in a style peculiar 

to himself, in a house more like a barn than a palace. 

Glass windows and plastering would have been luxurious 

extravagance, and his furnitwa consisted of a very tew 

46* 



546 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

necessary articles ; indeed, he was now so rusticated, that 
he could have lived in a tub with Diogenes ; however, 
he had obtained a few select, valuable authors, and these 
enabled him to pass away his time in this obscurity. In 
the fall of 1782, he began to be weary with the sameness 
of his situation, and experiencing his unfitness for the 
management of country business, he came to a determi- 
nation to sell his estate, and procure a little settlement 
near some sea-port town, where he might learn what the 
world was doing, and enjoy the conversation of mankind. 
His farm, though an excellent tract of land, rather 
brought him in debt at the end of the year, and added to 
the difficulties under which he laboured. It is no won- 
der, then, that he was inclined to relinquish his present 
system of life. He left Berkley, and came to Baltimore, 
where he staid nearly a week with some old friends, and 
then took his leave for Philadelphia. He took lodgings 
at an inn, the sign of the Connestoga wagon, in Market-. 
street. A ludicrous circumstance here took place, which 
created considerable diversion : — The late Judge H. H. 
Breckenridge, whose poignancy of satire and eccentricity 
of character was nearly a match for that of the generai, 
had dipped his pen in some gall, which vehemently irri- 
tated Lee's feelings, insomuch, that he challenged him to 
single combat, which Breckenridge declined, in a very 
eccentric reply. Lee, having furnished himself with a 
horse-whip, determined to chastise him ignominiously on 
the very first opportunity. Observing Breckenridge go- 
ing down Market-street, in a few days thereafter, he gave 
him chase, and Breckenridge took refuge in a public 
house, and barricaded the door of the room he entered. 
A number of persons collected to see the sport. Lee 
damned him, and invited him to come out and tight him, 
like a man. Breckenridge replied, that he did not like to 
be shot at, and made some other curious observations, 
which only increased Lee's irritation and the mirth of the 
spectators. Lee, with the most bitter imprecations, order- 
ed him to come out, when he said he would horse-whip 
him. — Breckenridge replied, that he had no occasion for 
$ discipline of that kind. The amusing scene lasted 



eriAnr.Es lee. 647 

some time, until at length, Lee, finding that he accom- 
plished no other object than calling forth Breckenridgc's 
wit for the amusement of the by-standers, retired. This 
had such an effect on him, that, in a few days after his 
arrival in the city, he was taken with a shivering, the 
fore-runner of a fever, which put a period to his existence, 
October 2d, 17S2. 

A friend of the general was at the inn when he took 
his departure from this world. The servants told him 
that General Lee was dying ; on which he went into the 
room; he was then struggling with the King of Terrors, 
and seemed to have lost his senses ; the last words he 
heard him speak, were, " Stand by me, my brave grena- 
diers !" 

The citizens of Philadelphia, calling to mind his former 
services, appeared to be much affected by his death. His 
funeral was attended by a very large concourse of peo- 
ple, the clergy of different denominations, his excellency 
the president of Congress, the president and some mem-, 
bers of the council of the commonwealth of Pennsylva- 
nia, his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of France, 
M. Marbois, secretary to the embassy, the minister of 
finance, General Baron de Viominil, Duke de Lausan, 
the minister of war, and several other officers of distinc- 
tion, both in the French and American armies. 

General Lee was a great and sincere friend to the 
rights and liberties of mankind, and it was this grand 
principle, which led hrm to take part on the side of Ame- 
rica. From his youth, he was bred up with the highest 
regard for the noble sentiments of freedom ; his education 
and reading strengthened them ; the historians and ora- 
tors of Greece and "Rome, with whom he was considera- 
bly conversant, added to the sacred flame, and his travels, 
m many parts of the world, did not tend to diminish it. 

His person was of a genteel make, and rather above 
the middle size; his remarkable aquiline nose rendered 
his face somewhat disagreeable. He was master of a 
most genteel address; but, in the latter part of his life, 
became excessively negligent of the graces, both in garb 
and behaviour. A talent for repartee, united with a 






543 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

quickness of penetration, created him many enemies. A 
character so eccentric and singular, could not fail of at- 
tracting the popular attention. His small friends fre- 
quently passed severe criticisms on his words and actions. 
Narrowly watched, every little slip or failure was noticed, 
and represented to his disadvantage. The objections to 
his moral conduct were numerous, and his great fondness 
for dogs brought on him the dislike and frowns of the 
fair sex ; for the general would permit his canine adhe- 
rents to follow him to the parlour, the bed-room, and, 
sometimes, they might be seen on a chair, next his elbow, 
at table. 

There is a great probability, that the general was the 
first person who suggested the idea that America ought 
to declare herself independent. — When he was sent by 
the commander-in-chief to New- York, he behaved with 
such activity and spirit, infusing the same into the minds 
of the troops and the people, that Mr. John Adams said, 
" a happier expedition never was projected ; and that the 
whole whig world were blessing him for it." About this 
time, Doctor Franklin gave Mr. Thomas Paine, the cele- 
brated author of " Common Sense," an introductory letter 
to him, in which were these words, " The bearer, Mr 
Paine, has requested a line of introduction to you, which 
I gave the more willingly, as I know his sentiments are 
not very different from yours." A few days after, the 
doctor writes again, " There is a kind of suspense in 
men's minds here, at present, waiting to see what terms 
will be offered from England. I expect none that we can 
accept ; and when that is generally seen, we shall be 
more unanimous, and more decisive. Then, your pro- 
posed ' Solemn League and Covenant' will go better 
down, and, perhaps, most of your other strong measures, 
will be adopted." In a letter to Edward Rutledge, Esq., 
in the spring of 1776, then a member of the Continental 
Congress, the general thus expresses his sentiments : — 
" As your affairs prosper, the timidity of the senatorial 
part of the continent, great and small, grows and extends 
itself. By the Eternal G — , unless you declare yourselves 
independent, establish a more certain and fixed legisla- 



CHARLES LEE. 



649 



ture than that of a temporary courtesy of the people, you 
richly deserve to be enslaved ; and 1 think that, far from 

impossible, it should be your lot ; as, without a more sys- 
tematic intercourse with France and Holland, we have 
not the means of carrying on the war." There are other 
epistles of his of a similar spirit and diction. 

The more the general's character and conduct are in- 
vestigated, the more conspicuous his services will appear. 
In the infancy of the American dispute, he was continu- 
ally suggesting and forwarding plans for the defence of 
the country ; "and though a professed enemy to a stand- 
ing army, he was always recommending a well-regulated 
militia. This he considered as the natural strength of a 
country, and absolutely necessary for its safety and pre- 
servation. 

He has frequently asserted, that a more pernicious idea 
could not enter into the heads of the citizens, than, that 
rigid discipline, and a strict subjection to military rules, 
were incompatible with civil liberty ; and he was of opi- 
nion, that when the bulk of a community would not sub- 
mit to the ordinances necessary for the preservation of 
military discipline, their freedom could not be of long 
continuance. 

The liberty of every commonwealth must be protected 
ultimately by military force. Military force depends upon 
order and ^discipline ; without order and discipline, the 
greatest number of armed men are only a contemptible 
mob ; a handful of regulars must disperse them. It fol- 
lows, then, that the citizens at large must submit to the 
means of becoming soldiers, or that they must commit 
the protection of their lives and property to a distinct body 
of men, who will, naturally, in a short time set up a pro- 
fessional interest, separate from the community at large. 
To this cause we may attribute the subversion of every 
free state that history presents to us. The Romans were 
certainly the first and most glorious people, that have 
figured on the face of the globe; they continued freo 
longest. Every citizen was a soldier, and a soldier not 
in name, but in fact ; by which is meant, that they were 
the most rigid observers of military institutions. The 



550 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

general, therefore, thought it expedient that every state in 
America should be extremely careful to perfect the laws 
relative to their militia ; that, where they were glaringly 
defective, they should be made more efficient ; and that it 
should be established as a point of honour, and the crite- 
rion of a virtuous citizen, to pay the greatest deference to 
the common necessary laws of a camp. 

General Lee, in the wide field of conjecture, has found 
literary partisans who attribute to his pen, the celebrated 
Letters of Junius. However, well that celebrated writer 
may have garbed himself in. the veil of obscurity, these 
pretend to find a proof of their conjecture in the well 
chosen motto of that hidden and classic author, " stat 
nominis umbra !" They pretend to say, that it was ori- 
ginally found in a letter written by the king of Poland in 
Latin, to Lee, whose aid the latter had been. How well 
founded this opinion may be, certain it is, that the immor- 
tal author of those celebrated letters, have never as yet, 
notwithstanding the most laborious research, been drag- 
ged from his concealment. If living, he enjoys in secret, 
the meed of literary and patriotic applause ; if dead, he 
lived to enjoy the reward of his labours and carry his se- 
cret with him to the grave. 

In the vale of Lee's military career, his opinion of the 
American character, redounded not to its favour. This 
he exhibited in a letter to his sister, wherein he goes at 
length, to display his feelings in regard to them, while he 
breathes the full spirit of enthusiasm in favour of liberty, 
which he had ever evinced through life. 

His intentions were just and sincere. His errors those 
of sensibility, smarting under the wounds of ill-requited 
services. 



NATHANIEL GREENE 



This gallant officer, whose death was so generally and 
so justly regretted, was horn in Warwick, Kent county, 
Rhode Island, in or ahont the year 1741, and was tlie 
second son of a respectable citizen of the same name. 

The General was endued with an uncommon degree 
of judgment and penetration, which, with a benevolent 
manner and affable behaviour, acquired him a number of 
valuable friends, by whose interest and influence he was, 
at an early period of life, chosen a member of the assem- 
bly of Rhode Island. This trust, in which he gave the 
highest satisfaction to his constituents, he continued to 
possess, until hostilities commenced between the mother 
country and her colonies. 

After the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord, when 
a spirit of resistance spread, like v.ilJ-fire, over the conti- 
nent, Rhode Island was not deficient in her contributions 
for the general defence. She raised three regiments of 
militia, the command whereof was given to Mr. Greene, 
who was nominated Brigadier-General. 

He led the troops under his command to Cambridge, 
and was present at the evacuation of Boston by the Bri- 
tish army. 

General Greene's merit and abilities, as well in the 
council as in the field, were not long unnoticed by General 
Washington, who reposed in him the utmost confidence, 
and paid a particular deference to his advice, on all occa- 
sions of doubt and difficulty. 

He was appointed Major-General by Congress, the 20th 
of August, 1776. Towards the close of that year, he was 
at the Trenton surprise ; and, at the beginning of the. 
next,, was at the battle of Princeton, two enterprises not 
more happily planned, than judiciously and bravely exe- 



S52 ©LORY OF AMERICA. 

cutert, in both of which he displayed his talents, serving 
his noviciate under the American Fabius. 

At the battle of Brandywine, General Greene distin- 
guished himself by supporting 1 the right wing of the Ame- 
rican army, when it gave way, and judiciously covering 
the whole, when routed and retreating in confusion ; and 
their safety from utter ruin was generally ascribed to his 
skill and exertions, which were well seconded by the 
troops under his command. 

At the battle of Germantown, he commanded the left 
wing of the American army, and his utmost endeavours 
were exerted in endeavouring to retrieve the fortune of 
that day, in which his conduct met with the approbation 
of the Commander-in-chief. 

In March, 1778, he was appointed Quarter-Master-Ge- 
neral, which office he accepted under the stipulation, that 
his rank in the army should not be effected by it, and that 
he should retain his right to command in time of action, 
according to his rank and seniority. 

In this station, he fully answered the expectations form- 
ed of his abilities ; and enabled the American army to 
move with additional celerity and vigour. 

At the battle of Monmouth, the Commander-in-chief, 
disgusted with the behaviour of General Lee, deposed him 
on the field of bnttle, and appointed General Greene to 
command the right wing, where he greatly contributed to 
retrieve the errors of his predecessor, and to the subse- 
quent events of the day. 

About the middle of the year 1778, an attack being 
planned by the Americans, in conjunction with the French 
fleet, on the British garrison at Newport, Rhode Island, 
General Sullivan was appointed to the command, under 
whom General Greene served. This attempt was unsuc- 
cessful. The French fleet having sailed out of harbour, 
to engage Lord Howe's fleet, they were dispersed by a 
storm, and the Americans were obliged to raise the siege 
of Newport ; in doing which, General Greene displayed a 
great degree of skill in drawing off the army in safety. 

After the hopes of the British generals to execute some 
decisive stroke to the northward, were frustrated, they 



NATHANIEL GREENE. &53 

turned their attention to the southern states, as less capa- 
ble of defence, and more likely to reward the invaders 
with ample plunder. A grand expedition was planned at 
New York, where the army embarked on the 26th of De- 
cember, 1779, and landed on the 11th of February, 1780, 
within about thirty miles of Charleston, which, after a 
brave defence, was surrendered to Sir Henry Clinton, on 
the 12th of May. 

A series of ill success followed this unfortunate event. 
The American arms in South Carolina were in general 
unsuccessful, and the inhabitants were obliged to submit 
to the invaders, whose impolitic severity was extremely 
ill calculated to answer any of the objects for which the 
war had been commenced. 

Affairs were thus circumstanced, when General Wash- 
ington appointed General Greene to the command of the 
American forces in the southern district. He arrived at 
Charlotte, on the 2d day of December, 1780, accompanied 
by General Morgan, a brave officer, who had distinguish- 
ed himself to the northward, in the expedition against 
Burgoyne. He found the force which he was to com- 
mand, reduced to a very small number, by defeat and de- 
sertion. The returns were nine hundred and seventy con^ 
tinentals, and one thousand and thirteen militia. Milita- 
ry stores, provisions, forage, and all things necessary, 
were, if possible, in a more reduced state than his army. 
His men were without pay, and almost without clothing, 
and supplies of the latter were not to be had but from a 
distance of two hundred miles. In this perilous and em- 
barrassed situation, he had to oppose a respectable and 
victorious army. Fortunately for him, the conduct of 
some of the friends of royalty obliged numbers, otherwise 
disposed to remain neuter, to take up arms in their own 
defence. This, and the prudent measures the General 
took for removing the innumerable difficulties and disad- 
vantages with which he was surrounded, and for concilia- 
ting the affections of the inhabitants, soon brought togeth- 
er a considerable force, far inferior, however, to that of 
the British, who esteemed the country perfectly subjuga- 
ted. 

47 



554 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

After he had recruited his forces, with all the friends to 
the revolution that he could assemble, he sent a consider 
rable detachment, under General Morgan, to the western 
extremities of the state, to protect the well disposed in j 
habitants from the ravages of the tories. This force, 
which was the first that had for a considerable time ap- 
peared there, on the side of the Americans, inspired the 
friends of liberty with new courage, so that numbers of 
them crowded to the standard of General Morgan. He 
at length became so formidable, that Lord Cornwallis 
thought proper to send Colonel Tarleton to dislodge him 
from the station he had taken. This officer was at the 
head of a thousand regular troops, and had two field- 
pieces. On the 7th of January, 1781, he met General 
Morgan, at the Cowpens, having a far inferior force, com- 
posed of two-thirds militia, and one-third continentals- 
An engagement was the immediate consequence. In this 
battle,"the brave Morgan gained a complete victory over 
an officer, the rapidity and success of whose attacks, until 
that time, miffht have entitled him to use the declaration 
of Caesar, " veni, vidi, vici." I came, I saw, I conquered. 
Upwards of five hundred of the British laid down their 
arms, and were made prisoners — a very considerable num- 
ber was killed. 

This brilliant success quite disconcerted the plan of op- 
erations formed by Lord Cornwallis. Having entertained 
no idea of any enemy to oppose him in South Carolina, 
the conquest of which he had deemed complete, he had 
made every preparation for carrying his army northward, 
to gather the laurels, which he imagined waited for him. 
He now found himself obliged to postpone this design. 
He marched with rapidity after General Morgan, in hopes 
not only to recover the prisoners, but to avenge Tarleton's 
losses. The Americans, by a rapidity of movements, elu- 
ded his efforts, and General Greene effected a junction of 
the two divisions of his little army, on the 7th of Februa- 
ry. Still, however, he was so inferior to Cornwallis, that 
he deemed it best to return to Virginia. 

In this state he received some reinforcements, and had 
the promise of more — on which he returned into North 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 555 

Carolina, where, on their arrival, he hoped to he ahle to 
act on the offensive. 

About the beginning of March, he effected a junction 
with a continental regiment, and two considerable bodies 
of Virginia and Carolina militia. He then determined on 
attacking the British commander without loss of time, 
" being persuaded," as he declared in his subsequent de- 
spatches, " that if he was successful, it would prove ruin- 
ous to the enemy — and, if otherwise, that it would be but 
a partial evil to him." On the 14th of March he arrived 
at Guilford court-house, the British then lying twelve 
miles distant. 

His army consisted of about four thousand five hundred 
men, of whom near two-thirds were North Carolina and 
Virginia militia. The British were about two thousand 
four hundred, all regular troops, and the greater part inured 
to toil and service in their long expedition under Lord Corn- 
wallis, who, on the morning of the 15th, being apprized of 
General Greene's intentions, marched out to meet him. 

The engagement commenced at half an hour after one 
o'clock, by a brisk cannonade. After which, the British 
advanced in three columns, and attacked the first line, 
composed of North Carolina militia. These, who proba- 
bly had never before been in action, were panic struck at 
the approach of the enemy, and many of them ran away 
without firing a gun. Part of them, however, fired, and 
then followed the example of their comrades. Their offi- 
cers made every possible effort to rally them — but in 
vain. This shameful cowardice had a great effect on the, 
issue of the battle. The next line, however, behaved 
much better. They fought with great bravery; and after 
they were thrown into disorder, returned to the charge, 
and kept up a heavy fire for a long time, but were at 
length broken, and driven on the third line, when the en- 
gagement became general and very bloody. At length, 
superiority of discipline carried the day from superiority 
of numbers. The conflict endured an hour and a half, and 
was terminated by General Greene's ordering a retreat. 

This was a hard fought action. Lord Cornwallis stated 
his' losses in killed, wounded, and missing, at five hundred 






550 ULOIIY OF AMERICA. 

and thirty-two, among whom were several officers of con-, 
siderable rank ; and though he appeared to have gained 
the battle, yet within three days he was obliged to make a 
retrograde motion, and return to Wilmington, situated two 
hundred miles from the place of action. 

The loss of the Americans was about four hundred 
killed and wounded. However, this was not so severely 
felt, as the desertion of a considerable number of militia, 
who fled homewards, and came no more near the army. 

Some time after this engagement, General Greene de- 
termined to return to South Carolina, to endeavour to 
expel the British from that state. His first object was to 
attempt the reduction of Camden, where Lord Rawdon 
was posted with about nine hundred men. The strength 
of this place was such as to render it impracticable to carry 
it by storm, with the small army General Greene had, 
consisting of about seven hundred continentals. He, there- 
fore, encamped at about a mile from the town, in order to 
prevent supplies from being brought in, and to take ad- 
vantage of such favourable circumstances as might occur. 

Lord Rawdon's situation was extremely delicate. Colo- 
nel Watson, to whom he had, on intelligence of General 
Greene's intentions, sent orders to return to Camden, was 
so effectually watched by General Marion, that it was im- 
possible for him to obey. His lordship's supplies were, 
moreover, very precarious : — and should General Greene's 
reinforcements arrive, he might be so closely invested, as 
to be at length obliged to surrender. In this dilemma, the, 
best expedient that suggested itself was a bold attack. He 
sallied out on the 25th of April, and assailed General 
Greene in his camp. The defence was obstinate, and, for 
some time the advantage appeared to be in favour of Ame- 
rica. Lieutenant Colonel Washington, who commanded 
the cavalry, had at one time not less than two hundred 
British prisoners. However, by the misconduct of one of 
the American regiments, victory was snatched from Gene- 
ral Greene, who was compelled to retreat. 

A great similarity between the consequence of the affair 
at Guilford, and that of this action, may here be noticed. 
In the former, Lord Cornwallis was successful — but was 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 557 

obliged to retreat two hundred miles from the scene of 
action, and for a time abandon the grand object of pene- 
trating northward. In the latter, Lord Rawdon had the 
honour of the field, but was shortly after reduced to the 
necessity of abandoning his post, and leaving behind him 
a number of sick and wounded. 

The evacuation of Camden gave a new face to affairs in 
South Carolina, where the British ascendancy declined 
more rapidly than it had been established. The numerous 
forts, garrisoned by the enemy, with the exception of fort 
Ninety-six, fell, one after the other, into the hands of the 
Americans, and a very considerable number of prisoners of 
war, with military stores and artillery, were found in them. 

On the 22d of May, General Greene sat down before 
Ninety-six, with the main part of his little army. The 
siege was carried on for a considerable time with great 
spirit ; at length, the works were so far reduced, that a 
surrender must have been made in a few days ; but a re- 
inforcement, of three regiments, from Europe, arrived at 
Charleston, which enabled Lord Rawdon to proceed to 
relieve this important post. The superiority of the ene- 
my's force, reduced Greene to the alternative of abandon- 
ing the siege altogether, or, previous to their arrival, of 
attempting the fort by storm. The latter was more agree- 
able to his enterprising spirit, and an attack was made on 
the morning of the 29th of June. He was repulsed, with 
the loss of one hundred and fifty men. He raised the 
siege, and retreated over the Saluda. 

Some skirmishes of no great moment took place between 
detached parties in July and August. September the 9th, 
General Greene having assembled about two thousand 
men, proceeded to attaek the British, who, under the com- 
mand of Colonel Stewart, were posted at Eutaw Springs, 
As the Americans came forward to the onset, they fell in 
with some advanced parties of the enemy, at about two or 
three miles ahead of the main body. These being closely 
pursued, were driven back — and the action soon became 
general. In the hottest part of the engagement, General 
Greene ordered the Maryland and Virginia continentals to 
charge with trailed arms. This decided the fate of the day, 
47* 



553 



GLORY OP AMERICA. 



"Nothing," says Dr. Ramsay, "could surpass the intre- 
pidity of both officers and men on this occasion. They 
rushed on, in good order, through a heavy cannonade, and 
a shower of musketry, with such unshaken resolution, 
that they bore down all before them." The British were 
broken, closely pursued, and upwards of five hundred 
taken prisoners. They, however, made a fresh stand, in 
a favourable position, in impenetrable shrubs and a pick- 
eted garden. Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, after having 
made every effort to dislodge them, was wounded and 
taken prisoner. Four six pounders were brought forward! 
to play on them, but fell into their hands ; and the endea 
vours to drive them from their station being found im 
practicable, the Americans retired, leaving a strong picke! 
on the field of battle. Their loss was about five hundred j 
that of the British upwards of eleven hundred. 

General Greene was honoured by Congress with a Bri tish 
standard, and a gold medal, " for his wise, decisive, and 
magnanimous conduct, in the action at Eutaw springs, in 
which, with a force inferior in number to that of the 
enemy, he obtained a most signal victory." 

The battle of Eutaw produced most signal consequences 
in favour of America. The British, who had, for such a 
long time, lorded it absolutely in South Carolina, were, 
shortly after, obliged to confine themselves in Charleston, 
whence they never ventured but to make predatory ex- 
cursions, with bodies of cavalry, which in general met a 
warm reception. 

During the relaxation that followed, a dangerous plot 
was formed, by some turbulent persons in the army, to 
deliver up their brave General to the British. This trea- 
sonable design owed its rise to the calamities of the sol- 
diers, who were ill paid, ill clothed, and ill fed. The 
conspirators did not exceed twelve in number ; and a 
discovery defeated the project. 

The surrender of Lord Cornwallis, from whose enter- 
prising spirit the British ministry had expected to repair 
all their losses, having convinced them of the impractica- 
bility of subjugating America, they discontinued offensive 
operations in every quarter, 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 559 

The happy period at length arrived, when America 
compelled her invaders to recognize her independence. 
Then her armies quitted the tented fields, and retired to 
cultivate the arts of peace. Among the rest, General Greene 
revisited his native country, where he proved himself as 
valuable a citizen, as the Carolinas had witnessed him a 
gallant officer. Dissensions had extended their destructive 
influence among the Rhode Islanders, but General Greene 
exerted himself to restore harmony among them once 
more, and was happily successful. 

In October, 1785, he sailed to Georgia, where he had a 
considerable estate, not far distant from Savannah. Here 
he passed away his time, occupied in his domestic concerns, 
until the hour of his decease approached. Walking out 
one day in Jane, 1786, he was overpowered by the ex- 
treme heat of the sun, which brought on a disorder, that 
carried him off, on the 19th of the same month. 

When the melancholy account of his death arrived at 
Savannah, the people were struck with the deepest sorrow, 
All business was suspended ; and the shipping in the har- 
bour had their colours half-masted. 

The body was brought to Savannah, and interred on the 
20th, with all possible solemnity. 

On Tuesday the 12th of August, the United States, in 
Congress asseml 'led, came to the following resolution : 

That a monument be erected to the memory of Na- 
thaniel Greene, Esq.. at the seat of the Federal Govern- 
ment, with the following inscription : 

Sacred to the memory of 

NATHANIEL GREENE, Esa. 

Who departed this life, the 19th of June, 1786, 

LATE MAJOR-GENERAL 

In the service of the United States, 

And Commander of their army in the 

southern department. 

The United States, in Congress assembled, 

In honour of his 

patriotism, valour, and ability, 

have erected 

THIS MONUMENT. 



560 GLORY OF AMERICA. 



NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 



Tins justly celebrated commander, was born in Phila- 
delphia, September 10, 1750. Having received a good 
English education his predeliction for a maratime life, 
induced him to fake a voyage to Quebec, at the age of 
fourteen. The following year, 1765. he sailed on a voyage 
for Jamaica and the bay of Honduras. On his return, the 
\ r essel was cast avvav, on the 2d of January, 1766,' on a 
shoal called the Northern Triangle. After suffering-, with 
constancy and firmness, many hardships, in common with 
the crew, he succeeded in returning to Philadelphia ; after 
residing two months with three of Ins companions, on a 
small uninhabited island, which fell to them by lot, the 
boat saved from the wreck being too small to take away 
the whole number of unfortunates. He afterwards made 
a series of European voyages, and became a thorough 
bred seaman in all its branches. 

The dispute between England and Spain, about the 
Falkland Islands, in 1770, portended a rupture between 
these powers, in consequence of which he repaired to 
London, with highly respectable recommendations, and 
entered as a midshipman in a vessel of war commanded 
by Captain Sterling. This dispute having been amicably 
adjusted, the inactivity of peace rendered him restless, as 
his character was cast in a bolder and more active mould. 

In the year 1773, a north-west passage towards the 
North Pole, to effect, if practicable, an entrance into the 
Pacific ocean, was resolved on, at the instance of the Bri- 
tish Royal Society, for which expedition, two ships, the 
Racehorse and Carcase, were fitted out, and the command 
given to Captain Phipps, since Lord Mulgrave. Biddle 
applied to Captain Sterling, for leave to go on this adventu- 
rous undertaking, which was refused ; but he was soothed 
with a promise of preferment. Being, however, deter- 



NICHOLAS DIDDLE. 361 

mined on his purpose, he laid aside his uniform, and 
secretly entered on board the Carcase, as an /able seaman 
before the mast. Finding a seaman on board, who knew 
him as a midshipman, lie communicated to him his views, 
and requested the man to keep it a secret, which the honest 
tar faithfully did, and discovered towards him a great 
attachment. Horatio, afterwards Lord Nelson, obtained 
permission, and entered on board the same vessel on that 
occasion, and the two. were appointed cockswains, during 
the voyage. They proceeded as far as 85 degrees N, 
within eleven hundred and fifty miles of the North Pole, 
and were five days encircled with almost immoveable 
mountainous islands of ice. Biddle kept a journal of this 
voyage which was lost with him in the cruise which ter- 
minated his earthly career. 

On the appearance of the struggle between Britain and 
her colonies, Mr. Biddle returned to Philadelphia, when 
Congress committed to his chanre the command of the 
Camden galley, designed, with others, for the defence of 
the river Delaware. The want of action in this situation 
induced him to relinquish it, and engage in the expedi- 
tion against New-Providence, under Commodore Hopkins. 
For this purpose, he was appointed to the command of 
the brig of war, Andrew Doria, of fourteen guns, and one 
hundred and thirty men. 

Just before leaving the Capes of Delaware, an incident 
occurred, which strongly indicates the boldness of his 
character. Two deserters from his vessel were arrested 
and thrown into Lewistown prison, in Delaware. Two 
men and an officer were despatched on shore for them. — 
The prisoners barricaded their doors, and threatened the 
officer and men with instant death, if they attempted to 
molest them. Intimidated by such threats, they returned 
to the vessel without them. Biddle went on shore, and 
caused the door to be forced. He then entered with his 
pistol cocked, and threatened Green, the most daring of 
the two, with instant death, if he missed, as the man was 
preparing to fire. The resolute conduct of the captain 
intimidated them, and with the assistance of some militia, 



♦ 



562 6L0RY OF AMERICA. 

they were secured and sent on board the vessel, from 
which they had deserted. 

When the expedition arrived before New-Providence, 
the point of destination, that place surrendered without 
resistance. In consequence of the crowded situation of 
the crew of the Andrew Doria, sickness raged among 
them so much, that not enough men were in health to 
work the vessel or man the boats. Every attention was 
paid them ; but they remained sickly until the Andrew 
Doria arrived at New-London, where the vessel was re- 
fitted, and Captain Biddle ordered to go on and cruise off 
the banks of Newfoundland, to intercept some store ships 
and transports, belonging to the enemy, which were 
bound for Boston. In this service, he succeeded in cap- 
turing two ships from Scotland, bound for Boston, with 
four hundred Scotch Highlanders on board, before he 
arrived at the banks. At this period, his crew did not 
amount to one hundred men. All the Scotch officers 
were put on board of one of the prizes, the command of 
which was given to Lieutenant Josiah, one of his officers, 
with orders to make the first port. Unluckily, the prize, 
in ten days thereafter, was re-captured by the frigate 
Cerberus, on board of which Lieutenant Josiah was re- 
moved and ordered to do duty, and otherwise very badly 
treated, under the specious pretext, that he was an Eng- 
lishman. In consequence of this conduct towards a pri- 
soner of war, Captain Biddle wrote a letter to tlie British 
admiral commanding at New- York, informing him of the 
circumstance, and threatening that he would treat a son 
of Lord Cranstoun, Avho was his prisoner, in the same 
manner as Lieutenant Josiah was treated. Captain Bid- 
die also wrote to the marine committee on the subject. 
The committee laid his letter before Congress, who pass- 
ed a resolve directing General Washington to propose 
Lieutenant Josiah's exchange for a British naval officer 
of his rank, and at the same time to remonstrate to Lord 
Howe against the cruel usage which he had received. — 
After ten months' captivity, the lieutenant's exchange 
was effected. On his return to the Delaware, Captain 
Biddle had only five of his original crew, the rest having 



NICHOLAS B1DDLE. 563 

been distributed among tbe vessels which be bad cap- 
tured, out of tbe crews of which he recruited his ; and to 
guard against any misfortune arising from mutiny, he 
never left the deck of his vessel for several days before 
he arrived in port, 

The latter end of 1776, the command of the Randolph, 
a new frigate of thirty-two guns, was given to Captain 
Biddle. To complete his crew, he was compelled to re- 
ceive c-u board several British prisoners of war, who 
wished to enter. 

This frigate put to sea from Philadelphia in February, 
1777. On examining her masts, the lower ones proved 
Unsound, and all of them were carried away by the board, 
in a heavy gale of wind. Captain Biddle bore away for 
Charleston, where he intended to refit. But before his 
arrival at that port, the British sailors, who had entered 
at Philadelphia, with some mal-contents, formed the de- 
sign of rising on the officers, and taking the ship. Hav- 
ing made, as they thought, the necessary arrangements, 
they gave three cheers on the gun-deck ; but were over- 
come by the determined resolution of the captain and his 
officers. The ringleaders of the mutiny were seized and 
punished, and the remainder quietly submitted. He re- 
fitted as speedily as possible and put again to sea. Three 
days after he left Charleston bar, he fell in with four sail 
of Jamaicamen, bound to London. The commander of 
one of them called the True Briton, mounting twenty 
guns, who had boasted to his passengers his wish of fall- 
ing in with the Randolph, made all sail to escape from 
her, now that his wish was accomplished. Finding his 
escape impossible, he hove to and kept a steady fire on 
the Randolph, which bore down on him, and was pre- 
paring a broadside, when he struck his flag. Captain 
Biddle captured the other three and returned to Charles- 
ton. The prizes were very rich. 

The successful termination of so short a cruise inspirited 
the government of South Carolina to fit out a squadron to 
sail under Captain Biddle's command. The Carysfort 
frigate, Perseus, of twenty-four guns, Hinchinbrook, of 
sixteen guns, and a privateer, had been for some time off 



564 liLORY OF AMERICA. 

Charleston bar, annoying its trade. This British force 
was to attract the first attention. The ship General Moul- 
trie, of eighteen guns, Captain Sullivan; brigs Fair Ameri- 
can, of fourteen guns, Captain Morgan ; Polly, of sixteen 
guns, Captain Anthony ; and Notre Dame, of sixteen 
guns, Captain Hall, were, in a short time, fitted for sea. 
A corps of fifty men, from the first regiment of South Ca- 
rolina continental infantry was ordered to act as marines 
on board the Randolph. Her mainmast having been 
struck and shattered by lightning, a new one was put in, 
and a conductor was fixed, to obviate a similar mifortune. 
As soon as this was effected, the squadron went into Re- 
bellion roads, where they were detained by adverse winds 
and shoal water on the bar, which prevented the Randolph 
from passing over it. These obstacles being surmounted, 
the fleet put to sea, and steered an easterly course, in hopes 
of overhauling the British squadron already mentioned. 
The following day our commander re-took a ship belong- 
ing to the Eastern states, which had been dismasted. She 
had no cargo on board. The crew, six guns of small ca- 
libre, and some small stores, were consequently taken out, 
and the vessel burnt. The British vessels having left the 
coast, the American squadron directed their course to the 
West Indies, and cruised, for some days, in the latitude of 
Barbadoes, where Captain Biddle boarded several Dutch 
and French vessels. He also took an English schooner, 
bound from New-York to Grenada. The captain of the 
schooner mistook the Randolph for an English frigate, nor 
did he discover his error until her capture. 

For some days prior to the 7th of March, 1778, Captain 
Biddle expected an attack, and was consequently on the 
alert. Captain Blake, who commanded a detachment of 
the second regiment of South Carolina troops, acting as 
marines on board the General Moultrie, two days before 
she engaged with the Yarmouth, relates, that, at dinner, 
Captain Biddle observed " we have been cruising here, for 
some time, and have spoken a number of vessels, who, no 
doubt, will give information of us, and I should not be 
surprised if my old ship should be out after us. As to any 
thing, that carries her guns on one deck, I think myself a 



NICHOLAS RIDDLE. 565 

match for her." A signal was made from the Randolph, 
about 'hree o'clock in the afternoon of the 7th of March, 
for a sail to the windward, which, as she neared before the 
wind, appeared as a large sloop with a square-sail set, 
though when first distinctly seen she was supposed to be a 
ship. This was about four. In consequence of the sig- 
nal, the squadron hauled on a wind in order to speak to 
the Randolph. Near seven, the Randolph at windward, 
hove to ; the General Moultrie, rather leeward, about one 
hundred and fifty yards astern, hove to likewise. The 
enemy fired a shot a little ahead of the Moultrie, and 
hailed her about eight in the evening. The reply from 
the Moultrie was, "the Polly of New- York." The other 
hauled his wind, and then hailed the Randolph. She was 
only at that time first discovered to be a two decker. After 
several questions and replies, as the English ship was ob- 
taining the weather quarter of the American frigate, and 
ranging along, Lieutenant Barnes of the latter vessel, hal- 
looed " this is the Randolph," on which the American 
stripes were immediately hoisted, and a broadside poured 
into the British ship. The action soon became warm, and 
Captain Biddle fell, wounded in the thigh. Some degree 
of confusion resulted from this accident, as a report was 
spread through the ship that he was killed. He soon re- 
stored order by calling for a chair, and causing himself to 
be brought forward on the quarter deck, where he sat en- 
couraging his crew. As the enemy's stern cleared the 
Randolph, the commander of the General Moultrie, Captain 
Sullivan, directed a broadside to be poured into him. The 
enemy having shot ahead, brought her between the hostile 
ships and the General Moultrie, whose last broadside was 
supposed to have been partially received by the Randolph, 
from that circumstance. Her fire was well directed — her 
broadsides three to the enemy's one, and during the en- 
gagement she appeared in one continual blaze. About 
twenty minutes after the action commenced, when the 
surgeon was busily engaged on the quarter-deck, the Ran- 
dolph blew up. The cause of this disaster was never as- 
certained. Only four men, out of three hundred and 
fifteen, survived. After four days tossing on a piece of 
43 



560 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

the wreck on the ocean, they were taken up. So close 
were these two ships engaged, that the crew of the Fair 
American believed it to have been the enemy's ship that 
was blown up. The Captain of her was so convinced of 
it, that he stood for the enemy's vessel vvith his trumpet in 
hand to hail her, in order to ask after Captain Biddle, 
when he discovered his error, and the other vessels escaped 
in consequence of the disabled condition of the enemy* 
which proved to be the British line of battle ship Yar- 
mouth, of sixty-four guns. 

Thus prematurely fell, in the spring of life, a young 
man in the twenty-seventh year of his age, for whom his 
country entertained the highest regard and anticipations 
of future achievements. While his personal worth has 
called forth the tear of friendship, his memory has been 
embalmed with the poet's pem 



THOMAS TRUXTON. 

The father of Captain Truxtdn was an eminent counsel- 
lor of the bar, and resided on Long Island, or Nassau Isl- 
and, where the Commodore was born on the 17th of Feb- 
ruary, 1755. Having lost his father at an early age, he 
was placed under the care of John Troup, Esq. of Jamai- 
ca, Lonof Island. The sea was his favourite element. At 
twelve years old, he first embarked in his naval career, 
under a Captain Joseph Holmes, in the ship Pitt, bound 
for Bristol, England. The next year, he sailed under a 
Captain Chambers, in the London trade. 

In the beginning of the revolutionary struggle he forth- 
with embarked in the cause of the colonies, against the 
unjust oppression of Great Britain, and early in 1775 had 
the command of an armed vessel, with which he cruised 
against the enemy with great success. In these cruises, 
the United States were much benefited by the quantities 
Of powder which were found on board his prizes, of which 



THOMAS TRUXTON. 567 

article they were greatly in want. Towards the close of 
the same year, when on a voyage to St. Eustatia, a Dutch 
island in the West Indies, in a letter of marque, of which 
he was half owner, he was captured off the island of St, 
Christopher's, his vessel condemned, and himself released 
under the provisions of the general restraining act, of the 
British Parliament. From St. Christopher's, he went to 
St. Eustatia, and thence to Philadelphia. His next cruise 
was in the capacity of first Lieutenant of the private arm- 
ed ship Congress, which was just equipping for sea. 
During the early part of the winter of 1776, this vessel, 
in company with another private armed vessel, called the 
Chance, fitted out at the same time, made several prizes 
off the Havanna, which were very valuable home bound 
Jamaica ships, going through the Gulf of Florida, He, 
as prize-master, brought one of them safe into the port of 
Bedford, Massachusetts. In June of the same year, while 
New York was blockaded by the British fleet, previous to 
its evacuation by the Americans, he made his way to sea, 
through the Long Island Sound, in a vessel called the In- 
dependence, fitted out by himself and Isaac Sears, Esq., 
and placed under his command. Off the Azores or West- 
ern Isles, he made several prizes, of which three were 
large and valuable ships, forming a part of the Windward 
Island fleet, under convoy. One of these prizes carried 
more gams and men than his vessel. Truxton next dir 
rected his course to the British Channel, in the ship Mars, 
ef twenty guns, where he made a number of prizes, seve- 
ral of which he sent into Quiberon bay. After this cruise, 
he domiciliated himself in Philadelphia, from which port 
he sailed during the remainder of the war, commanding 
vessels, of which he was in general part owner. Ilia 
cruises were generally successful. 

When commanding the St. James, of twenty guns, and 
one hundred men, on a voyage to France, with Thomas 
Barclay, Esq., the Consul General from the revolted coIot . 
nies to that country, he fell in with a British private ship 
of war, mounting thirty-two guns, and a proportionate 
number of men, consequently nearly double his force. 
After a severe and close engagement, the enemy was obli~ 



568 GLORY OP AMERICA. 

ged to sheer off, and was afterwards towed into New York 
m a very crippled state. The late secretary of the navy, 
William Jones, Esq., acted as Captain Truxton's third 
Lieutenant, and conducted himself during the whole en- 
gagement with such distinguished bravery, that he was 
shortly afterwards promoted to a first lieutenancy. In 
this vessel, Truxton returned safe to Philadelphia, with a 
most valuable cargo. He used every means in his power 
to harass the enemy on the ocean, during every period of 
the war, and constantly evinced the most consummate skill 
and undaunted courage ; and his exertions were almost 
universally crowned with complete success. He likewise, 
in two instances, distinguished himself on land. 

On the return of peace, he continued his professional 
pursuits between this country, Europe, and Asia, until 
1794, when the lowering appearances of our affairs with 
Great Britain, in consequence of the conduct of her naval 
commanders, under the celebrated Corn order of Council 
in 1793, induced the establishment of a navy. General 
Washington, then President, by advice and consent of the 
Senate, appointed him Captain of one of the six ships of 
war, which had been ordered to be built. But the build- 
ing of these vessels was suspended, in consequence of the 
treaty of 1795. On the abrogation of the consular con- 
vention with France, in the year 1798, during the admin- 
istration of Mr. John Adams, Captain Truxton was di- 
rected to superintend the building of the frigate Constella- 
tion, at Baltimore, of which he was appointed commander. 
This vessel was one of the first which put to sea in con- 
sequence of the hostile attitude assumed by the United 
States towards the French republic. His orders were to 
cruise in the West India seas for the protection of Ameri- 
can property. On the 9th of February, 1799, he fell in 
with the French frigate, L'Insurgente, Captain Barreau, 
off the Island St. Nevis. With this vessel he commenced 
a severe engagement, which lasted for an hour and a 
quarter, when the Frenchman struck. With his prize, he 
put into Basse Terre, St. Christopher's, where he refitted, 
and returned to America. This was the first action which 
had taken place since the commencement of the disturb- 



THOMAS TKl'XTO.V. 5f>0 

ance between the United States and France. The fame 
of the achievement was blazoned abroad, both in Europe 
and America, and produced the Commodore the most 
flattering marks of distinction. —The merchants at Lloyd's 
Coffee House, London, sent him a present of a service of 
silver plate with a suitable device, valued at upwards of 
six hundred guineas. The captive commander, in a let- 
ter to the Commodore, while he lamented the unhappy 
posture of affairs between the two countries, expressed 
himself as being well pleased, that the chances of war had 
thrown him into such gallant and brave hands, and thank- 
ed the Commodore for his generous conduct towards him- 
self and his crew. 

During his cruise, he captured many private armed and 
other vessels, and completely cleared those seas of the 
French cruisers, by which so many depredations had 
been committed on the American and English commerce 
in that quarter. 

While our other vessels of war were busily engaged in 
convoying the American commerce, the Commodore 
heard, in January, 1800, that the French ship of war La 
Vengeance, mounting fifty-four guns, with a complement 
of five hundred men, was lying at Guadaloupe, with 
troops, and several general officers on board, intending to 
put to sea. He immediately changed his cruising ground, 
and endeavoured to fall in with her, and, if possible, to 
bring her to action. The superiority of her force was, in 
a great measure, counterbalanced, by a complement of too 
many men- and a number of troops. 

On the 1st of February, his wishes were gratified, as 
he descried her on the morning of that day, and after 
twelve hours' chase brought her to action. In conse- 
quence of having too many troops and a great number of 
officers on board, the French commander was unwilling 
to risk a combat, but the intentions of his gallant antago- 
nist were very different. An engagement took place, and 
after a close action of nearly five hours, the Frenchman 
was silenced. During a squall, while the Americans 
were busily engaged in clearing their ship, the French 
captain effected his escape.— This he was enabled to do 
48* 



570 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

by the darkness of the night, though prior to this circum- 
stance, he had struck his colours, as he afterwards ac- 
knowledged, but was induced to renew the contest, be- 
lieving it to be the intention of his antagonist to sink him. 
The Vengeance now arrived at Cura^a in a very shat- 
tered condition, having lost in the engagement one hun- 
dred killed and wounded, and all her masts and rigging 
being nearly shot away. 

Congress, on this occasion, voted Truxton an emble- 
matic medal, for his gallantry and good conduct. 

He retired to Philadelphia, to enjoy the pleasing scenes 
of domestic life, until 1816, when the citizens of the city 
and county of Philadelphia evinced their respect for his 
various services rendered them in the most perilous times, 
by electing him to fill the important office of sheriff, the 
duties of which he discharged with general satisfaction. 



HUGH MERCER. 

This gentleman was a native of Scotland; but the 
year of his birth is unknown to us. Having received a 
liberal education, he studied medicine, and it is highly 
probable that be came to America with the unfortunate 
General Braddock, in the capacity of a surgeon, as he 
was with him in the disastrous campaign of 1755 ; and 
in the action wherein the general was slain, near Fort du 
Quesne, now Pittsburgh, was wounded in the shoulder. 
Thus early was he the companion in arms of the illus- 
trious Washington. As Dr. Mercer found himself unable 
to retreat, he sought concealment under a fallen tree, on 
which, directly over where he lay, an Indian jumped, to 
descry, if possible, the fugitive combatants, and in a few 
moments departed without discovering him. 

After the Indians, having satiated themselves with 
blood and plunder, had retired from the sanguinary field, 
the doctor reached a neighbouring brook, and, almost 
fainting with the loss of blood, slaked his thirst, which 



HUGH MKRCttR. 571 

so far refreshed him as to enable him to walk. He 
then endeavoured to return by the route in which the 
army had advanced. Incredible as it may appear, he 
reached Fort Cumberland, on the Potomac, a distance of 
more than a hurled miles, through a trackless wild, 
with no other nutriment than a rattlesnake, which he 
adventitiously killed and threw over his shoulder. After 
the peace of 1763, the doctor settled and married in Ame- 
rica, but in what year we are not informed. In him were 
united in a very uncommon manner the qualities of the 
gentleman, the scholar, the soldier, the statesman, the 
husband, the father, and the friend. His worth was so 
generally known and admired, that at the commencement 
of the American revolution, he was honoured with a bri- 
gadier-general's commission, and thus he exchanged the 
peaceful scenes of private life for the tumultuous field of 
slaughter and carnage. His brigade formed a part of the 
left column of Washington's army, at the capture of the 
Hessians in Trenton, New-Jersey, in December, 1776. 
In this adventure of brilliant achievement, he accompa- 
nied the commander-in-chief, who conducted the left 
wing in person. Finding the hazardous situation of his 
army in its position, and the advance of the British, to 
save Philadelphia, Washington determined to throw him- 
self in the rear of the enemy and withdraw his attention 
to other objects. To deceive the enemy, who meditated 
an attack the next morning, he left his fires burning, and 
withdrew his forces towards Princeton, before day-light 
on the morning of the 2d of January, 1777. The enemy 
did not discover that the Americans had decamped, till 
they had prepared to execute the contemplated attack. 

On the morning of the 3d was the memorable engage- 
ment, which terminated General Mercer's life in a few 
days thereafter. He commenced the engagement with 
his column, consisting of not more than three hundred 
and fifty men, near Stony-brook. On hearing the firing, 
General Washington led on the Pennsylvania militia to 
the support of Mercer, with two pieces of artillery. The 
force engaged against him was the British 17th regiment, 
commanded by Colonel Mawhood. After the third fire, 



572 CLORY" OF AMERICA. 

in consequence, of a charge made by the British, Mercer's 
corps tied in disorder. Me was dismounted, and exerted 
himself in endeavouring to rally them, but while he was 
thus engaged, he was thrown into the rear, and being 
unable to escape, he turned about and surrendered. He 
was, however, forthwith knocked down by the sanguinary 
foe, and received thirteen thrusts of the bayonet. Feign- 
ing himself dead, {he enemy left him, the fortune of the 
day being against them. He was then borne off to a 
neighbouring house, where he expired on the 12th. His 
body was conveyed to Philadelphia and interred with 
military honours. The American loss, in this action, did 
not exceed thirty, fourteen of whom were buried on the 
field of battle. 

In the year 1793, the Congress of the United States 
made a provision for the education of Hugh Mercer, his 
youngest son. 

General Wilkinson, his companion in arms on that and 
the preceding exploit at Trenton, in his memoirs, which 
sheds more light on the biography of General Mercer, 
than any work we have seen, thus notices the worth ot 
that gallant officer : " Ent in General Mercer we lost a 
chief, who for education, experience, talents, disposition, 
integrity, and patriotism, was second to no man but the 
commander-in-chief, and was qualified to fill the highest 
trusts of the country." 

General Wilkinson, in the same work, observes, that 
" the evening of January 1, was spent with General St. 
Clair, by several officers, of whom Mercer was one, who 
in conversation made some remarks disapproving the ap- 
pointment of Captain AYillmm Washington to a majority 
in the horse, which was not relished by the company; he 
thus explained himself: 

H We are not engaged in a war of ambition ; if it had 
been so I should never have accepted a commission under 
a man (Patrick Henry) who had never seen a day's ser- 
A r ice ; we serve not for ourselves, but for our country: and 
every man should he content to fill the place in which he 
can be most useful. I know Washington to be a jjood 
^aptaiu of infantry, but I know not what sort of a major 



nVQf iJERCER. 675 

of horse he may make ; and I have seen good captains 
make indifferent majors : for my own part, my views in 
this contest are confined to a single object, that is, the 
success of the cause, and God can witness how cheerfully 
I would lay down my life to secure it." 

Little did he then expect that a few fleeting moments 
would have sealed the compact. 

His death was universally regretted, and was a most 
serious loss to his country, his family, and friends. 



CHARLES MORRIS. 

The memoirs of this gentleman, who has passed with 
unspotted honour from the station of midshipman to that 
of Post-Captain — who is now one of the navy commission- 
ers — the brief narrative of whose actions exhibit traits 
well worthy of preservation — will not be given in this 
work. It had been prepared for the press, with some few 
exceptions, to supply which, a letter of request had been 
written to the post-master at Providence, R. I. Informa- 
tion was given by that gentleman, that the letter was for- 
warded to Captain Morris. The latter gentleman forward- 
ed a letter to the editor, from which the following is an 
extract, and it is offered as an apology for omitting the 
memoir. The omission of the sketch already prepared, 
is much to be regretted, but the request of Captain Morris 
is of paramount obligation. 

" Washington, 7 th October, 1833 
" Having always been averse to the publication of any 
thing in the shape of a memoir, of my own acts, during 
my life, I have always declined giving any aid, and when- 
ever reference has been made to me, have requested that 
it should not be attempted. — I beg leave to make the same 
request of you, and am, Sir, your obedient servant, 

«C. MORRIS." 



574 GLORY OF AMERICA. 

In closing these biographical sketches, the editor takes 
liberty to remark, that the priority of jjlace has in no in- 
stance been the consequence of a supposed priority of 
claim on the score of merit. The work was already in 
the hands of the printer, ere a fourth part of it had passed 
under the hand of the editor, or the whole of the materi- 
als from which it has been gathered were within his 
reach. Circumscribed in time, and labouring under em- 
barrassments which few can duly appreciate, he has at 
length produced a book, inferior indeed to his ambition, 
but perhaps worthy all the patronage which may fall to 
its share. 
•** That the deeds of other heroes, whose names are in- 
scribed on the roll of fame, are here omitted, is but to say, 
that though a large book has been produced, a larger still 
is needed. In this, matter sufficient to fill several vo- 
lumes, has been condensed into one. If other editors, 
aiming at fame or pelf, be so disposed, other volumes may 
follow, and the series be completed by another hand. 
Perfectly indifferent as to the name which may be obtain- 
ed by this species of writing, I resign the pen in this de- 
partment of literature, to those who shall be abler, or more 
disposed to wield it, 

With one general remark, I now take leave of the 
reader. If all who have acted the part of heroes, could 
be brought to the front ground, and their deeds of "noble 
daring" recorded on the historic page, the officers under 
whose command they have acted would not wholly en- 
gross the pen, the press, and the public attention. 



CONTENTS* 



PAOH 

Andrew Jackson, - - i i . . . 7 

Richard Mentor Johnson, • 145 

Stephen Decatur, ....... jgj 

David Porter, ....... 223 

Zebulon Montgomery Pike, ...... 268 

Leonard Covington, ...... 283 

John Chrystie, -----. i. 285 

William Henry Allen, ...... 286 

John Cushing Aylwin, ---.... g97 

William Burrows, - . - - - - - : §q\ 

James Lawrence, ---.-.. 397 

Eleazer Wheelock Ripley, ..... 313 

William Bainbridge, - - - - - - . 333 

Thomas Macdonough, ---... 355 

William Carroll, -----.. 353 

Jacob Brown, - - - - - . . . 37 4 

John Rodgers, -----... 335 

James Biddle, ----..it 39j 

Winfield Scott, -----.. -. 397 

Lewis Warrington, - - : -. 4 g 

George Croghan, i i ^jj 

Henry H. Dearborn, ----:. 42 o 

Alexander Macomb, ---.... 432 

Oliver Hazard Perry, ...... 449 

Jacob Jones, ----.... 4=0 

Isaac Hull, ---...._ 46 g 

Joseph Warren, - - i - - . . . 479 

Richard Montgomery, - . * - . „ . 474 

Daniel Morgan, ----a;..-_ 470 

John Barry, ---»**«,. 404 

John Manly, - • - • . i. ^ . 4g7 

Baron De Kalb, • - - . . . . 43 g 

William Heath, ---... . n , 

Anthony Wayne, - - . i . - m . g.g 



Charles Lee, 
Nathaniel Greene, 
Nicholas Biddle, 
Thomas Truxton, 
Hcsh Mercer, - 



ear 

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660 
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